/>^, 


1 


\ 


LIBRARY 

OF  THE 

University  of  California. 


OIFT    OF 


Class 


I 


By 
Woodbury  L,owery 


The  Spanish  Settlements  within  the  Pres- 
ent   Limits    of    the    United 
States,  1513-1561 

The  Spanish  Settlements  within  the  Pres- 
ent Limits  of  the  United  States. 
Florida.     1562-1574 

Bach,  octavo,  with  maps,  net,  $2.50 
(By  mail,  $2.75) 


G.  P.  Putnam's  Sons 

New  York  London 


riiJiiuiiuiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiiniiiiiiiiiiiHttiiiiiiuiuimimiimiHiiiiiiiHmiiiiji.uii.'iiiiffltHafflflflBa 


THE  SPANISH  SETTLEMENTS 

WITHIN  THE  PRESENT  LIMITS 
OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 

FLORIDA 
1562-1674 


BY 

WOODBURY  LOWERY 


WITH  MAPS 


G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 

NEW   YORK   AND   LONDON 

Sbe  fknickctbochet  iprees 
1911 


Copyright,  1905 

BV 

WOODBURY  LOWERY 


Qbc  ftnlcliccbocher  pccM,  new  fiorb 


TO  MY  DEAR  SISTER 


23535 


PREFACE 

THE  principal  sources  for  the  history  of  Pedro  Men^n- 
dez  de  Avil^s  and  his  conquest  of  Florida  are:  i.  A 
collection  of  letters  written  by  and  to  him,  memorials, 
royal  c^dulas  and  patents,  instructions,  relations,  and 
other  documents  covering  the  period  from  1555  to  1574, 
but  chiefly  relating  to  the  conquest  of  Florida.  This 
collection  is  published  in  E.  Ruidfaz  y  Caravia,  La  Florida 
su  Conquista  y  Colojiizacidn por  Pedro  Men^ndez  de  Avil^s, 
Madrid,  1893,  volume  ii.  2.  Memorial  que  hizo  el 
Doctor  Gonzalo  Soils  de  Meras  de  todas  las  jornadas 
y  sucesos  del  Adelantado  Pedro  Men^ndez  de  Avil^s,  su 
cuflado,  y  de  la  Conquista  de  la  Florida  y  Justicia  que  hizo 
en  Juan  Ribao  y  otros  franceses.  This  forms  volume  i.  of 
the  La  Florida  of  Ruidiaz.  3.  Vida  y  hechos  de  Pero 
Menendez  de  Auiles,  Cauallero  de  la  Hordem  de  Sanctiago, 
Adelantado  de  la  Florida:  Do  largamente  se  tratan  las 
Conquistas  y  Poblaciones  de  la  Prouincia  de  la  Florida,  y 
como  fueron  libradas  de  los  Luteranos  que  dellas  se  auian 
apoderado.  Compuesta  por  el  maestro  barrientos,  Catre- 
datico  de  salamanca.  This  work  is  contained  in  Dos 
Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida  pub  licalas  por  primer  a 
vez  Genaro  Garcia,  Mexico,  1902,  pp.  1-152.  4,  The 
account  contained  in  the  Ensayo  Cronologico  para  la  His- 
toria  General  de  la  Florida,  por  Don  Gabriel  de  Cardenas 
z  Cano  (anagram  for  Don  Andreas  Gonzales  Barcia), 
Madrid,  1723,  pp.  36-151. 

The  second  volume  of  Ruidiaz's  La  Floridd,  containing 
the  Avil^s  correspondence,  is  published  as  an  appendix  to 


VI 


Preface 


the  Memorial  of  Merds  in  the  first  volume.  In  place  of 
following  a  chronological  arrangement  the  editor  has 
grouped  his  material  under  the  headings  of  "Letters  of 
P.  Men^ndez  de  Avil^s."  "Letters  addressed  to  Pedro 
Men6ndez  de  Aviles,"  "Memorials  of  Pedro  Men^ndez 
de  Avil(§s,"  "Royal  C6dulas,"  "Royal  Patents,"  "In- 
structions," "Relations,"  "Illness  Testaments  and  Act 
of  Translation  of  the  Body  of  Pedro  Menendez,"  "Vari- 
ous Documents, ' '  etc.  This  artificial  grouping  has  caused 
him  to  overlook  certain  obviously  erroneous  dates  given 
in  the  titles  of  some  of  the  documents  and  to  leave  un- 
solved the  conflicting  statements  of  Barcia,  Meras,  and 
Vigil  as  to  the  dates  of  the  second  and  third  voyages  of 
Avil6s  to  the  Indies,  to  which  a  more  logical  arrangement 
would  have  directed  his  attention. 

In  justice  to  Sr.  Ruidiaz  it  should  be  stated  that  the 
work  is  said  to  have  been  prepared  hurriedly  in  anticipa- 
tion of  his  admission  into  the  Royal  Academy  of  History, 
and  although  his  introductory  matter  exhibits  some  traces 
of  this  haste,  the  collection  is  of  primary  importance  to 
the  historian  and  bears  witness  to  an  extended  and  pains- 
taking investigation  among  the  Spanish  archives.  With 
the  exception  of  six  documents,'  which  are  reprinted 
from  other  collections,  and  seven  letters  of  Aviles,  which 

'  These  are  : 

Real  Cedula,  March  22,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  351  ; 
Buckingham  Smith,  Coleccidn  de  varies  Documentos  para  la  Historic  de  la 
Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  13.  Mendoza's  "  Relacion"  in  Ruidiaz,  ibid.,  tomo  ii., 
p.  431  ;  Col.  Doc.  Inedit.  Indias,  tomo  iii.,  p.  441.  Letter  of  Toral,  April 
5,  1567,  Ruidiaz,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  295  ;  Cartas  de  Indias,  p.  238.  Van- 
dera's  "  Relacion."  January  23,  1569  ;  Ruidiaz,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  481  ;  Col. 
Doc.  Flo.,  tomo  i.,  p.  15  ;  Col.  Doc.  Inedit.  Indias,  tomo  iv.,  p.  560;  B. 
F.  French,  Hist.  Col.  Louisiana  and  Florida,  2d  series,  "  Historical 
Memoirs  and  Narratives,"  p.  2S9.  "  Disposicion  de  quatro  fuertes  que  ha 
de  haber  en  la  Florida,"  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  566,  where  it  is 
wrongly  dated  1566;  Col.  Doc.  Inedit.  Indias,  tomo  xiii.,  p.  307,  dated 
1569.  "  Diligencias  hechas  en  Sevilla  con  motive  de  la  venida  de  Esteban 
de  las  Alas  de  la  Florida,"  Ruidiaz,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  568  ;  Col.  Doc.  Iti' 
edit.  Indias,  tomo  xiii.,  p.  309, 


Preface  vii 

are  extant  in  an  English  translation,  the  volume  consists 
entirely  of  material  then  for  the  first  time  published. 

Barricntos  finished  his  account  in  December,  1568.' 
He  was  professor  of  Latin  in  the  University  of  Salamanca, 
and  the  little  that  is  known  of  him  is  given  by  Garcia  in 
the  preface  to  the  above-mentioned  work.  Barrientos 
derived  the  material  for  his  history  from  at  least  three  in- 
dependent sources.  On  p.  147  he  relates  that  Avil^s  on 
his  return  from  Florida  to  Spain  in  1567,  "presented  this 
relation  to  the  King,"  a  statement  which  admits  of  the 
inference  that  Barrientos  reproduced  either  in  whole  or  in 
part  the  original  relation  written  by  Avil^s  himself.  In 
addition  to  this  he  has  apparently  consulted  parts  of  the 
Avil^s  correspondence'  and  finally  he  mentions  several 
incidents  which  are  omitted  by  Meras  and  Barcia. 

The  Memorial  of  Meras  terminates  with  the  return  of 
Aviles  to  Spain  in  1567  and  his  arrival  at  Court.  Ruidiaz 
in  his  introductory  remarks  ascribes  no  date  to  the  work. 
The  year  "1565"  appears  on  the  title-page  which  pre- 
cedes the  Memorial.  Barcia  says '  the  history  was  written 
at  the  time.  Meras,  who  was  the  brother-in-law  of  Aviles, 
accompanied  him  to  Florida,  and  both  Barcia  and  Ruidiaz 
are  under  the  impression  that  he  went  in  the  capacity  of 
historian  to  the  expedition.  It  is  to  be  noted,  however, 
that  Meras  relates  various  occurrences  at  which  he  was 
not  present,  and  which  he  must  have  learned  either  from 
an  eye  witness  or  from  a  document.  The  manuscript 
published  by  Ruidiaz  is  torn  and  illegible  in  several 
places.  As  the  Memorial  is  silent  upon  a  variety  of  sub- 
jects in  the  career  of  Aviles  which  are  related  by  Barcia, 
the  editor  has  supplied  the  omission  by  interpolating  into 
the  body  of  the  text  extensive  extracts  from  the  Ensayo 

'  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  149. 

"^  Ibid.,  p.  106,  lines  2-5  from  the  bottom  of  the  page,  which  are  found 
in  the  letter  of  Aviles  of  October  15,  1565,  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo 
ii.,  p.  94. 

^Ensayo  Cronologico,  p.  90. 


viii  Preface 

for  the  purpose  of  presenting  a  more  detailed  and  con- 
secutive narrative,  indicating  the  interpolations  by  refer- 
ence to  foot-notes.'  There  is  nothing  to  indicate  that 
Merds  had  access  to  that  part  of  the  Aviles  correspond- 
ence which  has  been  printed  by  Ruidiaz  and  which,  as 
previously  noted,  appears  to  have  been  in  part  consulted 
by  Barrientos. 

On  comparing  the  Merds  and  Barrientos  relations  they 
are  found  to  contain  numerous  parallel  passages  in  which 
not  only  are  the  events  related  in  the  same  sequence,  but 
the  same  phrasing  and  even  words  are  employed  in  an 
identical  arrangement.  Many  sentences  are  absolutely 
the  same  in  both,  while  others  differ  only  in  the  tense  of 
the  verb,  or  else  employ  the  same  words  in  a  slightly 
different  order.*  The  supposition  that  one  writer  copied 
from  the  other  is  precluded  by  the  occasional  occurrence 
in  one  of  the  accounts,  either  in  the  body  of  a  sen- 
tence common  to  both  writers,  or  at  the  end  of  the 
same,  of  a  qualifying  word  or  clause  relating  to  a  detail 
which  does  not  occur  in  the  other,  as  well  as  by  an  occa- 
sional difference  in  a  number,  which  Barrientos,  as  a  rule, 
spells,  while  Meras  employs  the  Arabic  numerals.  It 
follows  that  these  passages  in  Barrientos  and  Meras  were 
obtained  from  the  same  original,  for  they  present  all 
the  appearance  of  an  abridgment  following  very  closely 
the  language  of  the  original  document.  It  also  seems 
probable,  from  the  variance  in  the  numerals  referred  to 
and  an  ocasional  variance  in  the  readings,  where  the 
words   employed    still   remain    identical,'   that   the   two 

'  See  tomo  i.,  p.  lo,  note  ;  p.  39,  note  and  elsewhere. 
'  Compare  Meras,  pp.     74-77,    and  Barrientos,  pp.  44-45. 
"        "     111-126,    "  "  "    63-69. 

"     151-156,    "  "  "    87-90. 

'  See  the  varying  account  of  the  answer  of  the  sailor.  Barrientos,  in 
Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  63,  and  Meras  in  Ruidiaz, 
La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  iii  ;  of  the  tying  of  Ribaut's  hands,  Barrientos, 
ibid.,  p.  69,  and  Meras,  ibid.,  p.  125. 


Preface  ix 

abridgments  were  made  from  different  copies  of  the 
original,  or  that  one  of  the  accounts  has  been  less  care- 
fully edited  than  the  other. 

The  question  arises  at  once — What  was  this  original 
document  from  which  both  of  these  writers  have  derived 
so  large  a  part  of  the  incidents  which  they  relate  ?  The 
statement  of  Barrientos,  above  quoted,  that  Avil6s  on  his 
return  from  Florida  to  Spain  in  1567  "presented  this  re- 
lation to  the  King,"  points  with  much  probability  to 
the  conclusion  that  it  was  the  original  relation  of  Avilds 
himself.  The  possibility  of  this  being  the  case  is  borne 
out  by  the  fact  that  the  Memorial  of  Merds,  who  had 
returned  to  Spain  in  July,  1566,  terminates  with  the  ar- 
rival of  Avil6s  at  Court  in  1567,  and  also  by  the  statement 
of  Barrientos  that  he  finished  his  account  in  December, 
1568,  which  was  subsequent  to  the  same  event. 

Barcia's  account  is  largely  taken  from  the  Memorial  of 
Solis  de  Merds,  a  manuscript  copy  of  which  was  in  his 
possession.'  On  pp.  85-90  Barcia  gives  a  lengthy  ex- 
tract from  it  and  distinguishes  the  quotation  from  his 
own  text  by  reference  to  the  original  and  by  printing  it 
in  italics.  The  quotation  corresponds  to  the  Meras  ac- 
count given  by  Ruidiaz  on  pp.  110-131  in  volume  i.  of 
his  La  Florida,  which  includes  parallel  passages  in  Bar- 
rientos. These  two  versions  are  not  absolutely  identical. 
There  are  occasional  differences  in  certain  words  used  in 
both  accounts,  in  the  tenses  of  the  verbs,  and  there  are  a 
few  unimportant  transpositions  and  omissions.  From  all 
this  it  appears  probable  that  Barcia  and  Ruidiaz  had 
access  to  two  different  copies  of  the  Meras  Memorial. 
Several  other  short  extracts  from  the  Memorial  are  also 
given  in  italics,  and  the  major  part  of  Barcia's  text  is 
merely  a  condensation  of  the  Meras  narrative.  Barcia 
also  states  that  he  had  access  to  the  papers  of  Avil^s.* 

'  Ensayo  Cronologico,  Introduction,  •[[  t^  and  p.  90. 
^ Ibid,,  Introduction,  ^  t^. 


X  Preface 

In  addition  to  the  matter  taken  from  the  Merds  Memor- 
ial he  gives  a  number  of  details  which  do  not  appear  in 
Barrientos,  or  in  the  documents  published  by  Ruidiaz.' 
Barcia  was  aware  of  the  existence  of  the  Barrientos 
manuscript,  but  was  unable  to  obtain  access  to  it.'  The 
curious  result  arrived  at  is  that  all  three  of  the  published 
accounts  appear  to  have  been  largely  derived  from  a  com- 
mon source, — the  as  yet  undiscovered  relation  of  Avil^s 
himself. 

This  conclusion,  if  correct,  has  an  important  and  ob- 
vious bearing  on  the  value  of  the  three  narratives,  since  it 
reduces  to  a  single  source  the  evidence  for  the  greater 
part  of  the  events  which  they  record  in  place  of  accepting 
them  as  three  concurrent  and  independent  sources  of 
testimony.  It  follows  that  the  reliability  of  the  three 
narratives  ultimately  reposes  upon  the  unsupported  state- 
ments of  Aviles  except  in  so  far  as  the  latter  are  verified 
by  the  correspondence  of  the  French  and  Spanish  am- 
bassadors and  by  contemporary  French  accounts.  As- 
suming the  above  conclusion  to  be  correct,  the  effort  has 
been  made  to  present  the  character  of  Aviles  in  such  a 
light,  not  palliating  his  faults,  nor  yet  belittling  his  vir- 
tues, that  the  reader  may  form  for  himself  an  independ- 
ent estimate  of  his  sincerity  unbiassed  by  the  confidence 
which  the  writer  is  disposed  to  place  in  his  unsupported 
statements. 

This  confidence  is  founded  upon  the  concurrence  of  the 
Aviles  correspondence,  extending  over  a  period  of  several 
years,  with  the  substance  of  the  Aviles  relation  given  by 
the  writers  above  referred  to ;  the  absence  of  any  reason- 
able motive  for  a  misrepresentation  of  the  facts  on  his 
part;   the  fact  that  Fourquevaux  nowhere  impugns  his 

•  See  ibid.,  Aiio  XLVII.,  p.  125,  where  names  of  vessels  and  of  persons 
are  given  which  do  not  appear  elsewhere,  and  the  date  of  the  departure  of 
Aviles  for  Carlos,  March  1st,  not  mentioned  by  either  Meras  or  Barrientos. 

^  Ensayo  Cronologico,  Introduction,  ^  i<=. 


Preface  xi 

veracity ;  that  Avil^s  does  not  appear  to  have  been  of  an 
intriguing  disposition;  that  he  was  too  continuously, 
variously,  and  actively  employed  to  have  sustained  suc- 
cessfully a  prolonged  deception ;  and  that  his  letters 
betray,  as  a  rule,  the  curt  and  frank  bearing  of  a  soldier 
rather  than  the  place-seeking  suavity  of  a  courtier. 

In  recent  years  but  two  works  of  importance  have  ap- 
peared which  treat  at  any  length  of  the  Florida  episode. 
The  first  is  Mr.  Parkman's  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New 
World,  of  which  the  first  edition  was  published  in  Boston 
in  1865.  The  incident  of  the  French  colony  in  Florida 
occupies  about  one-third  of  the  book.  Mr.  Parkman 
informs  us  that  he  had  access  to  some  of  the  Avil^s  cor- 
respondence entitled  Siete  Cartas  escritas  al  Rey,  Ahos  de 
1^65 y  /5<5(5,  MS.,  a  copy  of  which  was  procured  for  him 
by  Mr.  Buckingham  Smith,'  that  distinguished  and  inde- 
fatigable investigator  for  material  relating  to  the  history 
of  Spain  within  our  country.  Unfortunately  Mr.  Park- 
man  made  but  a  very  slight  use  of  them,  citing  only  three 
letters.'  In  1875,  M.  Paul  GafTarel  published  his  Histoire 
de  la  Floride  Franqaise,  in  which  his  only  knowledge  of 
the  Spanish  side  of  the  story  was  apparently  confined  to 
that  given  by  Parkman  and  to  an  exceedingly  cursory 
reading  of  Barcia.  He  gave  us,  however,  our  first  know- 
ledge of  the  diplomatic  correspondence  which  arose  be- 
tween France  and  Spain  on  the  subject  of  their  respective 
claims  to  Florida,  confining  himself  entirely  to  that  of 
M.  de  Fourquevaux,  the  French  ambassador  at  Madrid, 
of  whose  unpublished  letters  he  printed  some  interesting 

'  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World,  Boston,  1893,  pp.  6,  104, 
note  1. 

'Parkman  cites  only  the  letters  of  September  11,  October  15,  and 
December  12,  1565,  which  is  dated  December  25th  in  Ruidiaz.  The  re- 
maining letters  are  those  of  August  13,  December  5,  December  16, 
1565,  and  January  30,  1566.  Mr.  Henry  Ware  has  given  an  English 
translation  of  all  of  them  in  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  Proceed' 
ings,  2d  series,  vol.  viii.,  pp.  416-468. 


xii  Preface 

extracts.  In  1893  Mr.  Parkman  published  his  revised 
twenty-fifth  edition  of  The  Pioneers  in  which  he  made 
some  reference  to  the  extracts  of  the  Fourquevaux  corre- 
spondence printed  by  Gaffarel,  but  with  no  addition  to 
the  Spanish  side  of  the  story.  Of  shorter  recent  essays 
on  the  subject  there  are  but  two  deserving  of  special 
mention.  These  are  "Un  glorieux  episode  maritime  et 
colonial  des  Guerres  de  Religion  "  by  Maurice  Delpeuch, 
published  in  the  Revue  Maritime,  tome  civ.,  pp.  1882, 
2150,  October  and  November,  1902,  and  the  concise 
chapter  on  the  "French  and  Spaniards  in  Florida" 
in  "Spain  in  America,"  by  Professor  E.  G.  Bourne, 
volume  iii.  of  The  American  Nation:  A  History,  pub- 
lished in  1904. 

Since  the  appearance  of  the  histories  of  Parkman  and 
Gaffarel,  not  only  have  the  two  Spanish  works  previously 
referred  to  been  published,  but  the  first  volume  of  the 
letters  of  M.  de  Fourquevaux  has  also  appeared,  extend- 
ing over  the  period  embraced  in  this  present  volume.  In 
addition  to  this  new  material,  the  importance  of  which 
cannot  be  underestimated,  a  careful  search  in  the  archives 
of  Seville,  Madrid,  Paris,  and  London,  and  in  collections 
in  New  York  and  Washington,  has  revealed  the  existence 
of  unpublished  documents  of  much  value  bearing  upon 
this  period,  such  as  letters  and  reports  exhibiting  the 
Spanish  attitude  towards  French  colonisation  in  Florida ; 
the  Spanish  accounts  of  the  depredations  committed  by 
the  Laudonnifere  colony,  and  the  correspondence  of  the 
Spanish  ambassador  at  Paris  with  Philip  II.  during  all  of 
this  period,  which  fills  out  the  Fourquevaux  correspond- 
ence and  throws  an  interesting  light  on  the  relations  of 
Catherine  de*  Medici  and  Philip  in  their  contest  for  su- 
premacy in  the  peninsula  of  Florida.  A  liberal  use  has 
been  made  of  all  this  material  in  the  preparation  of  the 
present  volume,  rather  with  the  view  of  bringing  out 
the  true  attitude  of  the  Spaniards  than  that  of  retelling 


Preface  xiii 

the  story  of  the  French  colony,  which  has  already  been 
done  with  so  much  ability. 

In  conclusion  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  make  some  refer- 
ence to  the  ponderous  quarto  manuscript  history  of 
Florida  by  Pulgar,  MSS.  2999  in  the  Biblioteca  Nacional, 
Madrid,  the  title  of  which  is  as  follows: 

Historia general dc  la  Florida /&\\iidesQ  en  tres  partes/  La 
primera  Parte  /  contiene  sus  descubrimiento,  description 
{sic),  y  los  /  successos  temporales  y  Espirituales,  assi  /  de 
los  Espanoles,  como  franzeses,  ingleses/y  Las  Missiones 
de  Religiosos/ dominicos,  de  la  compania  y  /  franciscos  / 
La  segunda  Parte  /  Contiene  el  descubrimiento  de  los 
franzeses  desde  /  el  afio  de  1669  {sic),  y  sus  suzesos,  y 
la  Relazion  de  los  /  viajes,  q  los  Espanoles  han  hecho  al 
Seno  Mexi  /  cano  desde  el  afio  de  1683  {sic)  asta  el  de 
1673  y  /  la  description  de  la  Bahia  de  s"  Maria  /  de  galve, 
y  otro  de  la  empalizada  /  La  tercera  parte  /  pone  la  Rela- 
zion de  el  Alvar  nufiez  cabaza  de  Vaca/ enteramente.  y 
La  historia  de  Hernado  {sic)  de  Soto  /  continuada,  com- 
pilada  de  las  decadas  /  de  Antonio  de  Herrera  /  Escribiala/ 
El  D°'  D.P?  Fernz  de  Pulgar  Canonigo  de  La/ss'*  iglesia 
de  Palenzia,  y  Coronista /mayor  de  indias /dedicasse./ 

This  manuscript  history  appears  to  be  a  development 
of  certain  chapters  on  Florida  referred  to  in  the  Preface 
to  Book  IV.  and  also  in  the  Index  to  volume  iii.  of 
Pulgar's  Historia  General  de  las  Indias  Occidentales,  De- 
cada  Nona,  continua  la  de  Antonio  de  Herrera  desde  el 
aflo  1555  asta  el  de  1565  (Bib.  Nac,  Madrid,  MSS.  2796- 
2799),  but  which  do  not  appear  therein.  It  consists  of 
776  closely  written  pages  in  a  small  and  cramped  cali- 
graphy  rather  difficult  to  decipher,  and  is  divided  into 
two  parts  of  two  and  three  books  respectively.  The  first 
book  has  six  chapters,  as  follows:  i.  The  discovery  of 
Florida.  2.  Its  coast.  2  {sic).  Its  people  and  customs. 
5  {sic).  Spanish  discovery,  De  Leon,  Ayllon,  etc.  6  {sic), 
French  discoveries,   Ribaut,    Laudonni^re,  etc.     7  {sic). 


xiv  Preface 

What  remains  to  be  discovered.  The  second  book  is  en- 
titled "Spanish  Expeditions  to  Florida  "  and  contains  ten 
chapters  on  De  Leon,  Ayllon,  Narvaez,  De  Soto,  Fr. 
Luis  Cancer,  the  fleet  lost  on  the  Florida  coast  in  1553, 
and  Arellano.  The  third  book  entitled  "  French  Expedi- 
tions and  Men^ndez  de  Avil^s,"  consists  of  ten  chapters 
on  Ribaut,  Avil^s,  the  Jesuit  missions,  and  Gourgues. 
The  fourth  book  consists  of  six  chapters  on  English  ex- 
peditions to  Florida,  and  the  second  Franciscan  mission. 
All  of  these  chapters  are  divided  into  numbered  sections. 
The  second  part  is  in  four  books.  The  first  book  is  a 
description  of  Louisiana  in  three  chapters.  The  second 
book  treats  of  Spanish  discoveries  since  1685  in  two 
chapters.  The  second  {sic)  book  contains  the  relation  of 
Cabega  de  Vaca  and  the  second  {sic)  book  relates  the  De 
Soto  expedition  in  twenty-nine  chapters. 

The  work  is  unfinished  and  the  chapters  are  frequently 
incomplete,  many  of  them  being  represented  by  a  short 
paragraph  of  one  or  two  pages  only ;  others  are  very 
long,  and  still  others  have  merely  the  title  of  the  chap- 
ter written  in,  the  page  below  being  left  blank.  The  ma- 
terial is  unorganised,  the  same  subject  being  sometimes 
repeated  two  or  three  times  under  different  headings. 
The  text  consists  very  largely  of  extracts  from  and  ab- 
stracts of  published  histories  and  accounts  of  the  events 
related,  the  abstracts  from  two  or  more  writers  on  the 
same  subject  being  arranged  in  successive  sections  under 
the  chapter  heading. 

The  authors  whose  works  have  furnished  the  material 
for  the  history,  and  to  whom  constant  reference  is  made, 
appear  to  cover  all  the  literature  on  the  subject  in 
Spanish,  French,  and  Latin  extant  at  the  time  of  its 
composition.  The  list  includes  in  Spanish:  Herrera, 
Torquemada,  Las  Casas,  Castellano,  Gomara,  Padilla, 
Rivas,  Garcilaso,  Nieremberg,  Remesal,  etc.;  in  French: 
De  Thou,  Le  Challeux,  Laudonnifere,  De  Laet,  etc. ;  in 


Preface  xv 

Latin:  Algambe,  Ribadeneyra,  Camargo,  Schott,   Mon- 
tanus,  De  Bry,  Le  Moyne,  etc.,  and,  in  Italian,  Benzoni. 

In  a  word,  the  history  is  a  vast  and  ill-digested  com- 
pendium of  all  of  the  published  material  extant  at  the  date 
of  its  writing,  and  the  inference  of  Dr.  Brinton,  who  had 
never  seen  the  manuscript,  that  "it  was  not  probable" 
that  it  "would  add  any  notable  increment  to  our  know- 
ledge "  '  is  largely  justified. 

In  conclusion  the  author  wishes  to  express  his  obliga- 
tion to  Dr.  Jos6  Ignacio  Rodriguez,  Librarian  and  Chief 
Translator  of  the  International  Bureau  of  the  American 
Republics,  for  his  kindly  assistance  in  the  deciphering  of 
some  obscure  passages  in  the  Spanish  documents  which 
have  been  consulted. 

Woodbury  Lowery. 

Washington,  D.  C. 
February,  1905. 

>  Notes  on  the  Floridian  Peninsula,  Philadelphia,  1859,  p.  36. 


CONTENTS 


Preface 


fAOt 

Y 


BOOK  I.     THE  FRENCH  COLONY 

CHAPTER 

I— The  Spanish  Treasure  Fleets  and  Florida     . 

II— The  First  French  Colony  .... 

Ill — The  Second  French  Colony.     The  Timuquanans 
IV — The  Second  French  Colony — Continued 

V— The  Third  French  Expedition 
VI — Philip's  Notice  to  France  , 
VII — Pedro  Men£ndez  de  Aviles 
VIII — The  Departure  of  Avil£s  for  Florida 
IX — The  Capture  of  Fort  Caroline 

X— The  Fate  of  Ribaut's  Fleet 


3 
28 
49 
75 
94 
10 1 
120 
142 
155 
186 


BOOK  II.     THE  SPANISH  COLONY 

I — The  Ays  Expedition.    Avil6s  at  Havana         .        .        .211 

II — The  Carlos  Expedition.     Mutiny  at  the  Settlements  .  228 
III — Expeditions  to  Guale,  St.  John's  River,  and  Chesapeake 

Bay 244 

IV — Father  Martinez  and  his  Companions      .     *  .        .        ,  264 
V — Expeditions  of  Pardo  and  Boyano.      Return  of  AviLfe 

to  Spain 275 

VI — Mutiny  at  St.  Augustine.     Pardo's  Second  Expedition  .  293 

VII — Philip  Notifies  France  of  the  Massacre         .        .        .  299 

VIII — The  French  Revenge 314 

xvii 


xviii  Contents 

BOOK  HI.     THE  GUALE  AND  VIRGINIA  MISSIONS 
CONDITION  OF  THE  COLONY 

CHAPTER  PAGE 

I — The  Guale  Mission.     Destitution  ok  the  Colony   .        .  339 

II— The  Virginia  Mission 359 

III — The  Last  Visit  of  Aviles  to  Florida        ....  367 

APPENDICES 

AFPENDIX 

A— Registered  Gold  and  Silver  Imported  into  Spain  from 

the  West  Indies,  1560-1569 387 

B — The  "  RivjSre  de  Mai  " 389 

C — The  Pillar  Set  up  by  Ribaut 393 

D — The  Rivers  between  the  "  Rivere  de  Mai  "and  Port 

Royal 394 

E — Port  Royal  . 399 

F — Charlesfort 403 

G — Fort  Caroline 405 

H — TiMUQUA 407 

I — LaudonniI:re's  Story  of  the  November  Mutiny        .        .  409 
J — Maps  of  the  French  Colonies  in  Florida  and  South 

Carolina 410 

K— La  Terre  des  Bretons 417 

L— Portraits  of  Pedro  MenI;ndez  de  AviLfis  .        .        .        .418 

M — The  Deposition  of  Jean  Memyn 420 

N — The  Captured  French  Vessels 420 

O — The  Oath  of  Avil6s 421 

P— The  Death  of  Ribaut 425 

Q — The  Situation  of  Avili&s  at  thk  Time  of  the  Massacre  ,  429 

R— Ays         .        .        . 431 

S — Santa  Lucia 434 

T— Caloosa 436 

U— San  Felipe 438 

V— Tegesta 440 


Contents  xix 

APPENDIX  TAGE 

W— The  Date  of  Pardo's  First  Expedition     .        .        .        -443 

X — Pardo's  First  Expedition 444 

Y — Tocobaga 448 

Z— Pardo's  Second  Expedition 45° 

AA— Tacatacuru 452 

BB — The  Spanish  Account  of  Gourgues's  Attack  on  San 

Mateo 454 

CC— The  Second  Voyage  of  AviLis  to  Florida         .        .        .457 

DD— AxACAN 458 

EE — The  Site  of  the  Segura  Mission 461 

FF — Mapa  de  la  Florida  y  Laguna  de  Maimi  donde  se  ha  de 

HACER   UN   FUERTE 4^4 

Index 467 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGB 

Pedro  Men4ndez  dk  Avil^s,  in  "  Retratos  de  los  EspaRoles 
Ilustres  con  UN  Epitome  de  sus  Vidas,"  Madrid,  1791 

Frontispiece 

*'  Florid^e  American.*  PROViNcii*  Recens  &  exactissima  de- 
scRiPTio,"  BY  Jacques  Le  Moyne  de  Morgues,  published  by 
De  Bry  in  1591 28 

Map  of  the  French   Florida   Colony  of   1562-65,  by  Nicolas 

BeLLIN,  in  "  HiSTOIRE  ET  DESCRIPTION  GfeNi&RALE  DE  LA   NoU- 

velle  France,"  par  le  P.  de  Charlevoix,  Paris,  1744  .      34 

Map  of  Florida,  1562-1574.    Compiled  by  Woodbury  Lowery.      210 

'*  Mapa   de   la  Florida  y   Lacuna  de  Maimi,"  1595-1600  (?),  in 

THE  Archives  of  the  Indies,  Seville 286 


BOOK  I 
THE  FRENCH  COLONY 


BOOK   I 
THE    FRENCH    COLONY 


CHAPTER   I 

THE   SPANISH   TREASURE   FLEETS   AND   FLORIDA        v 

WITH  the  opening  of  the  year  1562,  the  eastern  coast 
of  the  continent  of  North  America  from  Panuco 
to  the  St.  Lawrence  was  still  untenanted  by  the  white 
man.  To  the  north  the  region  discovered  by  Cartier  and 
Roberval  had  become  the  seat  of  short-lived  colonies, 
which  had  been  abandoned  in  despair,  and  France  ap- 
peared for  the  time  being  to  have  withdrawn  from  the 
unequal  contest  with  the  wilderness.  To  the  south  the 
persistent  efforts  of  Spain  to  take  possession  of  the  vast 
region  to  which  she  laid  claim  had  proved  equally  abor- 
tive, although  they  had  brought  her  some  acquaintance 
with  the  interior  of  the  country  and  with  the  nature  of 
its  savage  inhabitants.  She,  too,  had  become  discour- 
aged by  her  vain  attempts,  her  useless  sacrifice  of  life  and 
treasure,  the  stern  reception  given  her  by  the  warlike 
natives,  and  her  failure  to  discover  those  sources  of  the 
precious  metals  which  had  so  amply  rewarded  her  con- 
quests in  Mexico  and  South  America.  She  no  longer 
3 


4  The  Spanish  Settlements 

feared  the  intrusion  of  another  power  within  this  part  of 
her  domain,  where  she  herself  had  so  signally  failed,  and 
in  September  of  the  previous  year  Philip  had  proclaimed 
that  no  further  attempt  should  be  made  to  colonise  the 
eastern  coast.' 

It  was  true  that  she  professed  it  to  be  her  desire  to 
bring  into  the  bosom  of  the  Church  the  natives  of  her 
vast  transatlantic  dominions,  but  she  felt  herself  fully 
equal  to  the  gigantic  task,  and  would  brook  no  interfer- 
ence in  her  mission,  even  from  foreigners  of  her  own 
faith.  Moreover,  the  greater  portion  of  the  continent 
was  hers  by  right  of  discovery,  conquest,  and  papal 
patent,  and  its  boundless  treasures  furnished  the  sinews 
for  her  incessant  European  and  African  wars.  Although 
she  had  now  abandoned  a  small  part  of  her  Atlantic 
coast,  her  unparallelled  success  in  other  regions  had  soon 
awakened  jealousies  and  stimulated  competitors,  lured 
by  other  incentives  than  the  cure  of  souls,  and  she  was 
determined  to  defend  the  pathway  to  the  New  World 
against  the  intrusion  of  all  her  rivals.  Portugal,  France, 
and  England  watched  with  envious  eyes  the  extension  of 
her  possessions  and  the  uninterrupted  stream  of  gold  that 
flowed  into  her  coffers.  As  the  route  by  which  this 
wealth  reached  her  ports  of  Cadiz  and  Seville  had  a  direct 
bearing  on  her  policy  with  regard  to  Florida,  we  will  now 
proceed  to  consider  how  vast  this  wealth  was,  the  path 
by  which  it  crossed  the  Atlantic,  and  the  risks  to  which  it 
was  exposed  on  its  way. 

Whether  1497  or  1501  be  fixed  upon  for  the  inception 
of  commercial  relations  between  Spain  and  the  Indies, 
the  establishment  of  the  Casa  de  Contrataci6n  in  Seville, 
by  c^dula  of  February  14,  1503,  through  which  all  busi- 
ness with  the  Indies  was  compelled  to  pass,  with  the 
appointment  of  its  governing  board  consisting  of  three 
officers,  agent,  treasurer,  and  accountant,   indicates  that 

■  Spanish  Settlements,  1513-1561,  p.  376. 


The  Treasure  Fleets  and  Florida         5 

even  at  that  early  period  a  trade  of  considerable  magni- 
tude was  already  in  existence.' 

The  bulk  of  the  exports  from  the  mother  country 
consisted  chiefly  of  grain  and  provisions,  arms,  ammuni- 
tion, and  clothing,  for  the  colonists  were  still  compara- 
tively few  in  number,  and  their  warlike  occupations  gave 
them  little  leisure  to  indulge  in  luxuries.  Horses  and 
cattle,  seed,  plants,  and  instruments  of  agriculture  occa- 
sionally formed  a  part  of  the  cargo  of  the  outgoing  ves- 
sels, and  slaves,  both  black  and  white,  as  we  have  seen  in 
a  previous  volume.  These  exports  were  encouraged  by 
an  absolute  freedom  from  duties  during  the  first  half  of 
the  sixteenth  century  and  by  the  opening  of  other  ports 
of  the  realm  to  the  West  India  traffic.'  The  vessels  re- 
turned from  the  Indies  loaded  with  brazil  and  other  native 
woods,  dye-stuffs,  medicinal  herbs,  cotton,  hides,  gold, 
and  silver,  and  articles  of  native  production. 

It  is  difficult  at  this  distance  of  time,  and  with  the 
limited  data  at  our  command,  to  determine  with  any  ap- 
proach to  exactitude  the  value  of  the  precious  metals 
exported  from  Spanish  America  to  the  mother  country 
during  the  first  half  of  the  sixteenth  century.  Moncada 
states  that  by  1595  two  thousand  millions  of  registered 
gold  and  silver  had  entered  Spain  from  the  Indies  since 
their  discovery,"  and  Navarette,  writing  in  1626,  asserts 

1  D.  Rafael  Antunez  y  Acevedo.  Memorias  HistSricas  sobre  la  Legisla- 
cidny  Gobierno  del  Comercio  de  los  Espailoles  con  sus  Colonias  en  las  Jndias 
Occidentales,  Madrid,  1797,  pp.  I,  3. 

2  Antunez,  ibid.,  pp.  21,  24.  The  cedula  of  January  15,  1529,  opened 
nine  ports  in  addition  to  that  of  Cadiz.  This  privilege  appears  to  have 
fallen  into  disuse,  owing,  among  other  reasons,  to  the  necessity  of  sailing  in 
convoy  and  the  imposition  of  export  duties.  It  was  revoked  in  1573.  Ibid., 
pp.  II,  13,  20,  22.  The  cedula  is  given  in  full,  ibid..  Appendix,  p.  i.  See 
E.  G.  Bourne,  "  Spain  in  America,"  New  York,  1904,  in  IVie  American 
Nation:  A  History,  vol.  iii.,  pp.  282-284,  for  Spain's  colonial  commerce 
during  this  period. 

3  Sancho  de  Moncada.  Restauracidn  Politica  de  Espana,  Primera  Parte, 
Deseos  Publicos  al  Rey  Don  Filipe  Tercero  nuestro  senor.  Madrid,  1619. 
"Discurso  Tercero,"  cap.  i.,  fol.  21b. 


6  The  Spanish  Settlements 

that  during  the  century  comprised  between  the  years 
1 5 19  and  161 7  this  imported  wealth  amounted  to  1536 
millions.'  As  the  new  country  became  known  and  the 
mines  were  discovered  and  worked,  the  annual  importa- 
tions of  the  precious  metals,  though  comparatively  small 
at  first,  increased  rapidly.  It  is  reported  that  during 
four  years  of  the  period  which  we  are  now  considering 
(1564,  1566,  1567,  and  1568)  something  like  thirty  and  a 
half  million  dollars  found  their  way  into  Spain,  an  esti- 
mate which  does  not  include  quantities  of  jewels  and 
precious  stones.  This  was  an  enormous  sum,  when  we 
consider  that  its  purchasing  power  was  perhaps  fourfold 
what  it  is  to-day.  What  may  have  been  the  total  value 
of  the  unregistered  wealth  surreptitiously  introduced  into 
the  kingdom  from  the  same  sources  through  the  con- 
nivances of  interested  and  dishonest  ofificials,  it  is  natur- 
ally impossible  to  determine.  Unquestionably  it  must 
have  been  very  great  when  we  consider  the  facilities  that 
were  offered  for  defrauding  the  revenue.* 

Spain  quickly  recognised  that  her  increasing  pro- 
sperity could  not  be  displayed  with  impunity  before  the 
greedy  eyes  of  her  less  fortunate  neighbours.  Neither  was 
she  slow  in  taking  the  necessary  precautions.  "  En  boca 
ccrrada  no  cntran  moscas,''  says  the  Spanish  proverb, 
and  in  two  different  directions  did  Spain  strive  to  exclude 
these  buzzing  flies  from  her  succulent  morsels,  that  she 
might  close  to  them  every  channel  of  information  con- 
cerning her  West  Indian  possessions.  In  the  first  place, 
she  sought  to  prevent  the  publication  of  all  charts  and 
maps  which  could  indicate  the  way  thither.  This  did 
not  arise  from  any  absence  of  information  concerning  her 
distant  domains.     As  the  discoveries  progressed  the  mass 

'  Pedro  Fernandez  Navarette,  Conservacidn  de  Monarquias,  Madrid, 
1626,  p.  143.  And  see  Humboldt,  Ensayo  Politico,  tomo  iii.,  p.  316;  E. 
G.  Bourne,  "Spain  in  America,"  p.  301. 

'  See  Appendix  A.  Registered  Gold  and  Silver  imported  into  Spain  from 
the  West  Indies. 


The  Treasure  Fleets  and  Florida         7 

of  geographical  material  accumulated  by  Spanish  mariners 
and  explorers  became  accessible  to  the  map  makers,  for 
masters  of  vessels  and  pilots  were  required  to  keep  a 
record  of  their  journeys  for  the  purpose  of  facilitating  the 
navigation  of  the  Atlantic'  A  register  was  kept  of  all 
the  islands,  bays,  shoals,  and  ports,  their  contours  and 
locations,  and  the  distance  of  the  voyages  to  the  Indies, 
which  was  deposited  in  the  Casa  de  Contrataci6n  in  Se- 
ville there  to  be  "well  guarded  and  concealed  "  ';  every 
precaution  was  taken  to  see  that  pilots  and  masters  of  ves- 
sels were  thoroughly  equipped  with  all  the  nautical  knowl- 
edge and  the  instruments  pertaining  to  their  art,  and 
discoverers  were  ordered  to  forward  a  full  and  complete 
relation  of  all  they  had  done  to  the  Council  of  the  Indies.' 
As  early  as  1 5 1 1  it  was  forbidden  to  supply  foreigners 
with  charts  or  maps,'  andin  1527  Charles  V.  enacted  that 
even  pictures  and  descriptions  of  the  Indies  should  not 
be  sold  or  given  to  them  without  special  licence/  Such 
was  the  secretiveness  of  the  authorities  that  no  official 
map  of  the  western  discoveries  was  published  in  Spain 
until  the  year  1790,  and  it  has  been  thought  that  this 
reticence  on  the  part  of  the  Government  may  have  led 
to  the  suppression  of  Peter  Martyr's  First  Decade  and  of 
the  La  Cosa  Map,  which  was  in  some  of  the  copies/ 

'  Herrera,  Historia  de  las  Indias  Occidentales ,  Madrid,  1730,  tomo  ii., 
dec.  4,  lib.  ii.,  cap.  vi.,  p.  32,  1527. 

"^  Recopilacidn  de  Leyes  de  los  Reinos  de  las  Indias,  Madrid,  1841,  lib.  ix,, 
tit.  xxiii.,  ley  12,  tomo  ii.,  p.  303. 

'^  Ibid.,  lib.  iv.,  tit.  i.,  ley  14,  1542,  tomo  ii.,  p.  95.  For  early  regu- 
lations of  this  description  see  Final  Report  of  Investigations  among  the 
Indians  of  the  Southwestern  United  States,  Carried  on  Mainly  in  the  Years 
from  1880  to  i88j.  By  A.  F.  Bandelier,  part  i.,  p.  45,  note  i.  See  also 
Henry  Harrisse,   The  Discovery  of  North  America,  pp.  11-17. 

*  Winsor,  Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist.  Am.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  113,  note  3. 

'"  Recopilacidn,  lib.  ix.,  tit.  xxiii.,  ley  14,  tomo  iii.,  p.  303;  Kohl's  essay 
on  the  Ribero  Map  in  Maine  Hist.  Col.,  2d  series,  vol.  i.,  p.  302. 

*J.  C.  Brevoort,  in  his  "Notes  on  the  Verrazano  Map"  {Journal  of 
the  Am.   Geographical  Soc.  of  New  York,   1873,  vol.  iv,,  p.  240,)  and  in 


8  The  Spanish  Settlements 

The  other  precaution  taken  was  the  total  exclusion  of 
foreigners  from  the  crews  of  vessels  sailing  to  the  West 
Indies.  Masters  of  vessels  were  required  to  be  natives  of 
Castile,  Aragon,  or  Navarre,  and  no  foreigners  were  per- 
mitted to  hold  the  office.'  No  foreign  sailors  were  al- 
lowed in  the  armadas  and  fleets  sailing  to  the  Indies,  and 
officers  were  commissioned  with  authority  to  visit  the 
outgoing  vessels  in  order  to  assure  themselves  of  the  due 
execution  of  the  law  and  to  prevent  their  embarkation.* 
Finally  the  exclusion  of  foreigners  from  the  Indies  in  any 
other  capacity  except  under  licence  was  rigorously  en- 
acted.' But  the  sheen  of  the  gold  was  too  dazzling  to  be 
hidden  in  this  ostrich-like  fashion,  and  in  a  hundred  differ- 
ent ways  the  story  of  Spain's  newly  acquired  wealth  reached 
the  outer  world,  and  the  knowledge  of  it  spread.  The 
French  ambassador  at  Madrid,  M,  de  Fourquevaux,  kept 
his  Most  Christian  Majesty  fully  informed  of  the  expected 
treasure  fleets  from  Peru  and  Mexico  and  of  their  arrival.* 
The  banks  at  Lyons  were  also  advised  of  the  same.* 
Portuguese  agents  sought  to  bribe  Spanish  pilots  to  show 
them  the  way."     French  pilots  went  to  Seville  and  se- 

Verrazano  the  Navigator,  New  York,  1874,  p.  102,  cited  also  in  Narr, 
and  Crit.  Hist.  Am.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  113,  notes  2  and  3. 

'  Recopilaci6n,  lib.  ix.,  tit.  xxiii.,  ley  4,  1527,  tomo  iii.,  p.  303. 

'^  Ibid.,  lib.  ix.,  tit.  xxv.,  ley  12,  1553,  tomo  iii.,  p.  317,  ibid.,  ley  14, 
1554. 

^ Recopilacidn,  lib,  iv.,  tit.  ii.,  ley  i,  1501  and  1526,  tomo  ii.,  p.  96; 
ibid.,  tit.  i.,  ley  3,  tomo  ii.  p.  93,  and  lib.  ix.,  tit.  xxvi.,  ley  i,  1560, 
tomo  iv.,  p.  I.  Instructions  given  to  Ovando,  September  17,  1501.  In- 
structions given  to  the  Casa  de  Contratacion  by  Ferdinand  and  Isabella  in 
1510.  Antunez,  Memorias,  pp.  41-42,  268  et  seq.  E.  G.  Bourne,  "Spain 
in  America,"  New  York,  1904,  in  The  American  Nation:  A  History,  vol. 
iii.,  p.  245,  instances  some  of  the  exceptions. 

*  D^peches  de  M.  de  Fourquevaux  Ambassadeur  du  Roi  Charles  IX.  en 
Espagne  1^6^-1572,  publiees  par  M.  I'Abbe  Douais,  Paris,  1896,  pp.  97, 
124,  126,  et  passim. 

'  Alava  i  Philippe  II.,  Lyon,  22  Juillet,  1564,  MS,  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K, 
1502  (10). 

*  Herrera,  tomo  i.,  dec.  I.,  lib,  vii.,  cap.  iii.,  p.  197. 


The  Treasure  Fleets  and  Florida  9 

cretly  made  the  voyage  to  the  Indies  as  sailors  on  Spanish 
vessels.'  Shipwrecked  mariners  and  unsuccessful  colonists 
rescued  by  passing  vessels  brought  their  knowledge  to  the 
country  of  their  rescuers,  while  paid  spies  and  informers 
were  employed  by  the  countries  interested  in  obtaining 
such  information. 

With  the  rapid  extension  and  increase  of  this  traffic  the 
high  seas  were  soon  filled  with  vessels  of  other  nationali- 
ties preying  upon  it.  To  these  France  and  England  con- 
tributed the  greatest  number.  During  the  first  half  of 
the  century  France  and  Spain,  it  is  true,  were  almost 
continually  at  war  with  each  other  except  for  brief  inter- 
vals of  peace  in  which  to  recover  breath.  England  was 
ostensibly  at  peace  with  Spain  for  the  entire  period.  But 
the  piratical  subjects  of  both  countries,  acting  appar- 
ently in  defiance  of  the  wishes  of  the  home  Government, 
were  in  reality  often  in  secret  connivance  with  interested 
ofificials  of  the  most  exalted  position.  The  French  cor- 
sair, Jean  Florin,  identified  by  some  authorities  with  the 
explorer  Verrazano,  captured  the  treasures  sent  home  by 
Cortes ' ;  French  pirates  sank  Spanish  vessels  which  were 
coming  from  Peru,^  or  made  a  bold  descent  upon  Ha- 
vana*; the  announcement  was  made  of  the  fitting  out  of  a 

•Christobal  de  Haro  to  Charles  V.,  April  8,  1541,  MS.  Arch.  Gen.  de 
Indias,  Sevilla,  est.  143,  caj.  3,  leg.  11. 

^  Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist.  Am.,  vol.  iv.,  pp.  5.  21,  1523.  E.  G.  Bourne 
("  Spain  in  America,"  New  York,  1904,  in  The  American  Nation:  A  History, 
vol.  iii.,  p.  143,  note  3)  says  the  identity  of  Verrazano  with  Florin  has 
been  disproved  by  Peragallo,  Bull,  of  the  Soc.  Geog.  Ital.,  3d  series,  vol. 
ix.,  p.  189,  and  had  never  any  documentary  evidence  to  rest  on. 

*  "  Reponses  du  ministere  de  France  a  diverses  reclamations  presentees  au 
nom  de  I'Empereur  par  Jean  de  Saint  Mauris,  son  ambassadeur  (i545.  avril 
ou  mai)."  Sans  date.  Papiers  d'Etat  du  Cardinal  de  Granvdle  d'apres  les 
manuscrils  de  la  Bibliothhjue  de  Besan^on,  publies  sous  la  direction  de  M. 
Ch.  Weiss.  Paris,  1841,  vol.  iii.,  p.  140. 

*  "  Relacion  de  lo  subcedido  en  la  Habana,  cerca  de  la  entrada  de  los 
Franceses  en  ella."  In  Coleccidn  de  varies  Documentos  para  la  Historia  de 
la  Florida  y  Tierras  adyacentes.  By  Buckingham  Smith,  Londres  (1857  ?), 
tomo  i.,  p.  202. 


lo  The  Spanish  Settlements 

fleet  in  England  for  the  purpose  of  sacking  the  island 
of  Madeira.'  The  cutting  out  of  a  treasure  ship  of 
the  fleet  returning  from  the  Indies'  became  of  such 
frequent  occurrence  that  as  early  as  1541  Spain  sought 
to  obtain  from  the  English  Government  a  statute  for- 
bidding the  sailing  of  any  armed  vessels  from  its  ports 
for  Brazil  or  the  Indies  without  security  being  given 
by  their  commanders  that  they  would  not  molest  Span- 
ish subjects.  ^ 

Particularly  exposed  to  depredations  of  this  nature 
were  the  many  vessels  which,  shipping  hides,  sugar,  and 
cassia  in  the  islands  of  Puerto  Rico  and  Hispaniola, 
threaded  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  to  carry  their  merchandise 
to  Tierra  Firma,  Honduras,  and  Spain,  These  vessels 
were  unwilling  to  sail  home  in  convoy  with  the  fleet 
which  gathered  at  Havana  for  that  purpose,  because  it 
would  involve  them  in  serious  delay  ;  and  thus,  compelled 
to  return  unattended  with  the  money  which  they  had  ob- 
tained in  exchange  for  their  merchandise,  they  fell  an 
easy  prey  to  the  pirates  infesting  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.* 

Necessity  soon  pointed  the  way  to  a  method  of  self- 
protection,  and  very  early  in  the  course  of  the  century  it 
became  customary  for  the  vessels  going  to  and  arriving 
from  the  Indies  to  sail  together  in  company  in  order  to 

'  "  Copia  de  carta  de  Su  Majestad  al  Conde  de  Feria,  fechaen  Bruselas  a 
24 de  Abril  de  1559  "  in  CohcciJn  de  Documentos  Ine'ditos para  la  Historia  de 
Espaila,  por  el  Marques  de  la  Fuensanta  del  Valle,  D.  Jose  Sancho  Rayon 
y  D.  Francisco  de  Zabalburu,  tomo  Ixxxvii.,  pag.  176. 

'  "Capitulo  de  carta  del  Obispo  Quadra  a  S.  M.  de  16  de  Agosto  de 
1561,"  in   Col.  Doc.  Inedit.  Hist.  Espaila,  tomo  Ixxxvii.,  pag.  364. 

^Eustace  Chapuys  to  the  Queen  Regent,  Jan.  2  (4),  1541,  London,  in 
Calandar  of  State  Papers,  Spanish,  vol.  vi.,  Pt.  I.,  p,  304. 

■•  Pero  Menendez  (de  Aviles)  sobrel  Remedio,  pa.  q  haya  muchos  nabios 
(undated),  Brit.  Mus.  Add.  MSS.  28,  366,  fol.  299b.  The  letter  appears 
from  internal  evidence  to  have  been  written  at  some  date  between  July, 
1 561,  and  the  spring  (?)  of  1562,  prior  to  any  Spanish  knowledge  of  the 
French  occupation  of  Florida,  Aviles  being  then  in  Spain,  having  returned 
from  his  second  voyage  to  the  Indies. 


The  Treasure  Fleets  and  Florida       ii 

afford  one  another  mutual  protection.'  It  was  one  of 
the  duties  of  the  visitador  of  the  Casa  de  Contrataci6n 
not  only  to  see  that  the  vessels  were  properly  equipped 
with  a  crew  and  supplies  for  the  long  voyage,  but  also 
that  they  carried  arms  and  ammunition  with  which  to 
encounter  the  sea-robber."  But  as  the  sailing  together 
of  the  vessels  was  not  compulsory,  individual  ships  or  a 
small  company  of  two  or  three  would  set  out  under  a 
special  permit  and  meet  their  fate  at  the  hands  of  the  pi- 
rates, to  whom  they  could  offer  no  effective  resistance. 
A  stop  was  at  last  put  to  this  by  royal  c6dula  of  July 
i6,  1 561.  It  was  enacted  that  in  January  and  August 
of  every  year  two  expeditions  should  sail  from  the  rio  de 
Sevilla,  the  one  called  the  Fleet  of  New  Spain,  with  desti- 
nation for  the  Antilles  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  the 
other  called  the  Fleet  of  Tierra  Firme  for  Carthagena. 
The  two  fleets  were  to  proceed  together  under  the  com- 
mand of  an  admiral,  and  on  arriving  off  Dominica,  the 
vessels  destined  for  New  Spain  were  to  divide  from  those 
destined  for  Tierra  Firme,  with  the  General  of  the  fleet 
in  command  of  the  one  and  the  Admiral  of  the  other.^ 

Another  danger  to  which  the  merchant  fleet  was  ex- 
posed arose  from  the  selfishness  of  individual  captains 
who  endeavoured  to  save  themselves  at  the  expense  of 
their  companions.  On  an  attack  of  the  pirates  the  ves- 
sels would  disperse  like  a  flock  of  frightened  sheep,  those 
that  were  swift  and  light  abandoning  those  that  were  slow 
and  more  heavily  laden  to  the  mercy  of  the  enemy ;  and 
the  rumour  of  the  presence  of  a  pirate  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  a  port  would  inspire  them  with  such  terror  that 

'  Antunez,  Metnorias,  pp.  83,  84,  thinks  it  dates  from  the  beginning  of 
the  commerce  of  the  West  Indies. 

'^  Ibid.,  pp.  59,  61,  69,  and  see  also  the  cedula  of  Feb.  13,  1552,  ibid.,  p. 
16. 

^ Ibid.,  p.  85;  Disquisiciones  Nduticas,  por  Cesareo  Fernandez  Duro, 
Madrid,  1877,  p.  169. 


12  The  Spanish  Settlements 

it  would  delay  the  sailing  for  days.  To  this  danger  the 
fleet  was  particularly  exposed  in  time  of  war,  and  in  1521 
an  armada  was  sent  to  protect  the  merchantmen  arriving 
from  the  Indies,  owing  to  the  presence  of  French  vessels 
off  the  coast  of  Andalusia  and  of  Algarve.'  The  follow- 
ing year  an  armada  was  sent  as  far  as  the  Canaries  to 
convoy  the  outgoing  India  fleet.  In  1532,  fearing  the 
revival  of  a  war  with  France,  an  armada  was  raised  to  pro- 
tect the  vessels  arriving  from  the  Indies.  In  1552  it  was 
provided  that  an  armada  of  four  galleons  and  two  cara- 
vels should  escort  the  fleet,  a  second  be  raised  in  Santo 
Domingo  for  the  protection  of  the  coasts,  and  a  third  be 
stationed  off  Cape  St.  Vincent  in  Spain  to  guard  against 
pirates."  Finally,  under  the  c6dulas  of  July  15,  1561, 
which  regulated  the  sailing  of  the  fleets,  and  another  of 
October  18,  1564,  arose  the  Armada  de  las  Carreras  de 
las  Indias^  whose  duty  it  was  to  escort  the  fleets  on  their 
way  to  the  Indies.  It  then  awaited  in  Havana  the  gather- 
ing of  the  various  vessels  and  treasure  ships  from  Tierra 
Firma  and  New  Spain,  and  accompanied  the  treasure  fleet 
and  the  merchantmen,  who  sought  its  protection  on  their 
return  passage  across  the  ocean.* 

The  fleets  sailed  twice  a  year  from  Havana  during  the 
summer  season,  passed  northward  through  the  Straits  of 
Florida,  or  the  Bahama  Channel  as  it  was  then  generally 
called,  until  they  reached  the  neighbourhood  of  Bermuda, 
when  they  set  their  course  for  the  Azores  and  from 
thence  to  Seville."      The  passage  through  the  Channel, 

'  Herrera,  tomo  ii.,  dec.  3,  lib.  i.,  cap.  xiv.,  p.  23. 

'  Duro,  Disquisiciones,  pp.  167,  168  ;  Antunez,  Memorias,  pp.  20,  178. 

^Antunez,  Manorias,  pp.  15,  i6  ;  Recopilacim,  lib.  ix.,  tit.  xxx.,  ley  55, 
tomo  iii.,  p.  49. 

••  Pero  Menendez  (de  Aviles),  sobrel  Remedio,  pa.  q  haya  muchos  nabios, 
Brit.  Mus.  Add.  MSS.,  28,  366,  fol.  299b;  Duro,  Disquisiciones,  p.  i63. 

'  Pero  Menendez  {de  AviUs)  sobrel  Remedio,  fol.  zqgb.  Derrotero  y  senas 
de  tierra  y  sondas  de  la  costa  de  la  nueua  espana  y  de  tierra  firme  y  buelta 
de  las  yndias  a  espai^a    .    .    .    por  fran'=°  manuel    .     .     .    empesose  a  15  de 


^.^ 


The  Treasure  Fleets  and  Florida        13 

discovered  by  Ponce  de  Leon  '  in  his  first  expedition,  was 
considered  a  dangerous  one  *  on  account  of  the  prevalence 
of  violent  storms  at  certain  seasons  of  the  year,  the 
roughness  of  its  waters,  and  the  ever-present  peril  of  the 
reefs  at  its  entrance,  the  Martyr  Islands  of  the  early  maps. 
In  its  narrowest  part  it  is  but  thirty-nine  miles  wide,  and 
from  the  earliest  times  that  its  blue  and  tepid  currents 
were  ploughed  by  the  keels  of  the  Spanish  galleons  the 
wreckage  along  the  Florida  coast  attested  its  terrors  to 
navigators.  So  fatal  was  the  Channel  to  merchantmen 
and  treasure  fleets,  that  in  the  course  of  the  following 
century  the  assistance  rendered  to  Spaniards  cast  away 
on  the  Florida  shore,  the  large  number  of  lives  rescued, 
and  the  watch  kept  upon  the  passing  vessels  by  the  coast 
Indians,  subject  to  the  Spanish  rule  at  St.  Augustine, 
were  perhaps  the  most  powerful  of  all  the  arguments  pre- 
sented by  the  Spanish  inhabitants  of  Florida  against  the 
abandonment  of  the  colony.  Even  prior  to  the  Spanish 
settlement  at  St.  Augustine,  and  shortly  after  Menen- 
dez  de  Avil^s  returned  from  his  second  voyage  to  the 
West  Indies,  he  had  begun  to  urge  upon  the  King  the 
necessity  of  locating  and  establishing  ports  of  refuge  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  the  Channel,  where  vessels  disabled 
in  its  passage  and  in  the  region  of  the  "still  vex'd  Ber- 
mothes"  could  put  in  for  repairs,  and  thus  avoid  the  long 
and  perilous  return  to  Puerto  Rico.'  It  is  not  difificult  to 
conceive  with  what  apprehension  the  Government  viewed 
the  possibility,  of  the  establishment  of  a  piratical  band  in 

abril  afio  del  seiior  1583  as,  Brit.  Mus.  Add.  MSS.,  28,  189,  and  see  earlier 
maps.  J.  C.  Brevoort  in  his  "  Notes  on  the  Verrazano  Map"  (Journal  of 
the  Am.  Geographical  Soc.  of  New  York,  1873,  vol.  iv.,  p.  239,)  and  in  Ver- 
razano, the  Navigator,  New  York,  1874,  p.  lOi,  gives  a  good  note  on  the 
routes  to  and  from  the  West  Indies.  Gomara,  Histoire  G^n&ale  des  Indes 
Occidentales.     Ed.  Fumee,  Paris,  1587,  liv.  vi.,  chap,  xxvi.,  p.  479  et  seq. 

'  Herrera,  tomo  i.,  dec.  i.,  lib.  ix.,  cap.  xii.,  p.  250. 

*  Antunez,  Memorias,  p.  91. 

2  Pero  Menendez  {de  Avil/s)  sobrel  Remedio,  fol.  300b. 


14  The  Spanish  Settlements 

some  stronghold  along  the  shore,  within  easy  reach  of  the 
golden  flood  which  at  stated  intervals  flowed  through  the 
Channel,  or  the  passing  of  the  Floridian  Peninsula  and 
the  territory  to  the  north  of  it  into  the  grasp  of  another 
nation  with  as  keen  an  appetite  for  the  yellow  metal  as 
its  own,  even  though  it  might  be  a  Catholic  power  and 
friendly  for  the  time  being. 

Another  and  very  imminent  danger  attendant  upon  any 
settlement  by  a  foreign  power  in  the  vicinity  of  the  West 
Indies  and  of  the  route  of  the  treasure  ships  arose  from 
conditions  peculiar  to  the  population  which  at  that  time 
occupied  the  Spanish  colonies,  a  danger  which  pointed 
more  particularly  to  France.  As  early  as  15 14  the  rapid 
mcrease  of  the  negro  slaves  in  Hispaniola  had  already 
become  a  source  of  fear  to  the  white  population,  and 
measures  had  been  taken  to  prevent  it ; '  this  as  well  as 
the  slave  insurrection  in  Ayllon's  colony,^  probably  the 
first  of  its  kind  within  our  country,  indicate  but  too 
clearly  the  treatment  to  which  the  negro  population 
was  subjected  at  the  hands  of  its  masters.  By  1560  the 
natural  increase  of  that  prolific  race,  coupled  with  the 
constant  inflow  brought  by  the  slave-traders,  had  created 
a  most  alarming  preponderance  in  their  number  over  that 
of  the  whites.  Says  Men^ndez  de  Aviles  in  his  letter  to 
the  King,  previously  referred  to : 

"  In  the  Island  of  Puerto  Rico  there  are  above  15,000  negroes 
and  less  than  500  Spaniards,  and  in  all  of  the  Island  of  His- 
paniola there  may  be  2000  Spaniards  and  there  are  over  30,000 
negroes,  .  .  .  the  same  is  the  case  in  the  island  of  Cuba 
and  in  Veracruz,  Puerto  de  Cavallos,  which  is  in  Honduras, 
and  in  Nombre  de  Dios,  Carthagena,  Santa  Maria,  and  the 
coast  of  Venezuela,  where  there  are  twenty  negroes  to  one 
white  man,  and  with  the  lapse  of  time  they  will  increase  to  a 
great  many  more." 

'  Spanish  Settlements,  1513-1561,  p.  ri2.  '  Ibid.,  p.  167. 


The  Treasure  Fleets  and  Florida        15 

And  then  he  points  the  moral  and  lays  bare  the  danger. 

"  In  France  no  negro  is  a  slave,  neither  can  he  become  one 
by  law  of  the  realm.  Were  France  to  arm  three  or  four  thou- 
sand men  they  would  be  masters  of  all  these  islands,  and  ports 
of  Tierra  Firma;  for  the  city  of  Santo  Domingo,  which  is  the 
strongest,  is  easily  taken,  in  spite  of  the  fort,  bulwarks,  and 
artillery;  and  500  harquebus  men — for  the  honour  of  the  city  I 
do  not  say  fewer — could  take  it  with  ease,  and  by  freeing  the 
negroes,  most  of  whom  are  ladinos '  and  natives  of  the  land^ 
and  by  liberating  them,  so  that  they  be  no  longer  slaves,  they 
would  kill  their  own  masters,  and  put  all  their  faith  in  the 
French,  because  the  French  had  made  them  free."  * 

Men^ndez  was  wise  and   timely  in  his  warning  against 
French  aggression,  as  we  shall  soon  see. 

France,  England,  and  Portugal  had  all  turned  their 
eyes  on  the  New  World,  were  spying  out  its  possibilities, 
and  seeking  to  reap  what  advantage  they  could  from  the 
knowledge  so  obtained.  Of  the  three  powers  mentioned, 
England  was,  for  the  time  being,  the  least  to  be  dreaded. 
Although  the  Cabot  expedition  had  called  forth  a  protest 
from  Spain,  the  charters  for  discovery  and  colonisation 
granted  to  him  and  others  were  "without  prejudice  to 
Spain  and  Portugal,"  and  respected  the  papal  bull  of  de- 
markation.  The  early  part  of  the  sixteenth  century  was 
spent  in  building  up  the  English  navy  as  a  distinct  service, 
and  the  country  was  largely  occupied  with  its  revolt  from 
Rome,  the  final  success  of  which  was  instrumental  in 
breaking  down  the  respect  for  the  papal  bull  which  had 
stood  in  the  way  of  England's  discovery  and  colonisation 

'  A  ladino  was  a  slave  who  had  served  over  one  year. 

^  Pero  Menendez  (de  AviUs)  sobrel  Remedio,  fol.  300.  "Memorial  de 
Pedro  Menendez  de  Aviles,"  undated  [1561-62?]  in  E.  Ruidiaz  y  Caravia, 
La  Florida,  Madrid,  1893,  tomo  ii.,  p.  322.  "  Vida  y  Hechos  de  Pero 
Menendez  de  Auiles,"  por  Bartolome  Barrientos,  in  Dos  Antiguas  Rela- 
ciones  de  la  Florida,  Genaro  Garcia,  Mexico,  1902,  p.  29. 


i6  The  Spanish  Settlements 

in  more  favourable  climates  of  North  America  than  those 
visited  by  the  Cabots.  It  was  this  infant  navy  which 
became  the  cradle  of  the  Stukeleys,  Hawkinses,  and 
Drakes,  who  were  to  carry  her  flag  in  triumph  over 
seas.'  The  period  in  the  era  of  Spanish  enterprise  in  our 
country  which  we  have  now  reached  (1560-62)  was  but 
the  dawn  of  their  energy  before  which  the  older  Spanish 
naval  supremacy  was  destined  finally  to  succumb,  and 
Spain's  watchful  jealousy  of  English  aggression  in  Amer- 
ica can  be  best  considered  when  the  English  colony  in 
Virginia  began  to  arouse  her  active  resentment.  For  all 
that,  Spanish  vigilance  was  in  no  wise  relaxed,  and  her 
ambassadors  at  the  English  Court  kept  her  faithfully  in- 
formed of  all  rumours  and  designs  upon  her  West  Indian 
possessions." 

Portuguese  pretensions  and  Spanish  distrust  began  with 
the  return  of  Columbus  from  his  first  voyage.^  Pope 
Eugenius  IV.  had  granted  Portugal  the  right  in  per- 
petuity to  all  heathen  lands  that  might  be  discovered  be- 
yond Cape  Bojador  on  the  African  coast,  including  India. 
This  grant  had  been  solemnly  confirmed  by  succeeding 
popes,  and  Spain,  by  the  treaty  of  1479,  ^^^  pledged  her- 
self not  to  interfere.  But  the  return  of  Columbus  from 
his  first  expedition  aroused  in  the  suspicious  mind  of  King 
John  of  Portugal  the  fear  lest  he  might  have  been  tres- 
passing upon  these  rights,  although  Pope  Alexander  VI. 
had  issued  his  second  bull  of  May  4,  1493,  with  the  ex- 
press intention  of  avoiding  any  such  conflict  between  the 

'  Froude  mentions  as  an  important  element  of  the  success  of  the  English 
navy  the  boat  with  sails  trimmed  fore  and  aft,  which  could  work  to  windward, 
invented  by  Mr.  Fletcher  of  Rye.  English  Seamen  in  the  Sixteenth  Cent- 
tiry,  by  James  Anthony  Froude,  New  York,  1895,  p.  12. 

2  The  Discovery  of  America,  by  John  Fiske,  Boston  and  New  York,  1892, 
vol.  ii.,  p.  17.  The  Genesis  of  the  United  States,  by  Alexander  Brown, 
Boston  and  New  York,  1890,  vol.  i.,  p.  2,  note. 

3  Herrera,  tomo  i.,  dec.  I,  lib.  ii.,  cap.  viii.,  p.  47  and  cap.  10,  p.  49 
(1593). 


The  Treasure  Fleets  and  Florida       17 

two  powers.'  King  John  threw  out  hints  of  an  imme- 
diate rupture  to  the  Spanish  embassy  sent  to  announce 
to  him  the  departure  of  Cokimbus  on  his  second  expe- 
dition, and  appears  to  have  contemplated  seriously  the 
sending  of  a  small  fleet  to  take  possession  of  some  point 
in  Cathay  or  Cipango,  and  then  to  dispute  the  Spanish 
claims.  But  a  vigilant  eye  was  kept  upon  his  move- 
ments, the  equipment  of  the  fleet  was  delayed  by  diplo- 
matic means,  and  in  the  following  year  by  the  treaty  of 
Tordesillas  the  line  of  demarkation  was  advanced  west- 
ward 370  leagues  beyond  the  Cape  de  Verd  Islands,  which 
secured  Brazil,  accidentally  discovered  in  1500,  to  the 
Portuguese  Crown.'' 

The  progress  of  Spanish  discovery  and  the  wealth 
which  it  brought  to  light  did  not  tend  to  lessen  the  envy 
of  Emanuel  I.,  King  John's  successor,  and  so  persistent 
were  his  efforts  to  learn  the  path  followed  by  the  Spanish 
adventurers  that  in  15 10  Charles  V.  sent  him  word  by 
Alonso  de  la  Puente  that  he  was  to  make  an  end  of 
stealing  Spanish  pilots.'  The  following  year,  Portugal 
seized  the  Moluccas,  and  in  15 14  an  expedition  to  Darien 
was  only  stopped  by  the  timely  protest  of  Spain.*  Dis- 
putes were  soon  rife  between  the  rival  powers  as  to  the 
longitude  of  the  Moluccas  in  respect  to  the  dividing  line 
at  the  antipodes,  which  Pope  Alexander  had  failed  to 
define.  On  account  of  the  intensifying  of  these  disputes 
Spain  postponed  the  proposed  Gomez  expedition  of  1523, 
and  in  the  following  year  (1524)  the  Congress  called  at 
Badajos  to  settle  the  question,  broke  up  after  two  months 

•  Fiske,  Discovery  of  America,  vol.  i.,  pp.  325  and  authorities  there 
cited,  441,  445,  453  ;  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  by  William  H.  Prescott, 
Philadelphia,  1869,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  174,  175. 

''■  Herrera,  tomo  i.,  dec.  i,  lib.  ii.,  cap.  v.,  p.  43  et  seq.;  Fiske,  Discovery 
of  America,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  97,  98,  453,  459  ;  Prescott,  Ferdinand  and  Isabella, 
vol.  ii.,  pp.  176,  177,  181. 

^  Herrera,  tomo  i.,  dec.  i,  lib.  vii.,  cap.  xiii.,  p.  196. 

^  Ibid.,  tomo  i.,  dec.  i,  lib.  x.,  cap.  x,,  p.  282. 


1 8  The  Spanish  Settlements 

of  wrangling,  each  party  still  holding  to  its  own  opinion.' 
Only  six  years  later  (June  20,  1530)  was  a  peaceful  con- 
clusion reached  by  Spain's  relinquishment  to  Portugal  of 
all  her  rights  thereto  under  the  bull  of  demarkation.' 
But  Portuguese  sailors  still  passed  westward  in  Spanish 
ships  and  studied  the  waterways  of  our  Atlantic  coast, 
probably  in  search  of  a  westward  passage  to  the  Moluccas. 
As  late  as  1562  Men^ndez  complains  that  in  Villafafie's 
expedition  to  Florida,  as  well  as  in  that  of  the  Moluccas, 

"  there  were  many  Portuguese  fighting  men  and  very  good 
pilots,  and  two  [of  them]  who  had  been  captains  of  caravels  of 
the  King  of  Portugal's  armada,  who,  it  appears,  were  sent 
there  by  their  king  or  by  his  council  to  understand  and  learn 
those  navigations  and  lands  and  their  secrets  and  of  what  mat- 
ters the  captains  of  your  majesty  treat  with  the  peoples  of 
those  lands," 

and  he  urges  upon  the  King  the  exclusion  of  all  for- 
eigners.' For  many  years  after,  the  ships  and  adventurers 
of  France  and  England  drew  an  unfailing  supply  of  skil- 
ful pilots  from  the  little  kingdom,  sometimes  enlisting 
them  by  cunning,  sometimes  by  force,  and  not  infre- 
quently finding  in  them  ready  and  willing  servants  to 
conduct  their  most  hazardous  enterprises. 

In  January,  1548,  while  present  at  the  Diet  of  Augs- 
burg, Charles  V.,  believing  his  end  near  at  hand,  had, 
among  other  instructions  advised  his  son,  Philip  II., 

"  In  respect  to  the  Indies,  have  a  care  to  be  ever  on  the 
watch  if  the  French  wish  to  send  an  armada  thither,  secretly 

'  Herrera,  tomo  ii.,  dec,  3.,  lib.  iv.,  cap.  iii-viii.,  pp.  178-1S8. 

"^  Ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  dec.  4,  lib,  v.,  cap.  x.,  p.  93  et  seq.;  Prescott,  Ferdin- 
and and  Isabella,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  i8o,  l82  and  authorities  in  note  29  ;  ChristO' 
pher  Columbus,  by  Justin  Winsor,  Boston  and  New  York,  1891,  pp,  589- 
591- 

'  Pero  Menendez  {de  AviUs)  sobrel  Remedio,  fol.  303. 


The  Treasure  Fleets  and  Florida       19 

or  otherwise,  and  to  notify  the  governors  of  those  parts  to  be 
on  their  guard  and  where  and  when  necessary  in  conformity 
therewith,  to  resist  the  said  French ;  for  though  they  have  often 
undertaken  to  go  there,  it  has  been  observed  that  their  armadas 
have  not  endured  and  more  than  that,  when  resistance  is  offered 
them,  then  they  weaken  and  go  to  pieces;  and  thus  it  is  of 
much  advantage  to  be  ready  to  hand  against  them."  ' 

The  Emperor's  advice  was  based  upon  no  vague  preju- 
dice concerning  a  neighbour  w^ith  whom  he  was  constantly 
at  war;  whose  intrigues  were  for  ever  fomenting  fresh 
trouble  for  Spain,  and  whose  King  had  said  of  the  In- 
dies that  "God  had  not  created  those  lands  solely  for 
Castilians."  * 

Breton  fishermen  had  been  familiar  with  the  Newfound- 
land fisheries  for  many  years  before  Verrazano's  much- 
disputed  expedition  to  America  in  1524  first  gained  for 
him  the  notice  and  favor  of  Francis  I.,  by  whom,  indeed, 
it  is  said  to  have  been  authorised.'  We  have  no  know- 
ledge of  any  interference  of  Spain  with  the  first  and  sec- 
ond voyages  of  Jacques  Cartier  in  1534  and  1535;  but 
in  1537,  while  the  war  was  still  in  progress  in  which 
Francis  I.  had  revived  his  pretensions  to  Italy,  and  only 
a  few  months  after  Cartier's  return,  in  July,  1536,  from  his 
second  expedition,  Charles  V.  was  considering  whether 
some  article  ought  not  to  be  introduced  in  his  instructions 
to  Los  Cobos  and  Granvelle  for  treating  with  the  Grand 
Master   of    France  to  prevent   King  Francis  from   any 


'  "  Instrucciones  de  Carlos  Quinto  a  Don  Felipe  su  hijo,"  Augusta  a  i8 
de  enero,  1548,  in  Ch.  Weiss,  Papiers  d'Atat  du  Cardinal  de  Granvelle, 
vol.  iii.,  p.  295. 

'  Herrera,  tomoii.,  dec.  3,  lib.  vi.,  cap.  ix.,  p.  189. 

^  Shea's  Charlevoix,  vol.  i.,  p.  107  ;  cited  in  Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist.  Am., 
vol.  iv.,  p.  5  and  note  i  ;  Henry  C.  Murphy,  The  Voyage  of  Verrazano,  New 
York,  1875,  p.  163,  and  B.  F.  Da  Costa,  Verrazano  the  Explorer,  New 
York,  1880,  p.  25. 


20  The  Spanish  Settlements 

undertaking  in  the  Indies.'  In  the  following  year  the 
King  and  Queen  of  Portugal  were  informed  of  the  Em- 
peror's intention  in  this  respect  and  of  King  Francis's 
answer  thereto'.  Three  years  later  (1540)  Spain  was 
urging  the  "slow-moving  Portuguese"  to  take  action 
ac^ainst  France  in  view  of  certain  licenses  granted  by 
Francis  to  his  subjects  to  sail  for  the  East  and  West 
Indies-/  and  in  November  of  the  same  year  Los  Cobos 
wrote  Louis  Sarmiento  de  Mendoza,  Spain's  ambassador 
to  Portugal,  that  while  there  was  no  fear  of  a  French  ex- 
pedition against  the  Indies  during  the  winter,  "it  must 
be  borne  in  mind  that  when  the  Spring  sets  in,  and  the 
weather  is  fine  and  the  winds  are  favourable  they  may  all 
of  a  sudden  be  tempted  to  carry  out  their  bad  intentions."  * 
The  Emperor  did  not  wait  for  the  French  to  act  in 
order  to  ascertain  their  designs.  Following  the  advice 
he  had  given  his  son,  to  forestall  any  attempt  on  their 
part  to  invade  the  Indies,  he  dispatched  a  secret  agent, 
Don  Pedro  de  Santiago,  during  the  winter  to  see  what 
the  French  were  doing,  and  on  Santiago's  return  he  was 
sent  a  second  time  to  visit  the  entire  French  coast  from 
Bordeaux  to  Brittany  and  Normandy  to  learn  what  ships 
were  arming  in  the  different  ports,  their  number  and 
equipment,  and  if  they  were  designed  to  rob  or  injure  the 
shipping  that  came  from  the  Indies.  No  port,  however 
insignificant,  appears  to  have  been  overlooked,  and  the 
agent,  having  ascertained  that  a   fleet   of  thirteen  sail, 

1  The  Articles  discussed  with  His  Majesty  at  Mon9on  with  regard  to  the 
instructions  to  be  given  to  Cobos  and  Granvelle  for  treating  with  the  Grand 
Master  of  France,  1537  ;  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Spanish,  vol.  v.,  Pt.  II., 
p.  407. 

^  Luis  Sarmiento  (de  Mendoza)  to  the  Emperor,  July  30,  153S  ;  Calendar 
of  State  Papers,  Spanish,  vol.  vi.,  Pt.  I.,  p.  5- 

3  Cardinal  Tavera  to  the  Emperor,  Madrid,  Oct.  11,  1540;  Calendar  of 
State  Papers,  Spanish,  vol.  vi.,  Pt.  I.,  p.  279. 

■•  High  Commander  Cobos  to  Luis  Sarmiento  (de  Mendoza),  Madrid,  Nov. 
16,  1540,  Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Spanish,  vol.  vi.,  Pt.  I.,  p.  291. 


The  Treasure  Fleets  and  Florida       21 

with  ammunition  and  artillery  for  a  two-years'  cruise, 
was  being  fitted  out  at  St.  Malo  in  command  of  Jacques 
Cartier,  sought  an  interview  with  him  and  learned  that 
his  intention  was  to  people  a  country  called  Canada.' 

The  conclusions  of  the  Councils  of  State  and  of  the 
Indies,  based  upon  Santiago's  report,  are  particularly  in- 
teresting in  view  of  what  actually  occurred  twenty  years 
later;  they  find  that  the  intention  of  the  French  is  "to 
place  themselves  near  the  Bahama  Channel,  which  is  the 
best  position  they  could  take,  when  the  war  with  France 
shall  brake  out,  to  harm  the  ships  of  the  Indies,  for  most  of 
them  come  through  the  said  Channel  of  Bahama,  and  not 
a  single  one  could  pass  without  their  seizing  it."  *  They 
also  advise  that  in  place  of  the  single  caravel  which  the 
Emperor  had  ordered  to  follow  Cartier's  fleet  three 
should  be  sent,  and  recommend  that,  on  learning  where 
the  French  intend  to  colonise,  a  person  of  capacity  be 
appointed  Captain  General,  who  should  publicly  appear 
as  its  discoverer  and  apply  for  the  right  to  conquer  and 
colonise  it,  which  should  be  done,  however,  at  the  cost  of 
the  royal  treasury.  Although  the  Cardinal  of  Seville  did 
not  accept  the  conclusion  of  the  Councils  as  to  the  object 
the  French  had  in  view,^  the  two  caravels  were  dispatched, 

'  Carta  de  Cristoval  de  Haro  al  emperador  Carlos  s'',  fecha  en  Burgos  a 
25  de  henero  de  1541,  MS.  De  samano  [Juan  de  Samano,  secretary  of 
Charles  V.],  traslado  de  una  ca  q  se  escriuio  a  xpobal  de  haro,  de  Madrid, 
MS.  (undated).  Copia  de  la  carta  q  escriuio  xpoiial  de  haro  a  su  mag.  en  ocho 
de  abril,  1541,  MS.-  AUof  these  three  letters  in  Arch.  Gen.  de  Indias,  Sevilla 
est.,  143,  caj.  3,  leg,  11.  An  extract  of  this  last  letter  is  printed  with 
out  date  or  reference  in  Una  Expedicidn  Espanola  d  la  Tierra  de  los  Bacal- 
laos  en  1J41,  Jose  Toribio  Medina,  Santiago  de  Chile,  1896,  p.  xxv. 
"  Relacion  de  lo  que  dice  la  espia  que  el  Consejo  de  las  Indias  embio  a 
Francia  para  saver  lo  de  las  Armadas  que  se  preparaban  alii,"  Buckingham 
Smith,  Col.  Doc.  Flo.,  tomo  i.,  p.  107. 

'^  "  Lo  que  se  acuerda  en  el  Consejo  de  Estado  y  de  Indias  sobre  lo  que  se 
presenta  tocante  al  intento  de  la  Armada  de  Francia,  en  respuesta  a  Su 
Majestad,"  Buck.  Smith,  Col.  Doc,  Flo.,  tomo  i.,  p.  log. 

^In  his  letter  of  June  10,  1541  ;  Buck.  Smith,  Col.  Doc.  Flo., ioraoi.,  p.  III. 


2  2  The  Spanish  Settlements 

the  one  sailing  from  San  Lucar,  and  the  other  from 
Bayonne  in  August  of  the  same  year,  and  but  a  few  days 
apart.' 

In  1545  came  official  complaints  concerning  certain 
ships  from  Peru  reported  to  have  been  sunk  by  two 
French  vessels';  neither  did  the  proposed  Roberval  ex- 
pedition of  1547  escape  the  sharp  eyes  of  the  Spanish 
authorities.'  In  1549  Simon  Renard,  Charles  V.'s  am- 
bassador at  the  French  Court,  was  advised  to  inform 
himself  "if  vessels  are  being  armed  to  go  to  the  Indies, 
or  to  await  on  their  passage  near  Seville  ships  of  sub- 
jects of  the  said  Emperor  arriving  from  the  Indies."* 
In  1555  the  French  pirate,  Pedro  Beaguez,  visited  Santa 
Martha,  and  Jacques  de  Soria  made  a  descent  upon  the 
island  of  Margarita,  where  the  pearl  fisheries  were,  seized 
the  town  through  the  treachery  of  one  of  its  inhabitants, 
by  the  freeing  of  the  negro  slaves,  and  caused  it  to  pay  a 
heavy  ransom.  He  next  visited  Santa  Martha,  where  he 
betrayed  what  Pulgar  calls  his  "Lutheran  perfidy"  by 
pillaging  the  church,  and  then  burned  Carthagena,  and 
burned  and  sacked  Santiago  de  Cuba  and  Havana.^ 

At  last  Charles  V.  and  his  son  Philip,  "King  of  Eng- 

'  Medina,  Expcdidon  d  los  Bacallaos,  pp.  xxvii.-xxxv. 

*  "  Reponses  du  ministere  de  France  a  diverses  reclamations  presentees 
au  nom  de  I'Empereur  par  Jean  de  Saint  Mauris,  son  ambassadeur"  (1545, 
avril  ou  mai).  Sans  date.  In  Papier s  d'etat  du  Cardinal  de  Granvelle,  vol. 
iii.,  p.  140. 

2  "  Copie  de  ce  qui  a  este  escript  de. Paris  a  I'abbe  de  Sainct  Vincent 
touchant  (le)  Canada,"  1547  ;  Brit.  Mus.,  Add.  MSS.  28,596,  fol.  154. 

*  "  Instructions  a  Simon  Renard,  ambassadeur  a  la  cour  de  France."  Sans 
date  (Bruxelles,  Janvier,  I54g),  Papier s  d'etat  du  Cardinal  de  Granvelle, 
vol.  iii.,  p.  343. 

s  "  Memorial  de  Pedro  Menendez  de  Aviles,"  undated,  [1561-62?] 
Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  322  ;  Historia  General  de  las  Indias  Occi- 
dentales,  Decada  Nona,  continua  la  de  Antonio  de  Herrera  desde  el  ano  de 
1555  asta  el  de  1565,  Doctor  D.  Pedro  Fernandez  de  Pulgar,  tomo  i.,  fol. 
69,  Bib.  Nac,  Madrid,  MSS.  2796.  And  see  the  versified  account  of  Juan 
de  Castellanos  in  Primera  Parte  de  las  elegias  de  varones  illustres  de  Indias, 
Madrid,  1589,  p.  314. 


The  Treasure  Fleets  and  Florida       23 

land,"  succeeded  in  imposing  the  long-contemplated  re- 
strictions upon  French  activity  in  the  Indies.  In  the 
truce  of  February  5,  1556,  signed  at  Vaucelles  and  which 
was  to  last  for  five  years,  Henry  II.  agreed  that  "the 
subjects  of  the  said  Sir  King  of  France  or  others  at  their 
behest  shall  not  traffic,  navigate,  or  trade  in  the  Indies 
belonging  to  the  said  Sir  King  of  England,  without  his 
express  leave  and  license;  otherwise,  doing  the  contrary, 
it  shall  be  allowable  to  proceed  against  them  as  enemies; 
the  said  truce  remaining  none  the  less  in  force  and 
vigour. ' '  '  The  ink  of  the  treaty  of  Vaucelles  was  scarcely 
dry  when,  four  months  later  (June,  1556),  the  Neapolitan 
Pope,  Paul  IV.,  who  had  invoked  the  aid  of  the  Turk  in 
his  struggle  with  Philip  over  the  temporalities  of  the 
Church  in  Sicily  and  Naples,  induced  Henry  to  break  it, 
and  the  three-years'  war  with  France  began  which  termi- 
nated with  the  treaty  of  Cateau-Cambresis  in  1559. 

To  the  last  moment  of  the  truce  Spanish  vigilance  con- 
tinued on  the  alert.  Villegaignon  had  sailed  for  Brazil 
the  previous  year  under  the  auspices  of  Admiral  Coligny 
to  found  a  Protestant  colony  there,  while  Dona  Juana, 
widow  of  Don  John  of  Portugal,  was  Regent  of  Spain 
during  Philip's  absence  in  England  and  the  Netherlands. 
Renard,  who  had  a  secret  agent  in  Normandy  giving  him 
information  of  ships  under  construction  and  their  de- 
stination," wrote  to  the  Regent  in  July,  1556,  that  Ville- 
gaignon, 

' '  having  seized  a  port  in  the  passage  of  the  Indies,  is  fortifying 
it  and  has  advised  the  King  of  France,  that  if  he  will  send  him 
four  or  five  thousand  soldiers  he  will  conquer  a  part  of  the 

'  Corps  Universel  diplomatique  du  Droit  des  Gens,  ].  Dumont,  Amster- 
dam, La  Haye,  1726,  vol.  iv.,  Partie  III.,  p.  84.  "Additions  de  quelques 
Articles  au  Traite  de  Vaucelles,  etc." 

*  L'Ambassadeur  Renard  k  Philippe  II.,  Paris,  7  juillet,  1556;  Papiers 
d'etat  du  Cardinal  de  Granvelle,  vol.  iv.,  p.  622. 


24  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Indies  for  him  and  prevent  the  navigation  of  that  part.  ,  .  . 
And  as  the  French  are  arming  vessels  in  Normandy  and  Brit- 
tany," continues  Renard,  "  although  they  may  be  for  another 
object,  it  appeared  to  me  that  I  should  not  fail  to  give  this 
advice,  in  order  that  your  Highness  may  warn  and  advise 
those  whom  it  concerns ;  for  they  could  easily  molest  travellers 
and  navigators  to  the  said  Indies."  ' 

In  1559  the  treaty  of  Cateau-Cambr6sis  was  signed  be- 
tween Philip  and  Henry  II.,  by  which  France  disgorged 
an  accumulated  plunder  of  years,  said  to  have  equalled 
in  value  one-third  of  the  kingdom.'  No  reference  was 
made  to  the  Indies  in  the  treaty  itself.  There  appears, 
however,  to  have  been  an  understanding  that,  while  the 
French  pirates  and  privateers  were  to  be  duly  punished, 
and  while  France  agreed  that  she  would  not  interfere 
with  Philip's  West  Indian  possessions,  she  still  insisted 
that  the  freedom  of  the  sea  was  hers,  as  well  as  of  those 
regions  which  did  not  belong  to  Spain,  and  that  she  would 
not  "consent  to  be  deprived  of  the  sea  and  the  heavens."  ' 

Be  that  as  it  may,  the  Duke  of  Alba  in  a  subsequent 
conversation  with  Fourquevaux,  the  French  ambassador 
to  Spain,  implied  that  the  omission  in  the  treaty  arose 
entirely  from  the  absence  of  any  adverse  occupation  of 
the  Indies  by  the  French  at  the  time  of  its  signing,"  In 
June  of  the  same  year  Philip  was  married  by  proxy  to 
the  French  Princess  Isabella  of  Savoy,  and  in  January, 
1560,  shortly  after  his  return  to  Spain,  he  met  her  for  the 
first  time  at  Guadalajara.     The  close  bonds  now  estab- 

'  L'Ambassadeur  Renard  (k  la  princesse  de  Portugal?).  Sans  date. 
(Commencement  d'aout,  1556);  Hid.,  vol.  iv.,  p.  658. 

«  TAe  A'ise  of  the  Dutch  Republic,  John  Lothrop  Motley.  New  York, 
1859,  vol.  i.,  chap,  iii.,  p.  202. 

^  Unsigned  and  undated  note,  1564-1566,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.  Paris,  K, 
1503. 

*  Lettre  au  Roi,  24  decembre,  1565,  Ddpiches  de  M.  de  Fourqtuvattx,  p. 
17. 


The  Treasure  Fleets  and  Florida       25 

lished  between  himself  and  France,  which  had  been  one 
of  the  main  objects  of  the  last  treaty,  were  insufficient 
to  quiet  Philip's  ever-suspicious  spirit.  Hardly  had  the 
marriage  by  proxy  been  performed,  when  the  Duke  of 
Alba,  who  had  represented  Philip  at  the  ceremony,  was 
writing  to  the  King  from  Paris  regarding  the  prohibition 
which  the  French  King  was  to  proclaim  in  respect  to  the 
navigation  of  the  Indies.' 

In  August  of  the  same  year  Chantone  arrived  in  Paris 
as  Philip's  ambassador,  and  began  his  complaints  against 
the  French  piracies.  During  November  and  December 
Rouen  citizens  were  arming  vessels  at  Havre  de  Grace 
to  plunder  the  Indies,"  and  December  24th  Philip  wrote 
directing  him  to  oppose  the  granting  by  the  French  King 
of  licences  to  go  to  the  Indies,  "because  if  they  sought 
to  conquer  territory,  it  could  only  be  on  the  same  coasts 
which  we  already  hold,  or  in  our  provinces,  which  we 
have  discovered  in  those  parts,  and  because  they  would 
not  be  able  to  maintain  them."  ' 

Early  in  January  of  the  following  year  Chantone  pro- 
tested in  open  council  against  the  equipment  of  the  ves- 
sels already  referred  to.  Admiral  Coligny  replied  that 
none  of  them  would  be  permitted  to  sail  from  Brittany 
or  Normandy,  where  he  commanded,  either  for  the  In- 
dies or  to  their  harm  or  that  of  any  of  the  Spanish  King's 
subjects.'  A  few  months  later,  again  importuning  the 
Cardinal  of  Lorraine  in  respect  to  suspicious  vessels  arm- 
ing in  the  same  ports,  he  received  the  curt  reply  that  the 
French  "were  under  no  obligation  to  hold  their  vessels 
at  the  will  of  their  neighbours,  nor  to  be  prevented  from 


'  Letter  of  July  22,  1559,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.  Paris,  K,  1492  (60). 
■^  Letter  of  Nov.  15,  1559,  Blois,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.  Paris,  K,  1492(77); 
and  Dec.  2,  1559,  ibid.  (82),  fol.  5. 

*  Letter,  Dec.  24,  1559,  Paris,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.  Paris,  K,  1493  (12). 

*  Letter,  Jan.  17,  1560,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.  Paris,  K,  1493  (30). 


26  The  Spanish  Settlements 

sending  them  where  it  best  suited  their  convenience,  and 
if  the  Spaniards  suspected  their  actions  without  reason, 
the  French  saw  no  way  of  undeceiving  them."  ' 

Everything  aroused  Chantone's  suspicions,  from  the 
rattHng  of  an  anchor  chain  to  the  laying  of  a  keel ;  and 
his  eyes  were  never  off  the  ports  of  Normandy  and  Brit- 
tany, hotbeds  of  "Lutherans  "  and  breeding-grounds  of 
pirates.  Early  in  the  year  1561  reports  of  the  arming 
of  a  fleet  of  ten  galleys,  manned  by  seventy  "Lutheran" 
sailors,  carrying  fifty  pieces  of  artillery,  and  provided 
with  a  launch  for  shallow  water,  for  the  purpose  of  pillag- 
ing the  shores  of  the  Indies  and  robbing  the  returning 
Spanish  vessels,  called  for  special  remonstrance  on  the 
part  of  Philip.' 

This  was  followed  by  a  convention  of  ship  captains  held 
in  England  to  which  the  captains  of  Normandy  and  Brit- 
tany were  summoned,  and  whose  action  awaited  the  return 
of  Coligny  from  Chatillon,  where  he  had  gone  to  spend 
Easter.  "This  junta  of  vessels  has  awakened  my  sus- 
picions," writes  Chantone,  "and  I  was  anxious  for  some 
days,  because  the  Admiral  is  a  friend  of  novelties,  and  of 
seeking  his  own  advantage.  .  .  .  It  is  also  reported 
that  the  said  ships  are  bound  for  the  Indies."  '  In  May 
he  forwarded  to  the  King  a  report  of  the  ships  in  the 
various  French  ports.*  Coligny  again  readily  promised 
that  he  would  do  all  that  was  in  his  power,  and  what  was 
just,  to  stop  the  piracies.'  Meanwhile  the  plundering,  by 
corsairs,  from  Normandy  and  Brittany  of  Spanish  vessels 
returning  from    the    Indies   and    the  slaughter  of   their 

'  Chantone  to  Philip,  Nov.  20  and  22,  1560,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.  Paris,  K, 
1493  (107),  fol.  2b. 

2  Letter,  1561,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.  Paris,  K,  1495  (i)  and  Philip  to  Chantone, 
March  23,  1561,  Toledo,  MS.  ibid.,  K.,  1495  (26). 

3  Letter,  April  7,  1561,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.  Paris,  K,  1494  (73). 

*  Letter,  May  i,  1561,  MS.  ibid.,  K,  1494  (84),  forwarding  the  Report 
dated  April  20,  1561,  MS.  ibid.,  K,  1494  (80). 

'Letter,  Nov.  9,  1561,  MS.  Arch,  Nat.  Paris,  K,  1494  (107). 


The  Treasure  Fleets  and  Florida       27 

crews  continued,'  until  Chantone,  in  justifiable  indigna- 
tion, writes  his  King  under  date  of  January  13,  1562, 
"with  the  robberies  committed  in  the  route  of  the  Indies 
during  the  past  days,  all  those  of  Normandy  and  Brittany 
are  so  possessed  of  greed,  that  there  is  not  a  man  of  those 
that  follow  the  fleets  who  does  not  seek  to  own  a  ship  or 
to  have  one  built,  although  they  would  have  to  sell  their 
inheritance  to  attain  it,"  and  he  adds,  "that  all  those  who 
were  engaged  in  this  matter  were  heretics,  and  of  those 
regarded  with  the  most  Cavour."  ' 

»  Letter,  Aug.  11,  1561,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.  Paris,  K,  1495  (62)  ;  letter,  1560 
or  1561  (?),  MS.  idic/.,  K,  1494  (i?). 
'Letter,  Jan.  13,  1562,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.  Paris,  K,  1497 (S). 


CHAPTER   II 

THE    FIRST    FRENCH   COLONY 

IN  the  same  letter  of  January  13,  1562,  Chantone,  after 
expressing  his  desperation  in  the  terms  just  cited,  in- 
forms Philip  that  "the  three  ships  which  I  wrote  Y.  M. 
were  preparing  to  sail  for  Florida  have  come  to  be  six, 
and  a  number  of  people  will  go  in  them,  and  they  will 
leave  after  the  close  of  this  month  with  the  first  fair 
weather.  .  .  .  The  said  six  vessels  go  under  the  com- 
mand of  Jean  Ribaut.  ...  I  will  not  fail  to  have  a 
word  about  it  with  the  Queen,  although  they  deny  that 
they  are  bound  for  those  parts,  but  the  thing  is  very  cer- 
■tain,  and  it  would  be  well,  if  it  please  Y.  M.,  to  mention 
it  to  Limoges."  '  Ten  days  later  he  saw  Catherine  de' 
Medici  and  handed  her  a  memorandum  on  the  subject, 
which  she  retained  in  order  to  show  it  to  Coligny  and  to 
answer  it  by  letter,  while  she  assured  him  at  the  same 
time  that  nothing  would  be  done  to  the  detriment  of 
Philip's  interests.^ 

A  week  later  Chantone,  whose  suspicions  were  thor- 
oughly aroused,  wrote  Philip  that  an  effort  was  being 
made  to  obtain  the  pardon  of  a  certain  Portuguese  pirate, 
who  had  been  implicated  in  robberies  of  the  India  fleet, 

'  Letter,  Jan.  13,  1562,  MS.  Arch.  Nat,  Paris,  K,  1497  (5).  "  Limoges  " 
was  Sebastien  de  I'Aubespine,  Bishop  of  Limoges,  French  Ambassador  to 
Spain  at  the  time. 

« Chantone  to  Philip  II.,  Jan.  23,  1562,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.  Paris,  K,  I497(6). 
28 


lOYNE  DE  MORGUES,   PUBLISHED  BV  DE   eRYIN1591. 


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IS 


FLORlD>E  AMERICAN/E  I 


:  MOYNE  DE  MORGUES,   PUBLISHED  8V  DE  BRY  1 


The  First  French  Colony  29 

in  order  that  he  might  accompany  the  vessels  destined  for 
Florida;  that  he  had  complained  about  it  to  the  Queen; 
that  she  professed  to  know  nothing  about  the  matter,  but 
would  inform  herself;  that  it  was  evident  from  her  written 
answer  that  the  expedition  was  fully  determined  upon, 
and  that  a  Spaniard  had  been  secretly  conveyed  by  night 
to  the  Admiral's  apartment,  and  was  secretly  brought 
back,  with  the  object,  as  Chantone  surmises,  of  giving 
information  about  the  Florida  coast,  or  of  acting  as  agent 
for  the  Spanish  heretics.'  Philip  at  once  referred  the 
letter  to  the  Council  of  the  Indies  for  their  consideration, 
urging  haste  in  the  matter  of  the  ships  bound  for  Florida, 
concerning  which  he  asked  for  their  advice,  whether  it 
were  best  to  take  some  immediate  action  or  to  await 
further  developments.'' 

The  decadence  of  France  at  about  this  period  was  most 
profound.  Within  her  own  bosom  she  was  torn  asun- 
der by  civil  war  arising  from  religious  intolerance.  Her 
armies  had  almost  disappeared,  her  navy  had  lost  its  for- 
mer  glory,  and  she  was  deserted  by  her  allies.  Gaspard 
de  Coligny,  lord  of  Chatillon-sur-Loing  and  Admiral  of 
France,  a  staunch  patriot,  a  brave  soldier,  and  an  earnest 
Huguenot,  had  dreamed  of  restoring  her  to  her  lost  great- 
ness. In  pursuit  of  this  object  his  eyes  turned  longingly 
to  Spain's  transatlantic  possessions,  and  he  thought  that 
by  depriving  her  of  those  he  could  hope  to  weaken  her 
world  supremacy,  for  he  hated  her  both  as  a  Frenchman, 
with  whom  she  had  been  almost  continually  at  war,  and 
as  a  Protestant,  against  whose  religion  she  was  persistently 
intriguing.  As  early  as  1555  he  had  sent  to  Brazil  the 
unsuccessful  expedition  of  Villegaignon  already  referred 
to.  Undismayed  by  this  failure,  he  determined  to  re- 
new his  enterprise,  and  in  1561  called  for  a  gathering  of 

'  Letter,  Jan.  30,  1562,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.  Paris,  K,  1497  (7). 
'^Endorsement  in  the  King's  hand  on  the  letter  of  Jan.  30,  1562,  MS. 
Arch.  Nat.  Paris,  K,  1497  (7). 


30  The  Spanish  Settlements 

volunteers,  at  Havre,  without  respect  to  religion,  and  an- 
nounced that  an  expedition  would  soon  sail  from  thence 
for  Florida.' 

On  the  i6th  of  February,  1562,  the  expedition  set  out.* 
The  fleet  consisted  of  two  Dutch  three-masters,  small 
vessels  of  one  hundred  and  seventeen  and  sixty  tons  re- 
spectively,^ and  a  large  sloop,  besides  two  smaller  ones 
which  were  carried  aboard  the  large  vessels  while  at  sea.* 
It  was  commanded  by  Jean  Ribaut  of  Dieppe,  a  skilful 
sailor,  a  devout  Protestant,  and  a  man  of  some  diplo- 
matic experience,  for  in  1559  he  had  been  sent  to  Scot- 
land in  the  French  interests,  where  he  had  fulfilled  his 
mission  with  credit  to  himself.  His  lieutenant  character- 
ised him  as  perhaps  a  little  obstinate  in  his  opinions  with 
"deuises  of  his  owne  braine,  which  sometimes  hee  printed 
in  his  head  so  deeply,  that  it  was  very  hard  to  put  them 
out."  "  Of  his  entire  crew  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  men, 
half  of  them  were  arquebusiers,  and  for  the  most  part  old 

'  Histoire  de  la  Floride  Franfaise  par  Paul  Gaffarel,  Paris,  1875,  pp.  i-g. 

^  Histoire  notable  de  la  Floride  situee  es  Indes  Occidentales  contenant  les 
trois  voyages  faicts  en  icelle  par  certains  Capitaines  et  Pilotes  Franfois 
descrits  par  le  Capitaine  Laudonniere  qui  y  a  commande  I'espace  d'un  an 
trois  moys,  Paris,  1586  ;  sec.  xv. ,  reprint  in  Gaffarel,  Hist,  de  la  Floride,  p. 
354.  This  French  version  is  usually  known  by  the  name  of  its  editor,  Bas- 
anier.  English  version  entitled  "A  notable  historie  containing  foure  voyages 
made  by  certaine  French  Captaines  into  Florida  :  Wherein  the  great  riches 
and  fruitefulnesse  of  the  Countrey  with  the  maners  of  the  people  hitherto 
concealed  are  brought  to  light,  written  all,  sauing  the  last,  by  Monsieur 
Laudonniere,  who  remained  there  himselfe  as  the  French  King's  Lieutenant 
a  yeere  and  a  quarter.  Translated  out  of  French  into  English  by  ^L 
Richard  Haklvyt."  In  Voyages  of  the  English  Nation  to  America,  collected 
by  Richard  Hakluyt  and  edited  by  Edmund  Goldsmith,  Edinburgh,  1889, 
vol.  ii.,  p.  417. 

*  Relacion  e  informacion  de  los  Franceses  que  han  ido  a  poblar  en  la  costa 
de  la  Florida.  San  Cristobal  de  la  Habana,  g  julio,  1564  ;  MS.  Arch. 
Gen.  de  Indias,  Sevilla,  est.,  54,  caj.  i,  leg.  15,  pp.  18,  19  ;  Gaffarel,  Hist, 
de  la  Floride,  p.  14. 

^Lescarbot,  Histoire  de  la  Nouvelle  France,  Paris,  1611,  p.  42. 

*"A  Notable  Historie,"  Zi'a^t.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  523;  Basanier,  p.  114;  Gaf- 
farel, Hist,  de  la  Floride,  p.  13. 


The  First  French  Colony  31 

soldiers.  There  was  also  an  Englishman  in  the  party, 
and  several  gentlemen,  one  of  whom,  Ren6  de  Laudon- 
ni^re,  was  destined  to  play  an  important  part  in  subse- 
quent events.'  The  pilot  was  a  Portuguese  "than  whom 
there  was  none  more  competent  to  show  them  the  way," 
writes  Chantone."  As  most  of  the  men  were  Calvinists 
a  preacher  accompanied  them.  The  vessels  carried 
twenty-five  pieces  of  artillery  all  of  bronze,"  and  were  well 
equipped  with  ammunition  and  supplies  for  a  long 
period.  Chantone,  who  had  ample  means  of  informing 
himself,  writes  his  King  that  besides  Coligny,  who  was 
obviously  the  soul  of  the  enterprise,*  the  Queen  Mother, 
Vendome,'  the  Prince  of  Cond6,'  and  Madame  de  Cursot' 
had  contributed  to  the  enterprise.  Among  the  crew 
itself  the  rumour  ran  that  the  Queen  and  Vendome  had 
each  of  them  given  a  thousand  ducats,  and  that  the  fleet 
was  bound  directly  for  Florida,  to  settle  at  Santa  Elena, 
and  to  learn  if  it  was  a  good  location  from  which  to  enter 
the  Bahama  Channel  in  order  to  seize  the  fleet  of  the 
Indies.* 

Although  it  was  too  late  to  run  any  danger  of  encoun- 

'Basanier,  Histoire  Notable,  Paris,  1586,  p.  8  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  417. 

«  Chantone  to  Philip  II.,  Jan.  24,  1563.  MS.  Arch.  Nat.  Paris,  K,  1500 
(43),  written  after  the  return  of  the  survivors  of  the  expedition.  The  Re- 
lacidn  e  informacidn  de  los  Franceses,  etc.,  p.  20,  says  there  was  also  a 
Spanish  pilot  named  Bartholomew,  from  Seville. 

^ Relacidn  e  informacidn  de  los  Franceses,  etc.,  pp.  14-19- 

4  Chantone  to  Philip  II,,  Jan.  24,  1563.  MS.  Arch.  Nat.  Paris,  K,  1500 

(43). 

^  Antoine  de  Bourbon,  of  the  Vendome  branch  of  the  Bourbon  family. 

^  Louis  I.,  Prince  of  Conde  and  brother  of  Antoine  de  Bourbon. 

''  Spelled  "  Corosot  "  in  the  MS.  of  the  Navarrete  Collection,  and  probably 
intended  for  Madame  de  Cursol,  who  became  Duchess  of  Uzais,  and  whose 
name  is  mentioned  by  Brantome  among  those  of  the  court  ladies  of 
Catherine  de'  Medici. 

*  Relacidn  e  informacidn  de  los  Franceses,  etc.,  p.  19  ;  see  the  opinion  of 
the  Venetian  ambassador,  written  in  1573,  as  to  the  quality  of  the  French 
colonists  and  the  object  Ribaut  had  in  view  (Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo 
i.,  p.  cxl.,  footnote). 


32  The  Spanish  Settlements 

tering  the  outgoing  Spanish  fleet,  and  too  early  for  the 
returning  one,  Ribaut,  anxious  to  escape  the  observation 
of  the  Spaniards  and  conceal  from  them  his  exact  desti- 
nation, pursued  an  unfrequented  course,  by  which  he 
avoided  the  Canaries  and  the  Azores,  the  customary 
route  of  the  Armada.'  He  cut  across  the  current  of  the 
Gulf  Stream,  and  in  place  of  making  the  coast  of  Canada, 
where  France  was  now  in  undisputed  possession,  struck 
the  eastern  shore  of  Florida  in  29°  30'  north  latitude  on 
April  30th,  off  a  headland  which  he  called  French  Cape, 
and  which  was  perhaps  a  little  above  the  present  site  of 
St.  Augustine.*  He  had  taken  two  months  and  a  half  to 
cross  the  Atlantic  and  during  his  prolonged  trip  had  met 

^  "The  true  and  last  discoverie  of  Florida  by  Captain  John  Ribaut," 
reprint  in  Hist.  Collections  of  Louisiana  and  Florida,  by  B.  F.  French ; 
2d  series,  "  Historical  Memoirs  and  Narratives,"  1527-1702,  New  York, 
1875,  chap,  i.,  p.  166;  Basanier,  Hist.  Notable,  p.  8;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p. 
417  ;  Gaffarel,  Hist,  de  la  Floride,  p.  14.  Ribaut's  first  English  account 
appeared  under  the  title:  "The  vi^hole  and  true  Discoverye  of  Terra 
Florida  (Englished,  The  Flourishing  Land),  conteyning  as  well  the  wonder- 
ful straunge  Natures  and  Manners  of  the  People,  with  the  merveylous  Com- 
modities and  Treasures  of  the  Country ;  as  also  the  pleasant  Fortes  and 
Havens  and  Wayes  thereunto,  never  found  out  before  the  last  year,  1562. 
Written  in  French,  by  Captain  Ribauld,  the  fyrst  that  whollye  discovered 
the  same,  and  now  newly  set  forthe  in  Englishe,  the  XXX.  of  May,  1563." 
This  was  first  printed  by  Hakluyt  in  his  small  black-letter  volume  of  1583, 
but  not  in  the  folio  collection,  under  the  title  of  "  The  True  and  Last  Dis- 
coverie of  Florida,  translated  into  Englishe  by  one  Thomas  Hackit."  The 
French  version,  entitled  "  Historic  de  I'expedition  Fran9aise  en  Floride," 
was  published  by  Ribaut  in  London,  in  1563  ;  Shea  in  H.,  Narr.  and  Crit. 
Hist.  Am.,  p.  293  ;   Brinton  in  N'otes  on  the  Floridian  Peninsula,  p.  28. 

^  ' '  The  true  and  last  discoverie  of  Florida,"  reprint,  ibid. ,  p.  169  ;  Laudon- 
niere  (Basanier,  Hist.  Notable,  p.  8  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  417)  and  Le  Moyne 
{Brevis  Narr  alio,  Plate  I.)  say  30°.  Laudonniere  (Basanier,  p.  36  ;  Hak., 
vol.  ii.,  p.  445)  says  that  the  second  expedition  landed  "  neere  a  little  riuer, 
which  is  30  degrees  distant  from  the  Equator,  and  10  degrees  aboue  Cape 
Fran9ois  drawing  towords  the  South,  and  aboue  30  leagues  aboue  the  Riuer 
of  May."  This  he  named  the  River  of  Dolphins.  The  marginal  note  to 
the  above  paragraph  is  :  "Cape  Fran9ois  between  the  riuer  of  Dolphins  and 
the  Riuer  of  May,  maketh  the  distance  30  leagues  about  which  is  but  10 
leagues  ouer  land."     Gaffarel  in  his  Hist,  de  la  Floride,  p.  15,  places  the 


The  First  French  Colony  33 

with  but  one  vessel,  a  Spaniard  returning  from  the  Indies, 
which  he  encountered  off  the  Bermudas.'  Coasting  north 
Ribaut  struck  the  St.  John's  River,  which  he  named  the 
River  of  May,  having  discovered  it  on  the  first  of  that 
month.'  He  remained  there  the  following  day,  entered 
into  friendly  relations  with  the  Indians,  and  erected  on  a 

landfall  "  at  the  point  of  land  north  of  the  City  of  St.  Augustine."  Tlie 
Territory  of  Florida,  by  John  Lee  Williams,  New  York,  1837,  p.  169, 
places  the  landfall  "  about  the  latitude  of  St.  Augustine."  Guillermo  Rufin, 
in  Relacidn  e  informacidn  de  los  Franceses,  etc.,  p.  20,  says  :  "  La  primera 
tierra  della  que  vieron  oyo  dezir  al  piloto  que  hera  el  cavo  de  la  florida 
junto  a  la  canal  de  bahama."  Parkman  in  his  Pioneers  of  France  in  the 
New  World,  Boston,  1893,  p.  36,  says  it  was  probably  one  of  the  headlands 
of  Matanzas  Inlet. 

'  Relacidn  e  informacidn  de  los  Franceses,  etc.,  p.  20. 

^  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  10;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  419;  Le  Moyne, 
"  Eicones"  in  Brevis  Narratio,  Plate  IL  "  Copie  d'vne  lettre  venant  de 
la  Floride,  enuoyee  a  Rouen,  et  depuis  au  seigneur  d'Eueron  ;  ensemble  le 
plan  et  portraict  du  fort  que  les  Fran9ois  y  ont  faict."  A  Paris,  pour  Vin- 
cent Norment  et  Jeanne  Bruneau,  en  la  rue  Neufue-Nostre-Dame,  a  I'lmage 
Sainct-Iean  I'Euangeliste,  1565  ;  reprint  in  Recueil  de  Pieces  sur  la  Floride, 
par  H.  Ternaux-Compans,  Paris,  1841,  p.  23S.  In  Laudonniere's  account 
{Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  8  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  417)  the  first  place  discov- 
ered beyond  the  landfall  is  "  a  very  faire  and  great  Riuer"  where  Ribaut 
sets  up  the  pillar  on  which  "  the  Arms  of  France  were  carued  and  engraued. 
This  being  done  hee  embarked  himself  againe,  to  the  ende  always  to  dis- 
couer  the  coast  toword  the  North  which  was  his  chiefe  desire.  After  he 
had  sayled  a  certaine  time  he  crossed  ouer  to  the  other  side  of  the  riuer," 
evidently  of  the  river  already  mentioned,  where  he  is  entertained  by  the 
Indians.  It  is  evident  from  the  context  here  and  from  the  location  of  Cape 
Fran9ois,  mentioned  in  the  preceding  note,  that  the  River  of  May  was  the 
first  river  visited  by  Ribaut  according  to  this  account.  In  Laudonniere's 
history  of  the  second  expedition  {Basanier,  pp.  36,  37  ;  Hak.,  vol.,  ii.,  p. 
445)  he  describes  the  River  of  Dolphins,  but  makes  no  reference  to  having 
previously  visited  it  with  Ribaut.  Le  Moyne,  who  was  not  with  Ribaut  on 
the  first  expedition,  appears  to  have  confused  the  two  accounts.  In  Plate 
I.,  after  having  described  Cape  Fran9ois  in  "  about  thirty  degrees  from  the 
equator,"  he  continues  :  "Coasting  thence  to  the  northward,  they  (Ribaut 
and  his  companions)  discovered  a  broad  and  beautiful  river,  at  whose  mouth 
they  cast  anchor  in  order  to  examine  it  more  in  detail  next  day.  Laudon- 
ni^re,  in  this  second  voyage,  called  this  stream  the  River  of  Dolphins,"  etc. 
See  Appendix  B,  The  River  of  May. 


34  The  Spanish  Settlements 

sand-hill  near  the  mouth  of  the  river  a  stone  column,  on 
which  were  engraved  the  French  arms,  the  date,  and  the 
name  of  the  commander  of  the  expedition.' 

Continuing  his  discoveries  along  the  coast  to  the  north, 
Ribaut  passed  nine  rivers  in  a  distance  of  sixty  leagues, 
to  which  were  given  familiar  names  of  the  rivers  of  his 
own  country :  the  Seine,  the  Somme,  the  Loire,  the  Cha- 
rente,  the  Garonne,  the  Gironde,  the  Belle,  and  the 
Grande.  Their  identity  it  is  now  well-nigh  impossible  to 
determine,  as  the  names  given  them  by  Ribaut  "were 
altered  by  the  Spaniards  in  their  geographical  tables ;  and 
if  some  be  found  where  the  names  are  given,  we  owe  it 
to  the  Hollanders,"  complains  Lescarbot."  Ribaut  had 
evidently  some  acquaintance  with  Spain's  discoveries  in 
North  America,  for  in  a  parley  with  the  natives  on  the 
St.  John's  River,  he  inferred  from  their  signs  that  he  was 
but  twenty  days  distant  by  water  from  Cibola  and  its 
great  treasure.'  In  the  hope  of  a  still  more  promising 
harbour  than  any  he  had  yet  found  he  determined  to  seek 
for  the  "River  Jordan,"  "one  of  the  fairest  of  all  the 
North,"  writes  Laudonniere.' 

Following  the  coast  to  the  north  he  came  at  last  upon 
a  great  river,  three  leagues  wide  at  its  mouth,  and  into 
which  at  flood  tide  the  largest  of  French  ships  could 
enter,  which  he  named  Port  Royal,  and  sailing  three 
leagues  up  the  stream,  he  anchored  his  vessels.  Ribaut 
thought  it  was  the  River  Jordan  '  and  Parkman  identifies 

>  See  Appendix  C,  The  Pillar  Set  up  by  Ribaut. 

''Lescarbot,  Histoire  de  la  Nouvelle  France,  Paris,  1611,  sec.  v.,  p.  45  ; 
Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  10 ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  420  ;  Gaffarel,  p.  18,  And 
see  Appendix  D,  The  Rivers  between  the  River  of  May  and  Port  Royal. 

3  "  The  true  and  last  discoverie,"  etc.;  Hist.  Col.  Louisiana  and  Florida, 
pp.  174-175- 

*Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  11  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  420. 

6  "The  true  and  last  discoverie,"  etc.,  Hist.  Col.  Louisiana  and  Florida, 
p.  185  ;  Laudonniere  in  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  pp.  12,  16  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii., 
pp.  421,  425,  thought  the  Jordan  v/as  more  to  the  north. 


CARTE  DES  COSTES  DELA  FLORinE 
FRAN9OISE 

Echelle  ae  Lieues  communes  cie  France  Je  li  ;iu  I)e(j. 


h.^  > 'i  i^ r= 


MAP  OF  THE  FRENCH   FLORIDA   COLONY  OF   1562-65,  BY  NICOLAS  BELL:N,  IN  "  HISTOiRE 
SCRIPTION  GENERALE   DE   LA  NOUVELLE  FRANCE,"  PAR  LE  P.  DE  CHARLEVOIX,  PARIS, 


£T  DE- 

1744. 


The  First  French  Colony  35 

it  with  the  Broad  River.'  Ribaut,  who  was  soon  on  a 
friendly  footing  with  the  savages,  explored  for  some  dis- 
tance its  lower  affluents,  erected  another  column  to  indi- 
cate that  the  country  was  a  French  possession,  and  finally 
gathering  his  people  together,  made  them  an  address  in 
which  he  recalled  to  their  memory  the  importance  to 
their  young  King  of  the  enterprise  upon  which  they  had 
all  embarked,  and  asked  for  volunteers  to  remain  behind 
and  hold  Port  Royal  for  their  sovereign.  Most  of  the 
soldiers  eagerly  offered  their  services  for  the  new  colony. 
Of  these  he  selected  twenty-eight,*  appointed  as  their 
captain  a  certain  Albert  or  Aubert  de  la  Pierria,  and  con- 
structed for  them  on  a  little  creek,  which  he  named 
Chenonceau,  a  house  of  logs  and  clay,  thatched  with 
straw,  and  surrounded  with  a  bulwark  for  its  defence. 
He  armed  it  with  eight  pieces  of  artillery,  stored  it  with 
ammunition  and  provisions  for  several  months,  and  named 
it  Charlesfort,  after  his  King." 

On  June  nth,  Ribaut  took  leave  of  his  colony,  which 
saluted  his  departure  with  a  salvo  of  artillery,  and  sailed 
away  for  France,  having  promised  to  return  within  six 
months  with  more  ships  and  supplies.  Ribaut  carried 
away  with  him  a  few  pearls,  a  little  silver  which  a  sailor 
had  "rescued"  from  the  natives  lower  down  the  "coast, 
some  deer-skins,  and  native  mantles  as  evidences  of  his 
discoveries,*   and    on    July    20,    1562,    arrived    safely    in 

'  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World,  p.  39 ;  and  see  Appendix  E, 
Port  Royal. 

^ Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  20,  says  twenty-eight  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  429, 
says  twenty-six  ;  Chantone,  letter,  Jan.  24,  1563,  says  there  were  twenty-five 
men;  Rufin,  in  \\i^  RelaciSn  e  informacidn  de  los  Franceses,  etc.,  p.  21, 
says  there  were  twenty-six  men. 

'Chantone  to  Philip  II.,  Jan.  24,  1563,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.  Paris,  K,  1500 
(43);  also  a  copy  in  Direc.  Hidrog.,  Madrid,  Col.  Navarrete,  tomo  xxi., 
doc.  No.  81  ;  Relacidn  e  informacidn  de  los  Franceses,  etc.,  p.  21,  and  see 
Appendix  F,  Charlesfort. 

* Relacidn  e  informacidn  de  los  Franceses,  etc.,  pp.  21,  23. 


36  The  Spanish  Settlements 

France,  "having  reconnoitred  in  six  weeks  more  than  t^e 
Spaniards  had  done  in  two  years, ' '  observes  Laudonniere. ' 

He  had  reached  home  at  a  most  unpropitious  moment 
for  the  future  of  his  little  colony.  Civil  war,  fomented 
by  England  and  Spain,  each  ostensibly  in  the  interest  of 
religion,  was  raging  between  the  Catholic  and  Huguenot 
parties,  and  the  unity  of  his  country  was  in  imminent 
danger."  Coligny,  the  original  promoter  of  the  colonial 
scheme,  was  immersed  in  the  fratricidal  struggle,  and 
could  give  Ribaut  and  his  enterprise  but  passing  atten- 
tion, and  so  the  settlement  at  Charlesfort  was  left  to  its 
fate.  Ribaut  is  said  to  have  taken  an  active  part  in  the 
war'  and  at  the  conclusion  of  the  peace  of  Amboise, 
which  was  signed  in  March,  1563,  betook  himself  to  Eng- 
land, where  in  the  summer  of  the  same  year  he  published 
the  results  of  his  Florida  expedition. 

Ribaut,  however,  did  not  confine  himself  to  the  arts 
of  peace  alone,  for  the  experience  and  knowledge  he  had 
acquired  in  Florida  were  more  than  sufficient  to  secure 
him  a  ready  admission  into  the  circle  of  adventurers  who 
were  just  beginning  to  display  their  activity  and  to  lay 
the  foundations  of  the  English  navy.  It  is  evident  that 
he  was  in  no  wise  discouraged  by  Coligny's  failure  for  the 
time  being  to  assist  the  colony  in  Florida  and  was  seek- 
ing eagerly  about  him  for  resources  to  further  the  enter- 
prise. Through  what  channel  his  presence  in  England 
became  known  to  Queen  Elizabeth  we  have  no  present 
means  of  knowing,  but  he  had  probably  been  but  a  short 
time  in  the  country  before  he  obtained  an  audience  with 
the  Queen.  Ribaut  set  before  her  the  importance  and 
wealth  of  Florida  and  urged  her  to  assist  him  in  its  con- 
quest.    Elizabeth,  after  listening  to  his  relation,  began 

^  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  21  ;  ffak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  430. 
^ Ibid.,  p.  32  ;  Hak.,  vol,  ii.,  p.  441  ;  Gaffarel,  Hist,  de  la  Floride,  p.  26. 
'Haag,  La  France  protestante,  Paris,  1861,  vol.  viii.,  p.  313,  cited  by 
Gaffarel,  p.  27. 


The  First  French  Colony  37 

to  refuse  him  her  immediate  help  "so  that  if  Philip  should 
complain  she  would  be  able  to  swear  that  nothing  had 
been  done  by  her  order  "  ;  however,  she  encouraged  Ribaut 
to  undertake  the  adventure  himself,  promised  him  half 
of  all  that  he  found,  and  added  that  even  were  the  coun- 
try not  as  good  as  she  had  been  told,  it  was  on  the  way 
of  the  ships  from  New  Spain,  Peru,  and  elsewhere,  which 
Ribaut  could  safely  seize.'  But  the  temptation  proved 
to  be  too  great  to  be  long  withstood,  even  by  Elizabeth's 
tender  conscience,  and  she  ended  by  offering  him  a 
pension  of  three  hundred  ducats  and  a  house  as  an  in- 
ducement to  undertake  the  discovery.  At  a  later  period, 
when  the  incident  was  closed,  Ribaut  disclaimed  ever 
having  accepted  the  bribe.'' 

However  this  may  be,  it  appears  that  in  May,  1563,  the 
notorious  Thomas  Stukeley  was  arming  a  fleet  consisting 
of  five  vessels,  one  of  which  had  been  contributed  by 
Ribaut  and  another  by  Elizabeth.  The  crew  was  three 
hundred  strong,  and  the  fleet,  which  was  well  equipped 
with  supplies,  ammunition,  and  artillery,  flew  the  royal 
standard  presented  by  the  Queen  herself.'  There  were 
three  French  pilots  aboard,  who  had  previously  accom- 
panied Ribaut  to  Florida.  Quadra,  Philip's  ambassador 
in  London,  was  himself  inclined  to  attach  some  credit  to 
the  current  rumour  that  it  was  designed  to  attack  Florida, 

'  Silva  relates  this  on  the  authority  of  Stukeley  ;  see  Guzman  de  Silva  to 
Philip  II.,  London,  Oct.  22,  1565,  in  Correspondencia  de  Felipe  II.,  con  sus 
Embajadores  en  la  Corte  de  Inglaterra,  1558-1584,  tomo  ii.,  p.  214  ;  Eng- 
lish translation  in  Spanish  State  Papers,  1558-1567,  I.  Elizabeth,  p.  495. 

'Quadra  to  Philip  II.,  London,  June  26,  1563,  Correspondencia  de  Felipe 
II.,  tomo  i.,  p.  527  ;  see  also  Guzman  de  Silva  to  Philip  II.,  London, 
March  30,  1566,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  292.  English  translation  in  Spanish 
State  Papers,  1558-1567,  I.  Elizabeth,  p.  536.  This  account  of  Ribaut's 
experience  in  England  has  been  previously  printed  by  the  author  in  the 
American  Historical  Review,  vol.  ix.,  p.  456,  April,  1904,  under  the  title 
of  "  Jean  Ribaut  and  Queen  Elizabeth." 

3 Quadra  to  Philip  II.,  London,  June  19,  1563,  Correspondencia  de  Felipe 
II.,  tomo  i.,  p.  525. 


38  The  Spanish  Settlements 

but  it  was  also  said  that  its  object  was  to  assail  the  Span- 
ish  vessels  returning  from  the  Indies.' 

Stukeley,  who  had  sought  and  obtained  an  interview 
with  the  ambassador,  gave  Quadra  to  understand  that  he 
was  urged  on  in  the  undertaking  by  the  Government,  but 
notwithstanding  this  assurance  Quadra  was  indisposed  to 
trust  his  revelations.  Stukeley  then  became  most  pro- 
fuse in  his  protestations  of  friendship  for  Spain,  telling 
Quadra  that  he  was  leaving  England  dissatisfied  and  de- 
sperate, but  with  the  intention  of  going  into  the  service 
of  Philip;  that  he  had  risked  all  of  his  property  in  the 
enterprise,  and  he  requested  Quadra  that  on  his  arrival  in 
any  Spanish  port  or  elsewhere  in  Spanish  possessions  he 
should  be  recognised  as  a  servant  of  the  King.  Quadra 
met  his  advance  with  caution,  and  replied  that  the  thing 
was  impossible  in  view  of  the  friendly  relations  existing 
between  England  and  Spain,  unless  his  destination  were 
for  parts  not  included  within  the  Spanish  lines  of  demark- 
ation.  And  at  last  the  true  object  of  the  expedition 
became  apparent,  as  well  as  the  importance  of  the  part 
which  Ribaut  was  expected  to  play,  for  Stukeley  answered 
that  no  one  had  visited  the  country  where  he  was  going 
except  a  few  Frenchmen  a  short  time  before,  and  that 
it  was  but  three  days  distant  from  Cuba.  Quadra  then 
told  him  roundly  that  in  such  case  the  thing  was  an 
impossibility,  because  the  land  fell  within  the  lines  of 
demarkation. 

Quadra's  suspicions  had  been  in  no  way  allayed  by 
Stukeley's  apparent  frankness,  which  he  regarded  merely 
as  a  cunning  device  on  his  part  for  safeguarding  the  ex- 
pedition from  Spanish  attack.  In  the  letter  relating  these 
circumstances,  which  he  wrote  to  his  King,  he  expressed 
his  opinion  that  the  enterprise  was  really  due  to  French 

'Quadra  to  Philip  II.,  London,  May  i,  1563,  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  512. 
English  translation  in  Spanish  State  Papers,  1 558-1 567,  I.  Elizabeth,  p. 
322. 


The  First  French  Colony  39 

as  well  as  English  intrigue,  adding:  "I  have  no  assurance 
that  he  carries  a  commission ;  it  seems  to  me  that  his  pro- 
ject is  a  result  of  the  determination  .  .  .  reached  by 
the  Admiral  of  France  [Coligny]  and  of  those  who  govern 
here  to  harass  that  commerce  [of  the  Indies]  and  to  con- 
quer Your  Majesty  on  the  Ocean  Sea."  "I  expect  to 
talk  about  it  to  the  Queen,"  he  continues,  "although  I 
know  what  answer  she  will  make  me,  which  is  the  same 
answer  she  has  given  me  on  former  occasions,  and  which 
she  has  also  written  me."  '  A  week  later  Quadra  wrote 
that  the  fleet  was  not  only  destined  for  Florida,  but  for 
the  very  spot  where  Ribaut  had  founded  his  colony,  and 
that  Ribaut  had  promised  to  turn  over  to  Stukeley  the 
fort  he  had  built  there,  together  with  its  small  garrison.' 
The  afTair  was  brought  to  a  sudden  and  most  unexpected 
termination,  so  far  as  Ribaut  was  concerned,  by  the  dis- 
covery that  he  and  the  three  French  pilots  had  planned  to 
escape  to  France  with  the  ships  and  hostages.  The  out- 
come of  it  was  that  Ribaut  was  seized,  thrown  into  prison, 
and  threatened  with  hanging,  while  the  three  pilots  were 
put  into  chains  and  kept  to  conduct  Stukeley's  fleet. ^ 

In  the  light  of  contemporary  events  it  is  permissible  to 
doubt  if  Ribaut  had  at  any  time  intended  to  betray  the 
Florida  colony  into  English  hands.  Havre  was  still  occu- 
pied by  the  English,  and  only  on  the  29th  of  July  of  this 
very  year,  1563,  was  it  finally  returned  to  France  after 
fierce  fighting  under  its  walls  and  after  the  plague  had 
decimated  its  English  garrison  ;  while  Calais,  which  Eliza- 
beth was  most  anxious  to  recover  was  still  held  by  the 
French.  Ribaut  was  a  brave,  cool,  and  determined  man, 
as  subsequent  events  fully  proved,  and,  moreover,  he  was 

'  Quadra  to  Philip  II.,  London,  June  19,  1563,  Correspondencia  de  Felipe 
II.,  tomo  i.,  p.  524  et  seq.  English  translation  in  Spanish  State  Papers, 
1558-1567,  I.  Elizabeth,  p.  334. 

"-Ibid.,  June  26,  1563,  Correspondencia  de  Felipe  II.,  tomo  i.,  p.  531. 

^  Ibid.,  June  26,  1563,  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  527. 


40  The  Spanish  Settlements 

a  Frenchman,  which  means  that  he  loved  his  native  soil 
with  the  devotion  that  pre-eminently  distinguishes  his 
race  and  which  has  made  of  it  the  most  home-loving  of 
people.  This  dramatic  incident  in  his  career  occupied 
less  than  two  months,  and  it  may  well  be  supposed  that 
the  hardy  Dieppois,  who,  like  the  French  of  to-day, 
probably  looked  upon  all  foreigners  as  outside  barbarians, 
was  not  at  all  averse  to  practising  a  clever  trick  on 
Stukeley  and  his  English  Queen,  and  had  entered  into 
his  engagements  at  the  very  outset  with  this  end  in  view. 
The  Frenchmen  left  behind  at  Charlesfort  at  once 
turned  their  attention  to  completing  their  defences,  work- 
ing day  and  night  upon  them,  and  then  began  roaming 
about  the  rivers  and  swamps  and  forests,  visiting  the 
chiefs  of  the  neighbouring  Indian  villages.  Like  some  of 
their  Spanish  predecessors  they  appear  to  have  mistaken 
the  names  of  localities  or  tribes  for  those  of  individuals ; 
for  among  those  whom  they  visited  we  hear  of  one  called 
Audusta,  whose  country  Captain  Albert  reached  by  water.* 
It  is  not  impossible  that  we  have  here  a  chief  of  the 
Edisto  Indians,  whose  name  under  another  form,  that  of 
Orixa,  Ayllon's  Indian  Chicora  had  rattled  off  so  glibly 
among  those  of  other  South  Carolina  provinces.^  Lau- 
donni^re  himself,  shortly  before  Ribaut's  departure,  had 
been  beguiled  with  tales  of  Chiquola,  the  greatest  lord  of 
that  region,  a  foot  and  a  half  taller  than  any  of  his  sub- 
jects, and  his  memory  promptly  reverted  to  the  Chiquora 
of  Ayllon,  and  perhaps  the  legend  of  the  giant  race;  but 
the  story  which  the  Indians  told  him  of  Chiquola's  great 
city  lying  to  the  northward,  swarming  with  men,  and 
where  gold,  silver,  and  pearls  were  in  such  abundance  as 
to  be  of  no  account  whatever,  did  not  kindle  his  imagina- 

'  Hist,  Notable,  Basanier,  pp.  21,  22  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  431. 

'  See  Mr.  James  Mooney's  identification  of  Audusta  with  the  Edisto. 
in  The  Spanish  Settlements  in  the  United  States,  1513-1561,  Woodbury 
Lowery,  p.  452. 


The  First  French  Colony  41 

tion  to  the  point  of  inducing  either  him  or  his  companions 
to  visit  it.'  It  seems  not  at  all  improbable  that  the 
Frenchmen  were  now  treading  the  country  reached  by 
Ayllon's  abortive  first  expedition  in  1520. 

In  blissful  ignorance  of  their  impending  doom,  and  of 
the  internal  dissensions  which  were  raging  in  their  country 
at  home,  the  colonists  planted  no  maize,  perhaps  because 
it  was  already  too  late  in  the  season,  and  took  no  precau- 
tions against  the  non-arrival  of  the  expected  relief  from 
France.  Like  thoughtless  profligates,  they  followed  the 
example  of  the  Spaniards  before  them  and  lived  on  the 
bounty  of  their  Indian  friends,  who  generously  supplied 
them  with  maize  and  beans  and  squashes  as  long  as  their 
own  stores  lasted. 

On  the  return  of  the  colonists  from  a  reconnoitring 
expedition  up  the  River  Belle,  and  while  they  were  peace- 
fully asleep  under  their  thatched  roof,  a  fire  broke  out  at 
Charlesfort,  which  consumed  nearly  all  their  possessions. 
The  loss  of  their  shelter  was  soon  made  good.  Then 
their  food  supplies  began  to  diminish  and  again  the  na- 
tives came  to  their  rescue.  At  last  internal  dissensions 
broke  out  among  them.  A  drummer  was  hung  by  Cap- 
tain Albert  for  a  very  insuf^cient  reason,  according  to  the 
colonists.  Another  soldier  named  Lachfere  was  for  some 
unknown  cause  exiled  to  a  neighbouring  island,  where  he 
was  left  to  die  of  hunger,  although  the  Captain  had 
promised  to  keep  him  supplied  with  provisions,^  Finally 
the  soldiers,  seeing  the  violence  of  their  Captain  con- 
stantly on  the  increase,  and  fearing  for  their  own  lives, 
rose  against  him  and  killed  him.^ 

Cupidity  prompted  by  the  hope  of  a  speedy  return  to 

^  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  pp.  15,  16  ;  Ilak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  425. 

^  Ibid.,  pp.  26,  27,  29  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  436,  438. 

»  Guillaume  Rufin,  the  sailor  left  behind  by  these  colonists,  says  that  a 
soldier,  whom  Albert  had  beaten,  killed  him  with  a  sword.  RelaciSn  e  in- 
formacidn  de  los  Franceses,  etc.,  p.  2i. 


42  The  Spanish  Settlements 

France  may  also  have  furnished  a  motive  for  getting  rid  of 
Albert.  Several  years  later  M.  de  Fourquevaux,  the 
French  ambassador  in  Spain,  wrote  Charles  IX.  that  a 
Spaniard  was  on  his  way  to  Florida  to  discover  a  treasure 
of  some  four  hundred  thousand  ducats,  said  to  have  been 
hidden  there  by  six  of  the  soldiers  in  Ribaut's  first  expe- 
dition. While  roaming  about  the  country  they  had  come 
upon  a  party  of  twenty  Indians,  who,  in  fear  of  the 
French,  were  flying  from  the  neighbourhood,  and  were 
carrying  along  with  them  great  lumps  of  gold  and  silver 
stamped  with  the  mark  of  the  Spanish  mint,  which  they 
had  gathered  from  the  wreckage  of  vessels  along  the  coast. 
The  soldiers,  having  possessed  themselves  of  the  treasure, 
buried  it  in  the  earth,  and  bound  themselves  by  oath  not 
to  reveal  its  hiding-place  either  to  their  Captain  or  to  any 
other  person.' 

Having  made  away  with  their  commander,  the  soldiers 
rescued  the  starving  Lachfere  from  his  island,  and  elected 
another  captain,  one  Nicolas  Barre,  who  proved  himself 
an  ef^cient  leader,  quieting  the  dissensions  and  restoring 
peace  among  them.  As  the  days  sped  by  and  the  prom- 
ised reinforcements  did  not  arrive,  their  eyes  turned  long- 
ingly to  France,  and  the  desire  to  escape  from  their  dreary 
exile  grew  upon  them.  There  was  not  a  man  of  the  party 
who  was  familiar  with  the  building  of  a  ship,  but  despera- 
tion lent  them  daring,  and  with  the  aid  of  the  forge  left 
them  by  Ribaut  they  began  the  construction  of  a  small 
vessel  of  about  twenty  tons.  They  caulked  the  seams 
with  grey  moss  gathered  from  the  forest  trees  and  with 
pitch  collected  from  incisions  made  in  the  pines.  Sails 
were  manufactured  from  shirts  and  bed  coverings.  The 
Indians,  glad  to  be  rid  of  them,  furnished  them  with 
ropes  and  cordage  twisted  from  the  bark  of  trees.     They 

I  Advis  d'Espaigne  au  Roy  par  le  s"'  de  Fourquevaulx.  Aout,  1567.  D^- 
piches  de  M.  de  Fourquevaux,  ambassadeur  du  Roi  Charles  IX.  en  Espagne, 
j_S6j-ijy2,  publiees  par  M.  I'Abbe  Douais,  Paris,  1896,  p.  263. 


The  First  French  Colony  43 

next  loaded  the  boat  with  the  guns  which  had  been  left 
for  their  defence,  the  forge,  and  what  ammunition  re- 
mained to  them,  stored  it  to  the  best  of  their  ability  with 
provisions  obtained  from  the  Indians,  and  in  their  eager- 
ness to  depart,  set  sail  for  France  without  thought  of  the 
fickleness  of  the  winds,  the  meagreness  of  their  supplies, 
or  the  fact  that  there  was  not  a  member  of  their  party 
who  understood  the  art  of  navigation." 

They  had  barely  travelled  one-third  of  the  distance 
which  separated  them  from  their  homes,  when  they  were 
overtaken  by  calms  so  prolonged  that  in  three  weeks 
they  made  but  twenty-five  leagues.  In  the  meantime 
their  provisions  began  to  fail  them,  and  their  rations  were 
cut  down  to  twelve  grains  of  corn  a  day.  Finally  even 
this  slender  sustenance  was  exhausted  and  death  by  starv- 
ation and  thirst  stared  them  in  the  face.  The  miserable 
Frenchmen  were  now  reduced  to  eating  their  leather 
shoes  and  jerkins,  and  to  slaking  their  parched  throats 
with  the  waters  of  the  surrounding  sea  and  their  own 
urine.  In  this  extremity  their  frail  vessel  began  to  leak 
at  every  seam,  and  in  their  enfeebled  condition  they  were 
compelled  to  keep  bailing  it  continually  to  escape  being 
devoured  by  the  sea.  Then  a  contrary  wind  arose  and 
threatened  to  swamp  them.  Some  of  their  number  died 
of  hunger,  and  at  last,  having  gone  for  three  days  without 
food  or  drink,  but  one  supreme  expedient  remained,  and 
the  unfortunate  Lach^re,  who  had  barely  escaped  with 
his  life  from  starving  to  death  on  the  island  near  Charles- 
fort,  was  sacrificed  to  furnish  food  for  his  perishing  com- 
panions.'    At  last  land  was  discovered,  and,  driven  crazy 

'^  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  pp.  29,  30;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  439  ;  Rdacidn  e 
infor?naciJn  de  los  Franceses,  etc.,  p.  22. 

"^  IMeleneche,  in  his  deposition,  says  that  two  members  of  the  party  suf- 
fered  the  same  fate.  ' '  Carta  escrita  al  Rey,  por  Juan  Rodriguez  de  Noriega, 
fecha  en  Sevilla  a  29  de  Marzo  de  1565  sobre  lo  que  convenia  proveherse  en 
el  remedio  de  la  nueba  poblacion  que  hicieron  franceses  en  la  Florida,"  etc., 
MS.  Direc.  de  Hidrog,  Madrid,  Col.  Navarrete,  tomo  xiv.,  No.  33,  fol.  3. 


44  The  Spanish  Settlements 

by  the  sight,  they  allowed  their  boat  to  drift  hither  and 
thither  upon  the  sea  without  an  effort  to  reach  it.  In 
this  pitiable  condition  they  were  spied  by  an  English 
vessel  on  board  of  which  was  one  of  their  own  country- 
men, who,  in  a  preceding  voyage,  had  himself  visited 
New  France,  and  through  his  instrumentality  the  sur- 
vivors were  rescued. 

As  the  peace  of  Troyes  was  not  yet  signed,  and  Eng- 
land and  France  were  still  at  war,  part  of  the  survivors 
were  put  ashore  at  Corunna,  where  they  were  allowed  to 
go  free;  but  the  leaders  were  carried  away  to  England. 
Some  of  them  managed  to  escape  to  France,  but  their 
trials  were  not  at  an  end,  for  it  would  appear  that  certain 
of  their  number  were  ultimately  seized  and  thrown  into 
prison  for  the  murder  of  Captain  Albert."  Such  was  the 
miserable  ending  of  the  first  attempt  of  France  to  plant 
a  colony  on  Spanish  soil  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood 
of  the  pathway  of  the  West  India  treasure  fleets. 

Philip  meanwhile  did  not  relax  his  efforts  to  secure 
from  Catherine  some  definite  reply  concerning  Ribaut's 
Florida  expedition,  and  only  two  months  after  its  sailing 
Chantone  wrote  him  that,  as  the  Queen  still  delayed  her 
answer,  he  had  advised  her  categorically  that  his  master 
"would  adopt  measures  for  getting  possession  of  those 
who  had  gone  there  in  order  to  chastise  them."  "^ 

With  the  opening  of  the  following  year  (1563)  Chan- 
tone  sent  Philip  full  and  accurate  details  of  the  force 
Ribaut  had  left  in  Florida,  of  the  places  where  the  col- 
umns had  been  set  up  to  denote  French  possessions,'  and 

»  //isi.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  30  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  440  et  seq.  Deposition 
of  Meleneche  in  letter  of  Noriega  to  Philip  II.,  MS.  Direc.  de  Hidrog., 
Madrid,  Col.  Navarrete,  tomo  xiv.,  No.  33,  fol,  3. 

« Chantone  to  Philip  II.,  May  7,  1562,  MS.  Arch.   Nat.   Paris,  K,  149? 

(29). 

3 Chantone  to  Philip  II.,  Jan.  9,  1563,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.  Pans,  K,  1499 
(7),  and  Jan.  24,  1563,  MS.  ibid.,  K,  1500  (43).  It  is  interesting  to  observe 
that  in  his  letter  of  Jan.  24,  1563,  Chantone  gives  the  Spanish  names  of  the 


The  First  French  Colony  45 

of  the  high  personages  who  were  interested  in  the  under- 
taking. On  the  receipt  of  Chantone's  letter  the  King 
promptly  proceeded  to  have  the  question  of  safeguarding 
his  Florida  territory  properly  discussed'  and  to  take  advice 
as  to  the  best  means  of  fortifying  the  Florida  coast,  and 
of  "expelling  the  French  who  had  gone  to  settle  there, 
and  to  avoid  the  robberies  to  which  the  fleets  and  single 
vessels  coming  from  the  Indies  were  exposed  by  the  near- 
ness of  such  settlements."*  A  royal  c^dula  was  also 
dispatched  to  Don  Diego  Mazariegos,  the  Governor  of 
Cuba,  giving  him  the  information  contained  in  Chantone's 
letter,  and  directing  that  a  vessel  should  be  sent  along  the 
Florida  coast,  to  remove  and  destroy  the  columns  Ribaut 
had  erected,  to  visit  Santa  Elena  where  the  French  had 
settled,  and  if,  after  a  careful  reconnaissance,  circumstances 
should  seem  to  justify  it,  to  expel  the  settlers,  destroy 
the  fort,  and  bring  all  of  the  artillery,  with  what  prisoners 
might  be  taken,  to  Cuba. 

In  the  latter  half  of  May,  1564,  Don  Hernando  de 
Manrique  de  Rojas,  commander  of  the  expedition,  set 
sail  in  the  frigate  Nucstra  Sciiora  de  la  Concepcion  with 
a  company  of  twenty-five  men  to  carry  out  the  above 
orders.  He  struck  the  Florida  coast  below  Cape  Can- 
localities  visited  by  Ribaut  in  Florida.  As  Chantone  must  have  obtained 
his  information  from  French  sources,  it  would  seem  to  indicate  that  the 
French  had  used  Spanish  charts,  as  well  as  having  a  Portuguese  or  Spanish 
pilot  with  them,  and  were  therefore  fully  aware  of  having  entered  on  terri- 
tory previously  discovered  by  Spain.  It  is  also  possible  that  Chantone,  or 
some  one  for  him,  had  identified  the  French  names  given  by  Ribaut  and 
Laudonniere  with  those  on  a  Spanish  chart.  The  remarkable  feature  is 
that  the  identification  was  sufficiently  correct  to  enable  at  least  one  of  the 
localities  to  be  found. 

'Philip  II.  to  Chantone,  Feb.  14,  1563,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.  Paris,  K,  1499 
(17). 

^  "  Memorial  de  Pero  Menendez  de  Aviles  respecto  a  las  medidas  que  serfa 
conveniente  tomar  para  la  segura  posesion  de  la  Florida  y  evitar  que  los 
franceses  e  ingleses  pudieran  causar  perturbacion  en  aquellos  dominios." 
Undated  [Feb.-July,  1562?]  ;  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  320. 


4^  The  Spanish  Settlements 

averal  in  27°  30'.  Sailing  only  by  day,  and  as  near  as 
possible  to  the  shore,  he  reached  the  Rio  de  la  Cruz,  in 
29°,  probably  Mosquito  River,  on  the  22nd  of  the  month 
and  searched  the  neighbouring  shores  for  the  French 
pillars  in  conformity  with  his  instructions;  but  he  found 
nothing  whatever,  and  being  without  an  interpreter,  he 
could  learn  nothing  from  the  Indians.  The  same  experi- 
ence was  repeated  at  Matanzas  Inlet  in  29°  30',  where  he 
arrived  on  the  25th.  On  the  26th  he  was  in  the  Rio  de  las 
Corrientes,  probably  the  mouth  of  the  St.  John's  River, 
and  though  no  pillar  was  found,'  he  learned  from  the 
natives  that  three  vessels  manned  by  Christians  had  been 
there  and  had  left  for  the  Cape  of  Santa  Elena  to  the 
north.  The  discovery  of  a  wooden  box  and  other  ob- 
jects of  Christian  make  in  the  hands  of  the  Indians  along 
the  river  confirmed  Manrique  in  the  belief  that  he  was  at 
last  on  the  right  track.  May  29th  he  left  the  Rio  de  las 
Corrientes,  and  on  the  last  day  of  the  month  entered  the 
river  of  Santa  Elena  in  latitude  32°.  Both  the  northern 
and  southern  shores  were  thickly  settled  with  native  vil- 
lages, the  Indians  indicating  by  signs  as  many  as  seven- 
teen communities,  among  them  a  town  on  the  southern 
bank  named  Yanahume,  and  another  called  Guale  on  a 
stream  on  the  north  bank  of  the  Santa  Elena.  Both  of 
these  he  visited,  and  in  Guale  he  again  found  indications 
of  the  presence  of  white  men  who  wore  beards,  but  who 
had  gone  farther  to  the  north,  according  to  the  report  of 
the  Indians.  But  he  searched  in  vain  for  the  fort  of  the 
French  settlers. 

Although  Manrique  had  now  fully  complied  with  his 
instructions  by  visiting  all  of  the  localities  which  they 

•  B.  R.  Carroll,  in  Hist.  Col.  South  Carolina,  vol.  i.,  p.  xxxiii,  note,  says  : 
"  The  most  indefatigable  search  has  been  made  to  discover  this  pillar.  Dr. 
Holmes  (the  author  of  Hobuess  Annals),  wrote  to  many  of  his  friends  upon 
the  subject,  but  after  the  most  diligent  investigation  of  the  subject  they 
were  none  of  them  able  to  arrive  at  anything  like  certainty." 


The  First  French  Colony  47 

specified,  he  was  so  encouraged  by  the  reports  gathered 
from  the  Indians  in  the  two  harbours  which  he  had  last 
entered,  that  he  determined  to  push  still  farther  along 
the  coast  to  the  north.  June  7th  he  again  sailed  away, 
and  in  the  course  of  a  few  leagues,  perhaps  twelve  or 
fifteen,  he  visited  six  different  harbours.  June  nth  he 
reached  a  harbour  in  32°  20'.  The  Indians  here  informed 
him  that  a  vessel  with  thirty-four  white  men  aboard  had 
been  there  and  sailed  away,  leaving  a  member  of  the  com- 
pany behind  who  was  living  at  the  time  in  a  village  called 
Usta  in  the  interior.  Manrique  at  once  sent  him  an  In- 
dian bearing  a  wooden  cross,  to  signify  that  Christians 
had  arrived  there.  The  following  day  the  white  man 
came  down  to  the  ship.  He  was  in  Indian  dress,  and 
proved  to  be  a  French  lad,  seventeen  years  old,  Guillaume 
Rufin  by  name,*  who  had  come  over  with  Ribaut  and 
had  been  left  with  the  garrison  at  Charlesfort.  A  French 
sailor  aboard  of  Manrique's  ship  served  as  interpreter, 
through  whom  Rufin  gave  a  remarkably  detailed  and 
accurate  account  of  the  expedition.  He  told  them  that 
the  fort  and  one  of  the  pillars  was  in  32°  15',  according  to 
the  reckoning  of  Ribaut's  Spanish  pilot,  and  32°  according 
to  that  of  the  French,  and  could  be  reached  by  ascending 
the  river  without  going  to  sea.  And  he  explained  that 
he  had  remained  behind,  not  daring  to  trust  himself  in 
the  company  of  the  escaping  soldiers,  knowing  their 
ignorance  of  seamanship.  After  his  examination,  Rufin 
was  detained  aboard  the  ship  to  be  carried  a  prisoner  to 
Cuba. 

The  next  day  Manrique  left  his  frigate  in  charge  of  his 
pilot  with  strict  injunctions  to  allow  none  of  the  crew  to 
go  ashore  during  his  absence,  and  ascended  the  river, 
taking  with  him  a  notary  to  attest  the  proceedings  and 
Rufin  to  show  the  way.     This  time  the  search  was  not  in 

'See  Laudonniere's  attempt  to  find  Rufin  on  his  return  in  1564,  in  Hist. 
Notable,  Basanier,  p.  74  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  484. 


k 


48  The  Spanish  Settlements 

vain.  At  a  distance  of  three  leagues  from  the  harbour 
where  Manrique  was  anchored  the  party  came  upon  the 
thatched  hut  which  had  sheltered  the  little  garrison.  It 
was  still  standing,  but  empty  and  deserted,  and  was  situ- 
ated upon  a  stream  which  fell  into  Port  Royal  Sound. 
The  party  landed  and  Manrique  gave  directions  to  have 
the  frail  edifice  burnt  to  the  ground,  then  they  re-em- 
barked and  went  in  search  of  the  column.  This,  too, 
was  discovered  on  a  knoll,  where  Ribaut  had  erected  it. 
It  was  some  distance  back  in  the  forest,  not  far  from  a 
stream  which  flowed  into  the  Broad.  The  column  was 
dug  up  in  the  presence  of  the  notary  and  witnesses  and 
transported  to  the  frigate.  Satisfied  that  he  had  fulfilled 
his  duty,  Manrique  set  sail  on  the  1 5th  of  June  for  Havana, 
which  he  reached  in  good  season,  taking  with  him,  as  evi- 
dence of  his  success,  the  Frenchman  Rufin,  and  the  vain 
emblem  which  France  had  erected  to  bear  witness  to  her 
supremacy  in  South  Carolina.' 

'  Relacion  e  informacion  de  los  Franceses  que  han  ido  a  poblar  en  la 
costa  de  la  Florida,  San  Cristobal  de  la  Habana,  9  Julio,  1564.  MS.  Arch. 
Gen.  de  Indias,  Sevilla,  est.  54,  caj.  i,  leg.  15. 


CHAPTER   III 

THE   SECOND   FRENCH    COLONY— THE   TIMUQUANANS 

IN  September,  1561,  Philip  was  already  of  the  opinion 
that  P'lorida  presented  no  sufficient  inducements 
to  justify  the  founding  of  a  settlement.  Men^ndez  de 
Aviles  had  reported  that  even  the  point  of  Santa  Elena 
was  not  practicable  because  of  the  absence  of  a  safe  har- 
bour, owing  to  the  strong  currents  there;  and  the  results 
of  Villafane's  reconnaissance  in  that  vicinity  had  sub- 
stantiated the  King's  conclusion.  He  had  been  informed 
of  the  poverty  of  the  region  in  its  vicinity  and  that  there 
was  no  fear  that  the  French  would  set  foot  in  it,  or  take 
possession  of  the  country.  But  before  reaching  a  final 
conclusion  he  directed  his  Viceroy  of  New  Spain,  Don 
Luis  de  Velasco,  to  report  to  him  upon  the  subject  after 
consultation  with  persons  who  had  had  some  experience 
in  the  country. 

In  March  of  the  following  year,  the  Council  of  New 
Spain  had  reached  the  same  conclusion,  after  consultation 
with  Villafafle  and  his  captains  and  some  of  the  com- 
panions of  Don  Tristan  de  Luna.  The  country  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  river  of  Santa  Elena  was  very  low  and 
sandy,  subject  to  inundations  and  uninhabited,  the  har- 
bour insufficient,  and  the  region  was  wholly  unsuited  for 
a  colony.  To  the  north  of  it,  as  far  as  Villafafie  had 
sailed,  the  country  was  quite  as  inhospitable,  neither  gold 
nor  silver  was  to  be  found,  and  the  Council  recommended 

**.-4.  49 


50  The  Spanish  Settlements 

that  no  steps  be  taken  in  that  direction  until  the  coast 
had  been  discovered  farther  to  the  north.'  Alarming  as 
was  the  report  of  Ribaut's  settlement  in  the  very  country 
which  the  Viceroy  had  so  relentlessly  condemned,  Chan- 
tone's  assurance  of  its  utter  failure  must  have  come  as  a 
relief  to  the  royal  mind,  and  as  a  final  confirmation  of 
the  correctness  of  the  opinion  rendered  by  the  Council 
of  New  Spain.  But  disquieting  rumours  of  expeditions 
destined  for  Florida  continued  to  reach  Philip  from 
France,  and  of  the  continued  depredations  of  the  daring 
French  pirate,  Jacques  Le  Clerc,  surnamed  Pie  de  Palo  by 
the  Spaniards  on  account  of  his  wooden  leg.^ 

In  the  midst  of  these  contentions  for  the  possession  of 
a  continent  came  the  last  echo  of  the  early  discoverers. 
Lucas  Vasquez  de  Ayllon,  son  of  the  Ayllon  in  whose 
first  discovered  territory  Ribaut  had  made  his  abortive 
settlement,  asked  for  an  extension  of  the  date  set  for  his 
sailing  to  settle  in  Florida,  because  of  the  difficulties  he 
had  encountered  in  securing  colonists  for  his  undertaking. 
Disheartened  by  his  fruitless  efforts  to  organise  the  expe- 
dition, it  is  probable  that  his  failure  preyed  upon  his  mind 
and  he  ultimately  died  of  melancholia  at  Hispaniola.^ 

■  "Parecer  que  da  a  S.  M.  el  Consejo  de  la  Nueva  Espana,  en  virtud  de  su 
Real  Cedula  (fecha  en  Madrid  a  23  de  Septiembre  de  1561)  que  sigue,  sobre 
la  forma  en  que  estava  la  costa  de  la  Florida,  y  que  no  convenia  aumentar 
la  Poblacion."  Mexico,  a  12  dias  del  mes  de  Marzo  de  1562  anos.  MS.  Ma- 
drid, Direc.  de  Hidrog.,  Col.  Navarrete,  tomo  xiv.,  doc.  No.  29.  There  is 
also  a  copy  of  the  Parecer  in  Buckingham  Smith,  North  America7i  A/SS., 
ij6i-iS9j,p.  II. 

''Chantone  and  Alava  to  Philip  II.,  Jan,  18,  1563,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.  Paris, 
K,  1500  (4)  ;  same  to  same,  Feb.  5  and  8,  1563,  MS.,  idid.,  K,  1500  (48) ; 
Philip  II.  to  Chantone,  Feb,  14,  1563,  MS.,  idid.,  K,  1499  (17) ;  Chantone 
to  Philip  II.,  June  7  (1563?),  MS.  Direc.  de  Hidrog.,  Madrid,  Co/.  Navar- 
rete,  tomo  xxi.,  doc.  No.  81,  fol.  50. 

'  Memorial  de  Lucas  Vasquez  y  Ayllon  pidiendo  la  prorogacion  de  la 
salida  para  el  descubrimiento  de  la  Florida.  (The  scrivener's  certificate  is 
dated  "  Sevilla  doze  dias  del  mes  de  junio  de  myll  e  quinientos  e  sesenta  y 
tres.")  MS.  Arch.  Gen.  de  Indias,  Seville,  Patronato,  est.  i,  caj.  i,  leg. 
1/19,  Ramo  3.    Ensayo  Crorwlogico,  Ano  MDXXV.,  fol.  9. 


The  Second  French  Colony  51 

The  peace  of  Amboise,  and  the  successful  termination 
of  the  suit  against  him  for  complicity  in  the  assassination 
of  Francis  de  Guise,  at  last  set  Coligny  free  to  renew 
those  aggressions  on  Spain's  West  Indian  commerce  on 
which  he  had  set  his  heart.'  "I  seek  new  means  of  traffic 
and  profit  in  strange  lands,"  he  writes,"  and  his  attention 
promptly  reverted  to  Florida  and  his  plan  for  weakening 
Spain  across  the  Atlantic.  The  result  was  that  a  second 
French  expedition  had  been  on  the  Florida  coast  for 
several  days  when  Manrique  de  Rojas  set  sail  from  Ha- 
vana to  drive  out  the  last  remnants  of  Ribaut's  colony. 
Indeed  if  Manrique  carried  out  his  instructions  as  thor- 
oughly as  his  report  would  lead  us  to  believe,  it  is  ex- 
traordinary that  the  Frenchmen  should  have  escaped  his 
attention."  He  must  have  passed  their  settlement  at 
some  point  in  his  northward  coasting,  and  it  is  not  im- 
probable that  the  three  vessels  heard  of  at  the  River  of 
May  may  have  been  their  fleet. 

As  Ribaut  was  still  languishing  in  an  English  prison,* 
Coligny  had  selected  for  the  commander  of  the  new  ven- 
ture Rene  de  Laudonniere,  one  of  Ribaut's  companions 
in  the  first  attempt.  He,  too,  was  a  skilled  sailor,  but 
he  lacked  the  latter's  firmness  of  character  and  presence 
of  mind,  and,  notwithstanding  his  previous  experience 
in  Florida,  he  showed  so  little  talent  in  adapting  him- 
self to  the  new  conditions  of  the  colony,  that  it  is  to 
his  ill-advised  policy  in  dealing  with  the  natives  that  the 

'Quadra  to  Philip  II.,  July  15,  1563,  Col.  Doc.  Inedit.  Espana,  tomo 
Ixxxvii.,  p.  352. 

'  Pilces  sur  P Histoire  de  France,  tome  viii.,  annee  1865  ;  quoted  by  Gaf- 
farel,  Hist,  de  la  Floride,  p.  46. 

3  Laudonniere  struck  the  coast  above  St.  Augustine,  June  22,  1564,  and 
Manrique  de  Rojas  set  sail  in  May  of  the  same  year. 

*  Noticias  de  la  poblacion  que  habian  hecho  los  Franceses  en  la  Florida, 
segun  declaracion  que  dio  en  Cuba,  Stefano  de  Rojomonte  natural  de  Paris 
(1564).  MS.  Arch,  de  Indias,  Seville,  Patronato,  est.  i,  caj.  i,  leg.  1/19 » 
Ramo  14,  p.  3. 


I 


52  The  Spanish  Settlements 

calamity  which  ultimately  overwhelmed  it  may  in  part 
be  attributed. 

Coligny  supplied  him  with  funds  with  which  to  equip 
a  fleet,'  and  at  Havre  de  Grace,  of  which  Coligny  was 
now  governor,"  the  future  colonists,  three  hundred  in 
number,'  assembled.  Of  these,  one  hundred  and  ten  were 
sailors,  one  hundred  and  twenty  soldiers,  and  the  balance 
artisans  of  every  description,  besides  a  number  of  servants 
for  the  soldiers,  and  pages,  and  four  women,  one  of  whom 
went  in  the  capacity  of  chambermaid  and  housekeeper  to 
Laudonni^re.*  There  were  a  few  gentlemen,  such  as 
Ottigny,  Erlach,  and  La  Rocheferriere,  who  went  as 
officers  and  volunteers.^  There  were  four  members  of 
the  party  which  had  made  the  disastrous  voyage  across 
the  Atlantic*;  there  was  also  an  artist  named  Le  Moyne 
de  Morgues,  to  whom  we  are  indebted  for  one  of  the  re- 
lations and  a  series  of  interesting  pictures  of  the  country 
and  of  the  natives.  And  in  addition  to  the  sailors  there 
were  a  few  foreigners,  an  apothecary,  an  artificer,  and 
carpenters,  "so  that  I  may  assert  that  there  came  to  the 
undertaking  of  that  navigation  men  greatly  expert  in  all 

'  De  Laet,  Hist,  du  Nouveau  Monde,  Leyde,  1640,  liv.  iv,,  chap,  x.,  says 
150,000  francs  ;  De  Thou,  Hist.  Universelle,  Londres,  1734,- tome  v.,  p. 
490,  says  100,000  francs.  Rojomonte  in  his  deposition  says  the  Queen  also 
assisted  him  ;  Noticias  de  la  Poblacidn,  etc.,  p.  i.  Meleneche  says  in  his  de- 
position :  "El  autor  della  fue  el  Almirante  de  Francia  y  el  Cardenal  Xatil- 
lon,  su  hermano,  aunque  al  tiempo  que  la  Armada  se  hacia  se  dio  la  voz  en 
el  Pueblo  que  la  mandaba  el  Rey  hacer."  "  Relacion  del  suceso  de  la  Ar- 
mada Francesa  que  fue  a  poblar  la  tierra  de  la  Florida,"  etc.,  annexed  to 
Noriega's  letter  to  Philip  II.,  March  29,  1565,  MS.  Direc.  de  Hidrog.,  Ma- 
drid, Col.  Navarrete,  tomo  xiv.,  doc.  No.  33,  fol.  4. 

^Gaffarel,  Hist,  de  la  Floride,  p.  47. 

3  Hawkins,  in  his  relation  in  Hakluyt,  vol.  iv.,  p.  242,  says  200  men  ;  Ro- 
jomonte in  Noticias  de  la  PoblaciSn,  etc.,  fol.  4,  says  300. 

''Deposition  of  Meleneche  in  Noriega  to  Philip  II.,  Mar.  29,  1565,  fol.  4 ; 
Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  Paris,  1586,  p.  102  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  512. 

5  "  Los  mas  de  los  soldadas  son  cavalleros  y  jente  principal,"  Rojomonte 
in  Noticias  de  la  Poblacidn,  etc.,  1564,  p.  i. 

"  Meleneche's  deposition  in  Noticias  de  la  Poblacidn,  etc.,  fol.  3. 


I 


The  Second  French  Colony  53 

the  arts,"  says  Le  Moyne.'  Curiously  enough,  there 
was  no  clergyman  in  the  party.  With  that  shortsighted- 
ness which  seems  to  have  been  the  bane  of  all  first  at- 
tempts at  colonization,  farmers  and  field  hands  were  also 
wanting,  for  it  was  not  to  the  laborious  planting  of  the 
soil  that  the  colonists  looked  to  increase  their  wealth, 
but,  from  the  Spanish  view,  at  least,  to  other  and  more 
questionable  sources.  The  majority  of  the  adventurers 
were  Protestants,  but  there  were  some  Roman  Catholics 
among  the  number,"  and  it  may  well  be  imagined  that 
with  the  recent  conclusion  of  the  civil  war  no  small  part 
of  the  various  elements  which  gathered  for  the  enterprise 
consisted  of  turbulent  and  unruly  men  but  ill-fitted  for 
the  peaceful  occupation  of  the  soil. 

The  fleet  consisted  of  the  Isabella,  the  Little  Briton, 
and  the  Faulcon,^  small  vessels  of  sixty,  eighty,  and  three 
hundred  tons,*  the  largest  being  a  man-of-war.  It  was 
well  armed  to  resist  attack  by  sea,  and  to  afford  protec- 
tion for  the  future  settlement,  and  two  pilots,  the  one  a 
Basque,  the  other  a  Portuguese,  accompanied  it  to  point 
the  way.'  Although  its  destination  was  Florida,  its 
mission  was  ostensibly  not  directed  against  Spanish  in- 
terests. "  The  Queen  has  charged  me  very  expressly," 
wrote  Laudonni^re  "to  doe  no  kind  of  wrong  to  the 
Kinge  of  Spaines  subjects,  nor  anything  whereof  he 
might  conceiue  any  ielousie."  ' 

■  De  Bry,  Brevis  Narratio,  p.  6.  ," 

2  Noriega  in  his  letter  to  Philip  of  March  29,  1565,  calls  them  "  muy  finos 
Luteranos,"  and  makes  this  statement  on  the  authority  of  the  French 
prisoners. 

^  "  Coppie  d'une  lettre  venant  de  la  Floride,  1565,"  Recudl  de  Pikes  sur 
la  Floride,  p.  234. 

■*  Rojomonte  says  80,  200,  and  300,  tons,  Noticias  de  la  Poblacidn,  etc., 
p.  I  ;  Meleneche  says  80,  125,  and  over  200  tons,  the  largest  being  a  man- 
of-war.     Noriega  to  Philip  II.,  Mar.  29,  1565,  fol.  4. 

» Alava  to  Philip  II.,  June  7,  1564,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.  Paris,  K,  1501  (85). 

^  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  64  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  474. 


54  The  Spanish  Settlements 

The  colonists  set  sail  April  22,  1564,'  and  after  an  ad- 
venture off  the  English  coast,  in  which  they  mistook  a 
Flemish  fleet  for  a  band  of  English  sea-robbers/  they 
turned  south,  made  the  Canaries  and  after  cruising  among 
the  Bahama  Islands  struck  the  low-lying  Florida  coast  on 
Thursday,  June  22,'  in  the  neighbourhood  of  St.  Augus- 
tine/ As  with  Ponce  de  Leon  the  first  impression  was 
full  of  charm,  for  "we  perceived  a  sweet  perfume  of 
several  good  things  because  of  the  wind  which  blew  from 
the  land,"  wrote  one  of  the  company  to  his  father/ 
Laudonnifere  reconnoitred  the  entrance  to  the  harbour, 
called  Seloy  by  the  natives,  and  named  by  him  the  River 
of  Dolphins,"  but,  finding  it  unsuited  to  his  purpose,  set 
sail  on  the  following  day  and  two  days  later  reached  the 
River  of  May,  the  St.  John's.  Here  he  went  ashore  and 
was  received  with  rejoicing  by  Saturiba,'  an  Indian  chief 
•whom  he  had  met  there  on  the  occasion  of  Ribaut's  first 
visit,  and  who  conducted  him  to  a  sand-knoll  where  stood 
the  pillar  erected  by  Ribaut/  and  which  Manrique  had 

^  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  33  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  442. 

'"Coppie  d'une  lettre  venant  de  la  Floride,  1565,"  in  Recueil  de  Pieces 
sur  la  Floride,  p.  235. 

'  De  Bry  in  Brevis  Narratio,  Francoforti  ad  Moenum,  1591,  p.  7 ; 
Laudonniere  in  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  36  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  445,  and 
the  author  of  "Coppie  d'une  lettre,"  etc.,  in  Recueil  de  Pieces  sur  la  Floride, 
p.  236,  all  say  June  22nd.  Meleneche  in  Noriega  to  Philip  II.,  March  29, 
1565,  fol.  3,  says  in  the  month  of  June.  De  Laet  in  his  Hist,  du  Nouveau 
Monde,  Leyde,  1640,  liv.  iv.,  chap,  x.,  p.  119,  says  June  20th. 

■*  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  36;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  444-445  ;  Parkman, 
Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World,  p.  50  ;  Gaflarel,  Hist,  de  la  Floride 
Fran^aise,  p.  50. 

*  "Coppie  d'une  lettre  venant  de  la  Floride,"  in  Recueil  de  Pikes  sur  la 
Floride,  p.  236. 

"  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  37  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  446. 

■"  Variously  called  Satouriona,  Saturiova,  Satirova  by  the  French  ;  Sa- 
tourioua  in  Hakluyt ;  Sotoriba,  Saturiban,  Saturiba  by  the  Spaniards. 
Meras  calls  the  chief  Saturiba,  the  form  adopted  in  the  text. 

*  "  Coppie  d'une  lettre  venant  de  la  Floride,"  in  Recueil  de  Pieces  sur  la 
Floride,  p.  239. 


The  Second  French  Colony  55 

failed  to  discover.  ' '  Being  come  to  the  place  where  it  was 
set  vp,"  says  Laudonnitre,  "wee  found  the  same  crowned 
with  crownes  of  Bay,  and  at  the  foote  thereof  many  little 
baskets  full  of  Mill,"  placed  there  probably  as  an  offering 
to  the  mysterious  emblem  of  the  foreigners  by  the  super- 
stitious natives,  for  "when  they  came  thither  they  kissed 
the  same  with  great  reuerence  and  besought  vs  to  do  the 
like,  which  we  would  not  denie  them,  to  the  ende  that  we 
might  draw  them  to  be  more  in  friendship  with  vs."  ' 

The  following  day  Laudonni^re  visited  Saturiba,  whose 
village  of  the  same  name,  consisting  of  twenty-five  large 
huts  with  a  population  of  about  two  hundred  Indians  with 
their  families,  lay  a  short  distance  to  the  south-west  of  the 
mouth  of  the  St.  John's,''  and  then  explored  the  river  for 
some  distance.  On  St.  John's  Bluff,  some  five  miles  up 
the  river,'  he  rested  and  sent  Ottigny  to  examine  the  in- 
terior. He  had  selected  a  delightful  spot  in  which  to 
await  his  heutenant,  and  even  the  horrible  scene  which  he 
■was  destined  to  witness  in  the  near  future  did  not  suffice 
to  blot  out  the  recollection  of  its  beauty  from  his  memory. 
The  bluff  was  crowned  with  palms  and  "ceders  red  as 
blood"  and  "Baytrees  of  so  souereigne  an  odour,  that 
Baulme  smelleth  nothing  like  in  comparison."  "The 
sea  may  be  scene  plaine  and  open  from  it,  and  more  than 
six  leagues  ofT  .  .  .  the  medowes  diuided  asunder 
into  Isles  and  Islets  enterlacing  one  another" — a  place 
"so  pleasant,  that  those  which  are  melancholicke  would 
be  enforced  to  change  their  humour."  * 

Ottigny  presently  returned  with  a  marvellous  story. 
He  had  seen  two  men  of  very  great  age,  and  had  enquired 
of  the  younger  of  the  two  how  old  he  might  be. 

'  //is(.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  37  ;  Hah.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  446. 
"^  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  43. 
5  Parkman,  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World,  p.  52. 
*"Coppie  d'une  letters  venant  de  la  Floride,"  in /deeueil  de  Pikes  sur 
la  Floride,  p.  242  ;  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  41  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  450. 


56  The  Spanish  Settlements 

•'  Then  the  olde  man  called  a  company  of  Indians,  and 
striking  twyse  vpon  his  thigh,  and  laying  his  hands  vpon  two 
of  them,  he  shewed  him  by  signes  that  these  two  were  his 
sonnes;  againe  smiting  vpon  their  thighes  he  shewed  him 
others  not  so  olde,  which  were  the  children  of  the  two  first, 
which  he  continued  in  the  same  manner  vntil  the  fift  genera- 
tion. But  though  this  olde  man  had  his  father  aliue  more  olde 
than  himselfe  ...  yet  it  was  tolde  them  that  they  might 
yet  liue  thirtie  or  fortie  yeeres  more  by  the  course  of  nature; 
although  the  younger  of  them  both  was  not  lesee  than  two 
hundred  and  fiftie  yeeres  olde," 

according  to  the  Frenchman's  generous  reckoning.* 
Neither  was  this  a  solitary  example  of  extreme  old  age 
which  the  credulous  Frenchman  found  among  the  Indians. 
On  a  subsequent  occasion  one  of  their  inferior  chiefs  in- 
formed Le  Moyne  "that  he  was  three  hundred  years 
old,  and  that  his  father,  whom  he  pointed  out  to  me, 
was  fifty  years  older."'  But  this  gift  of  longevity  was 
apparently  unattended  by  a  corresponding  growth  in 
morals.  "They  were  the  greatest  thieves  on  earth," 
says  one  of  Laudonni^re's  companions,  "  for  they  steal 
as  well  with  the  feet  as  with  the  hands."  ' 

On  returning  from  his  pleasant  retreat  on  the  bluff  to 
the  mouth  of  the  river,  Laudonniere  again  met  the  chief 
and  "forgot  not  to  demaud  of  him  the  place"  from  whence 
had  come  a  wedge  of  silver  which  Saturiba  had  presented 
him  on  the  previous  occasion.  He  learned  that  it  pro- 
ceeded from  a  region  named  Thimogoa,*  several  days  dis- 

'  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  pp.  40,  41  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  449-450. 
"Coppie  d'une  lettre  venant  de  la  Floride"  in  Recueil  de  Pikes  sur  la 
Floride,  p.  239.  Le  Moyne  in  his  Eicones,  Plate  XII.,  mentions  a  sorcerer 
120  years  old. 

2  Le  Moyne  in  his  Eicones,  Plate  XXVIII. 

3  "  Coppie  d'une  lettre  venant  de  la  Floride"  in  Recueil  de  Pikes  sur  la 
Floride,  p.  240.  LeChalleuxin  "  Histoire  Memorable  du  dernier  voyage  en 
Floride,"  Lyon,  1566,  reprint  in  Gaffarel,  Hist,  de  la  Floride,  p.  461. 

*  Timuqua.     Le  Moyne  in  Brevis  Narratio,  p.  14,  says  that  "  Thimogoa" 


The  Second  French  Colony  57 

tant  up  the  St.  John's,  and  with  whose  people  Saturiba 
was  at  war.  Pleased  with  the  near  prospect  of  such 
wealth,  Laudonniere  readily  promised  him  his  aid  against 
his  enemies,  and  then  proceeded  on  a  short  reconnaissance 
up  the  coast,  during  which  he  assembled  his  company  and 
set  before  them  his  plan  for  the  settlement.  He  pointed 
out  to  them  how  the  report  of  the  first  expedition  showed 
that  if  "they  passed  further  to  the  north  to  seeke  out 
Port  Royall,  it  would  be  neither  very  profitable  nor  con- 
uenient  .  .  .  although  the  Hauen  were  one  of  the 
fairest  of  the  West  Indies.  .  .  .  And  that  for  our 
inhabiting  it  was  much  more  needefuU  for  vs  to  plant  in 
places  plentifull  of  victuall,  then  in  goodly  Hauens,"  and 
that  they  had  found  the  River  of  May,  "the  same  only 
among  all  the  rest  to  abounde  in  Maiz  and  corne,  besides 
the  Golde  and  Siluer  that  was  found  there"  with  its 
promise  of  further  happy  discovery  in  time  to  come.' 

As  his  proposition  met  with  general  consent  the  expe- 
dition returned  to  the  River  of  May,  and  after  some  ex- 
ploration a  spot  was  selected  for  the  erection  of  the  fort. 
It  was  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river,  where  it  narrows  to 
less  than  half  a  mile  in  width,  at  the  head  of  the  sand-bars 
which  obstruct  its  entrance,  and  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
a  small  stream,  which  empties  into  the  St.  John's.  It 
was  almost  unapproachable  from  the  seacoast,  owing  to 
intervening  streams  and  marshes,  and  stood  not  far  from 
the  bluff,  which  commanded  the  wide  prospect  that  had 
so  entranced  Laudonni(^re,  The  fort  itself  was  located 
on  a  broad,  flat  knoll,  raised  a  few  feet  above  the  marsh 
and  the  river.^  Having  selected  the  site  the  company 
was  assembled  at  daybreak  at  the  sound  of  the  trumpet, 
and  after  singing  a  psalm  the  men  set  to  work  on  the 

signifies  an  enemy,  for  which  reason  he  understands  Saturiba  to  refer  to 
his  "  enemy"  Outina,  who  lived  some  distance  up  the  St,  John's. 

'  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  43  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  452. 

*  See  Appendix  G,  Fort  Caroline. 


58  The  Spanish  Settlements 

fort.  It  was  built  in  the  shape  of  a  triangle,  with  a  trench 
and  turf  battlements  on  the  land  side,  which  was  towards 
the  west ;  on  the  south  side  there  was  a  bastion  built  of 
fagots  and  sand,  in  which  was  a  magazine  for  the  ammu- 
nition, and  it  was  enclosed  on  the  river  side  by  a  palisade 
of  planks. 

Laudonnifere  erected  his  own  lodging  within  the  fort 
on  the  river  side,  with  one  door  towards  the  river  and 
another  opening  on  the  court  of  the  enclosure;  covered 
galleries  extended  from  it ;  on  the  south  was  the  corps  de 
garde,  and  another  structure  was  built  towards  the  apex 
to  the  north.  With  the  assistance  of  Saturiba's  Indians, 
who  had  come  to  watch  the  proceedings,  the  buildings 
were  thatched  with  palm  leaves  in  the  native  fashion. 
Seven  pieces  of  artillery  were  transported  to  the  fort 
and  placed  to  command  both  sides  of  the  river.'  It  was 
named  Fort  Caroline  in  honour  of  Charles  IX.  A  meadow 
stretched  inland  to  the  edge  of  a  pine  forest,  which  was 
distant  but  a  quarter  of  a  league,  where  lay  the  spring, 
reached  by  a  narrow  pathway  across  the  field."  In  this 
field,  around  the  exterior  of  the  fort,  there  gradually  arose 
a  small  collection  of  buildings  consisting  of  the  bake-oven, 
a  storehouse,  and  other  outhouses." 

Laudonnifere  had  chosen  a  thickly  populated  region  to 
plant  his  settlement.  He  was  in  the  midst  of  the  Timu- 
quanan  Indians,  whose  affiliation  and  language  extended 
through  the  centre  of  the  peninsula  as  far  south  as  Lake 
Miami,  where  they  touched  the  confines  of  the  Caloosas 
to  the  south-west,  and  of  the  Tegestas  on  the  south-east. 
They  were  hemmed  in  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  east  by 
the  Ays  Indians,  who  lived  on  the  shores  of  the  long 

1  Le  Moyne  in  De  Bry,  p.  8  ;  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  pp.  45,  46  ;  Hak., 
vol.  ii.,  pp.  454,  455  ;   Rojomonte  in  Noticias  de  la  Poblacidn,  etc.,  p. 


Le  Moyne  in  his  Eicones,  Plates  IX.  and  X.     These  plates,  however,  do  not 
correspond  to  the  description  given  by  Laudonniere. 

2  "  Hist.  Memorable"  in  Gaffarel,  Hist,  de  la  Floride,  p.  460. 

s  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  pp.  46,  93  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  455,  503. 


The  Second  French  Colony  59 

lagoon  stretching  southward  from  Cape  Canaveral  and 
now  known  by  the  name  of  Indian  River;  but  about  the 
mouth  of  the  St.  John's  they  came  down  to  the  coast, 
and  occupied  some  of  the  coast  islands  to  the  north,' 
such  as  Talbot  and  Amelia  Islands.  Their  western 
boundary  extended  as  far  as  the  north-eastern  angle  of 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  where  they  came  in  contact  with  the 
Appalachians.  Their  northern  boundary  may  have  ex- 
tended into  Georgia.  The  Timuquanan  tribes  had  their 
most  populous  settlements  on  the  St.  John's  River,  along 
whose  banks,  and  those  of  its  tributaries,  lay  scattered 
many  villages,  each  with  its  petty  chief.  On  one  of  these 
was  situated  the  village  of  Thimogoa,^  from  which  their 
name  Timuqua  is  derived,  and  in  the  vicinity  of  Cape 
Canaveral  lay  the  village  of  Tucururu,  one  of  the  south- 
ernmost of  their  habitations. 

Laudonniere  in  his  Histoire  Notable,  as  well  as  Le  Moyne 
in  many  of  the  drawings  in  his  Eicones,  with  their  accom- 
panying legends,'  has  left  us  a  vivid  description  of  their 

'Laudonniere  {Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  57;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  467) 
mentions  the  Paracoussy  of  Alimacany,  whose  river  is  identified  with  the 
Somme  by  Gourgues.  La  Reprise  de  la  Floride,  Larroque,  Bordeaux,  1867, 
p.  48.  The  name  is  variously  written  Allimacany,  Alimacany,  Halima- 
cany,  Alicamani,  and  his  country  was  probably  Fort  George  Island.  See 
Le  Moyne's  map,  where  the  name  is  placed  in  this  locality  and  Las  Alas  to 
,  March  23,  1568.  Brooks  MSS.,  Library  of  Congress,  Wash- 
ington. Barrientos  (in  Garcia,  Dos  Antigtias  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p. 
43)  describes  its  site  :  "A  la  mano  derecha,  En  entrando  la  barra  \i.  e.,  of 
the  Rio  de  sant  mateo]  Ay  Vna  isleta  do  Esta  Vn  pueblo  grande  como  sat- 
uriba  que  llaman  Alicamani." 

■^See  Appendix  H,  Timuqua. 

^Histoire  Abatable,  Basanier,  Paris,  1586,  pp.  4-7;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  pp. 
413-416.  Indorvm  Floridam  provinciam  inhabitantium  eicones,  primum 
ibidem  ad  vivum  expressse  k  lacobo  Le  Moyne  cui  cognomen  De  Morgves 
addita  ad  singulas  brevi  earum  declaratione.  Francoforti  ad  Moenvm. 
.  .  .  Sumtibus  Theodori  de  Bry,  Anno  MDXCL,  Plates  XL,  XIL, 
XIV.-XXVIL,  XXIX.,  XXX.,  XXXIII.-XL.  This  has  been  translated  in 
Narrative  of  Le  Moyne,  Boston,  1875,  by  Fred.  B.  Perkins,  which  has  been 
largely  used  in  this  description. 


6o  The  Spanish  Settlements 

customs,  and  which  at  the  risk  of  some  repetition,  we  will 
now  consider,  because  it  was  in  the  midst  of  this  Timu- 
quanan  population  that  the  most  enduring  of  the  Spanish 
settlements  on  our  Atlantic  coast  was  afterwards  planted. 
The  men  and  the  women  were  all  of  fine  proportion 
and  went  naked.  The  men  were  of  an  olive  hue,  very- 
corpulent  and  handsome,  and  without  any  apparent  de- 
formity. They  painted  the  skin  around  the  mouth  blue, 
and  were  tattooed  on  the  arms  and  thighs  with  a  certain 
herb,  which  they  pricked  in  with  a  thorn '  and  which  left 
an  indelible  colour.  The  chiefs  were  probably  tattooed 
over  the  entire  body,  as  shown  in  Le  Moyne's  drawings, 
where  the  design  is  so  complex  and  elaborate  as  to  re- 
move all  sense  of  nakedness.  The  process  was  a  severe 
one  and  sometimes  was  followed  by  an  illness  lasting  for 
seven  or  eight  days.  They  rubbed  their  bodies  with  oil 
to  protect  them  from  the  heat  of  the  sun,  and  also  during 
the  observance  of  one  of  their  religious  ceremonies,  to 
which  usage  they  attributed  their  dark  complexion,  for  at 
birth  they  were  of  a  far  whiter  colour.  They  trussed  up 
their  long  black  hair  upon  the  top  of  the  head,  and  wore 
loin-cloths  made  from  well-tanned  deer-skins.  Their 
warriors  wore  a  head-dress  of  feathers,  leaves,  and  grasses, 
or  covered  their  heads  with  the  skin  of  some  wild  animal, 
suspended  over  the  breast  small  disks  of  gold  and  silver, 
which  were  engraved,  and  when  on  the  war-path  painted 
their  faces  to  give  themselves  a  fierce  appearance.* 
Venereal  disease  was  prevalent,  for  the  men  were  much 
addicted  to  women,  and  to  girls  who  were  called  "Daugh- 
ters of  the  Sun,"   and  some  were  given  to  pederasty. 

*  "  The  voyage  made  by  M.  lohn  Hawkins,  Esquire,"  etc.,  Hak.,  vol.  iv., 
p.  241 ;  Ribaut  in  "  The  true  and  last  discoverie,"  etc.  (reprint  in  Hist.  Col. 
Louisiana  and  Florida,  2d  series,  "  Historical  Memoirs  and  Narratives," 
p.  171),  says:  "The  forepart  of  their  bodies  and  arms  they  also  paint 
with  pretty  devices  in  azure,  red,  and  black,"  which  may  possibly  mean  that 
they  were  tattooed  in  these  colours. 

*  Hawkins,  Hak.,  vol.  iv.,  pp.  241,  247. 


The  Second  French  Colony  6i 

Their  sense  of  smell  was  highly  developed,  for  they  were 
able  to  follow  an  enemy  by  his  scent,  and  to  recognise  his 
approach.  Their  abstemiousness,  even  at  their  festivals, 
produced  a  marked  impression  on  the  French,  who  at- 
tributed to  it  the  great  age  to  which  they  attained. 
Laudonni^re,  to  whom  their  mode  of  warfare  was  entirely 
novel,  thought  them  deceitful  and  traitorous,  but  ac- 
knowledged their  great  courage  in  fighting,  while  Le 
Moyne  dwells  upon  their  honesty  among  themselves  in 
the  distribution  of  the  communal  stores. 

The  women  were  tall  and  painted  like  the  men,  but 
much  whiter.  Their  hair  was  allowed  to  grow  down  to 
the  hips,  about  which  it  fell  freely.  They  could  climb  the 
trees  with  agility,  and  were  so  robust  they  could  swim 
across  the  broad  and  shallow  rivers  bearing  their  children 
in  one  arm.  They  attended  to  the  household,  where  it 
was  their  duty  to  maintain  the  fire,  which  was  kindled  in 
the  usual  savage  fashion  by  rubbing  two  sticks  together.' 
They  assisted  in  the  planting  of  the  corn-fields  and  took 
part  in  some  of  the  public  ceremonies.  They  lived  apart 
from  their  husbands  during  their  pregnancy,  and  the  food 
which  they  ate  during  their  courses  was  not  touched  by 
the  man.  Both  men  and  women  allowed  the  nails  of 
their  toes  and  fingers  to  grow  long,  and  their  finger-nails 
were  sharpened  to  a  point  so  that  they  might  dig  them 
into  the  forehead  of  a  prisoner  and  tear  down  the  skin 
over  his  face  to  wound  and  blind  him.  They  pierced 
the  lobe  of  the  ear,  through  which  small  oblong  fish- 
bladders  dyed  red  were  passed,  which  when  inflated  shone 
like  light-coloured  carbuncles.  There  were  many  her- 
maphrodites ^  among  them,  upon  whom  fell  the  heaviest 

^Arfe  de  la  Lengua  Timvqvana  comptiesto  en  1612  por  el  P'  Francisco 
Pareja  y  publicado  conforme  al  original  tinico,  por  Lucien  Adam  y  Julien 
Vinson,  Paris,  1886,  p.  xvi.  ;  Hawkins,  Hak.,  vol.  iv.,  p.  240. 

'  This  is  the  term  employed  by  Le  Moyne,  who  gives  no  further  explana- 
tion. It  is  possible  that  they  were  identical  with  the  mujerados  of  the  Pueblo 


62  The  Spanish  Settlements 

work ;  they  carried  the  provisions  when  the  Indians  went 
on  the  war-path,  transported  the  sick,  cared  for  those 
who  had  contagious  diseases,  and  prepared  the  dead  for 
burial. 

The  title  of  a  chief  was  paracusi,  and  when  spoken  of 
in  his  quality  of  a  war-chief  he  was  called  urriparacusi, 
urri  or  iri  meaning  war.'  The  chiefs  were  united  in 
various  confederations,  which  acknowledged  a  head  chief, 
such  as  Outina,  who  ruled  over  some  forty  villages  on  the 
west  side  of  the  St.  John's  and  who  dwelt  near  the  mouth 
of  the  Oklawaha,  and  Saturiba  at  the  mouth  of  the  St. 
John's,  who  had  thirty  chiefs  under  him.^  These  chieftains 

Indians  of  New  Mexico,  described  by  Dr.  William  A.  Hammond  in  "  The 
Disease  of  the  Scythians,"  New  York,  1S82,  p.  5  et  seq.,  reprint  from  The 
American  Journal  of  Neurology  and  Psychiatry,  1882. 

'Albert  S.  Gatschet,  "The  Timucua  Language"  in  Proceedings  of  the 
American  Philosophical  Society,  Philadelphia,  1877,  vol,  xvi.,  p.  627  ;  xviii., 
p.  502. 

^  Fontanedo,  Memoria  de  las  cosas  y  costa  y  Indios  de  la  Florida,  Col. 
Doc.  Inedit.  Indias,  tomo  v.,  p.  545  ;  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  pp.  4g,  59; 
Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  45S,  468.  When,  in  the  summer  of  1567,  Aviles  ascended 
the  St,  John's  and  found  himself  a  few  leagues  beyond  the  village  of  Outina, 
he  observed  that  the  tides  were  perceptible  at  a  distance  of  forty  leagues 
from  its  mouth.  (Barrientos,  in  Genaro  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de 
la  Florida,  p.  123  ;  Meras,  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  251,)  Fon- 
tanedo {ibid.,  p.  545)  mentions  two  of  Outina's  villages  by  name,  Saravay 
and  Moloa,  and  states  that  on  landing  in  Outina's  country,  Tocobaga  (which 
was  on  the  west  coast)  could  be  reached.  Mr.  O.  H.  Tittmann,  Superin- 
tendent of  the  Coast  and  Geodetic  Survey,  Washington,  In  a  letter  to  the 
author,  of  May  20,  1904,  says  he  is  informed  by  the  Fish  Department  that 
practically  the  water  of  the  St.  John's  is  fresh  at  Palatka,  At  Beecher  Point, 
at  the  mouth  of  the  Oklawaha  and  foot  of  Little  Lake  George,  a  small  effect 
of  the  tide  is  noticeable,  or  rather  measurable,  the  range  being  about  1,3 
feet,  but  the  average  rise  and  fall  is  only  one-quarter  foot.  These  data  in- 
dicate that  Outina  was  on  the  west  bank  of  the  St.  John's  near  the  Okla- 
waha, which  is  also  the  location  given  by  Fairbanks  in  his  History  of  Florida, 
p.  139  ;  Albert  S,  Gatschet,  in  The  Proceedings  of  the  America?!  Philosophi- 
cal Society,  Philadelphia,  1877,  vol.  xvi.,  p.  627,  places  Outina  on  Lake 
George,  and  adds  that  "  Uitna,  or  Utinama,  simply  means  '  my  country,' " 
See  also  ibid.,  1878,  vol.  xvii.,  p.  492,  where  Utinama  is  said  to  signify 
"upper  chief." 


I 


The  Second  French  Colony  63 

were  continually  at  war  with  each  other,  and  it  was  the 
advent  of  so  powerful  an  ally  as  the  French  to  aid  him 
in  his  raids  that  had  caused  Saturiba  to  receive  Laudon- 
niere  with  so  much  civility.  The  tribes  were  divided  into 
various  gentes  or  kinships,  such  as  those  of  the  upper 
chiefs,  from  which  were  taken  the  councillors  or  chief 
men,  and  the  lower  gens  of  the  common  people,  called 
the  "Dirt  or  Earth  Pedigree."  ' 

Next  in  importance  to  the  chief  stood  the  shamans  or 
iaruas,  a  name  which  Father  Pareja,  who  dwelt  among 
them  about  fifty  years  later,  and  who  wrote  several  works 
in  their  language,  translates  by  "sorcerer,"^  and  which 
referred  to  their  prophetic  powers  and  the  convulsions 
affected  by  them  to  obtain  oracles  of  war.  These  were 
"great  magicians,  great  soothsayers,  and  callers  upon 
devils,"  says  Laudonniere,  and  were  held  in  the  highest 
esteem.  Their  duties  were  as  manifold  as  were  the  occu- 
pations of  those  to  whom  they  ministered.  Mr.  Gatschet 
deduces  from  the  questions  put  by  Father  Pareja  to  the 
catechumen  in  his  "Confessionario,"  '  that  most  of  the  old 
men  acted  as  conjurers.  They  consecrated  the  arrows 
before  the  departure  of  a  hunting  party,  and,  if  the  game 
was  not  killed  by  the  first  arrow,  prayed  over  a  second, 
which  was  sure  to  accomplish  its  mission.  They  caused 
rain,  found  lost  objects  for  the  owner,  recited  blessings 
or  incantations  over  ears  of  corn,  over  the  newly  con- 
structed fish-ways,  over  a  good  haul,  and  over  the  baskets 

'  A.  S.  Gatschet,  "  The  Timucua  Language,"  Proceedings  of  the  American 
Philosophical  Society,  Philadelphia,  1878,  vol.  xvii.,  p.  492. 

''"The  Timucua  Language,"  ^(5^</.,  vol.  xviii.,  p.  500,  where  Gatschet 
derives  it  from  yuru,  to  tremble,  to  be  shaken  or  contorted  ;  Arte  de  la 
Lengtia  Timvqvana,  Paris,  1886,  p.  xiii. 

^  "  Confessionario  En  lengua  Castellana  y  Timuquana  .  .  .  Ordenado 
por  el  Padre  Fr.  Francisco  Pareja  .  .  .  Mexico  .  .  .  1613."  Pass- 
ages from  it  are  given  by  Mr.  Gatschet  in  his  "  The  Timucua  Language" 
in  Proceedings  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society,  Philadelphia,  1S77, 
vol.  xvi.,  pp.  635-638, 


64  The  Spanish  Settlements 

of  fruit,  taking  one-half  of  the  catch  of  fish,  or  the  first 
deer  killed  in  payment  for  their  services.'  They  foretold 
the  future  and  cured  the  sick  by  means  of  incantations 
and  by  administering  herbs  and  drugs  which  they  carried 
about  with  them  in  a  bag.  Their  cures  were  generally 
but  half  made  in  order  to  secure  a  greater  reward  from 
the  sufferer. 

Le  Moyne  gives  us  some  of  their  methods  of  procedure 
in  this  latter  capacity.  They  fumigated  the  sick  man  by 
turning  him  upon  his  face  above  a  bed  of  hot  coals  upon 
which  certain  seeds  were  cast.  The  smoke  arising  there- 
from, passing  through  his  nose  and  mouth,  acted  as  a 
vomit,  and  was  supposed  to  reach  all  parts  of  the  body. 
Another  form  of  administering  a  fumigation  was  by 
smoking  tobacco  in  a  pipe.  They  also  operated  by  bleed- 
ing, cutting  into  the  skin  of  the  forehead  with  a  sharp 
shell,  and  sucking  the  blood  out,  which  the  shaman  then 
spat  into  an  earthenware  or  gourd  receptacle.  Women 
who  were  suckling  boys,  or  who  were  with  child,  drank 
the  blood,  particularly  if  it  was  that  of  a  strong  young 
man,  to  strengthen  their  milk  and  to  make  their  children 
bolder  and  more  energetic. 

Their  villages  consisted  of  a  gathering  of  only  a  few 
huts,  for  they  lived  a  hundred  together  in  great  com- 
munal houses,  built  with  stanchions  and  rafters  made  out 
of  whole  trees,  and  roofed  with  palmettos,  having  only 
one  small  room  divided  off  for  the  chief  and  his  wife.  In 
the  centre  stood  a  hearth,  where  a  great  fire  was  kept 
burning  all  night.  Along  the  sides  of  the  house,  which 
they  occupied  only  during  the  night-time,  were  placed 
their  beds,  where  they  slept  upon  head-rests  or  pillows 
made  from  wooden  blocks  hollowed  out  for  the  shoulders 
and  raised  for  the  head."  Their  fortified  villages  were 
usually  situated  in  the  neighbourhood  of  a  stream  and 

'  "Confessionario,"  ibid.,  vol.  xvi.,  p.  635. 
'Hawkins,  Ifak.,  vol.  iv.,  p.  240. 


The  Second  French  Colony  65 

were  each  surrounded  by  a  circular  palisade  having  but 
one  entrance.  This  was  formed  by  the  overlapping  of 
the  two  ends  of  the  palisade  after  the  fashion  of  a  spiral, 
and  was  so  narrow  that  not  more  than  two  persons  at  a 
time  could  pass  through  it.  Two  guardhouses  were  sta- 
tioned, the  one  within,  the  other  without  the  entrance, 
and  the  course  of  the  stream  was  also  diverted  to  it. 
The  chief's  house  stood  in  the  centre  of  the  enclos- 
ure, somewhat  sunken  in  the  ground  on  account  of 
the  summer  heats,  and  was  surrounded  by  those  of  the 
principal  men.  All  of  the  huts  were  roofed  with  a  light 
thatch  of  palm  leaves,  which  rendered  them  exceedingly 
inflammable. 

Their  corn  plantings,  of  which  there  were  two,  one  in 
March  and  the  other  in  June,  occurred  during  the  period 
of  nine  months  which  they  annually  spent  in  their  vil- 
lages. When  seeding  time  was  at  hand  the  chief  sent  an 
Indian  to  gather  his  subjects  together  for  the  work;  the 
field  was  then  cleared  by  burning  off  the  weeds,  and  the 
earth  was  cultivated  with  a  kind  of  hoe  made  from  a  fish- 
bone fitted  to  a  handle.  After  the  ground  was  sufficiently 
broken  up  and  levelled  the  women  did  the  planting,  some 
of  them  going  first  and  making  a  hole  in  the  ground  with 
a  stick,  into  which  another  group  of  women,  who  followed 
them,  dropped  the  corn  or  beans.  The  plantings,  how- 
ever, were  small  and  calculated  to  produce  only  enough 
food  for  six  months.  The  fields  were  then  left  alone 
until  the  crop  was  ripe,  when  it  was  gathered  and  stored 
in  the  communal  storehouse  for  the  winter's  use,  none 
of  it  being  used  in  trade.  These  granaries  or  storehouses, 
called  barbacoa,  built  of  stone  and  earth,  roofed  over  with 
palm  branches,  were  usually  erected  near  some  hill,  where 
they  were  sheltered  from  the  sun  for  the  better  preserva- 
tion of  their  contents,  or  on  the  bank  of  a  stream  where 
ready  access  could  be  had  to  them  by  water.  Here,  also 
were  stored  what  other  provisions  they  collected,  such  as 


66  The  Spanish  Settlements 

game,  fish,  and  alligators,  which  were  dried  and  smoked 
over  a  fire.  The  storehouse  was  under  the  custody  of  a 
special  guardian,  who  was  killed  with  a  blow  from  a  club 
on  the  slightest  neglect  of  his  duty.'  These  stores  were 
only  resorted  to  in  case  of  extreme  necessity,  when  full 
notice  was  given  to  all  interested,  whereupon  the  distri- 
bution took  place  to  each  according  to  his  rank,  the  chief 
alone  being  at  liberty  to  take  whatever  supply  he  chose. 

The  food  was  supplemented  by  a  drink  called  casina, 
which  was  drunk  upon  all  ceremonial  occasions  as  well  as 
at  other  times.  It  consisted  of  a  decoction  of  the  leaves 
of  a  certain  root,  which  was  strained  and  served  hot. 
It  was  not  an  intoxicant,  but  strengthened  and  nourished 
the  body  to  such  an  extent  that  it  was  possible  to  go  for 
twenty-four  hours  without  food  or  water  after  drinking  it, 
for  which  reason  it  was  the  principal  supply  taken  along 
when  the  warriors  went  on  the  war-path.  The  drink  had 
the  property  of  at  once  throwing  into  a  sweat  whoever 
partook  of  it,  and  of  producing  vomitings,  for  which 
reason  he  who  was  unable  to  retain  it  upon  his  stomach 
was  considered  unfit  for  a  difficult  commission  or  for  any 
military  responsibility.  It  was  so  greatly  prized  that  no 
one  was  allowed  to  drink  it  in  council  unless  he  had 
proved  himself  a  brave  warrior. 

During  the  winter  months  the  natives  deserted  their 
villages  and  migrated  into  the  forest,  where  they  con- 
structed shelters  of  palm  branches,  and  subsisted  on 
acorns,  oysters,  terrapin,  fish,  dogs,  snakes,  and  game, 
which  they  roasted  over  the  coals ;  Laudonniere  adds  that 
in  necessity  they  ate  "a  thousand  rifraffs,  even  to  the 
swallowing  down  of  coles,  and  putting  sand  into  the  pot- 
tage which  they  make  of  [corn]  meal."  The  fish  were 
caught  in  ponds  dug  for  the  purpose  and  from  which  the 
water  was  afterwards  withdrawn.'  Their  method  of 
hunting  the  deer  has  been  previously  described,  and  con- 

"^  Arte  de  la  Lengua  Timvqvana,  Paris,  1886,  p.  xvii,  ^  Ibid.,  p.  xvi. 


The  Second  French  Colony  67 

sisted  in  disguising  themselves  in  its  skin  and  stealing 
upon  it.  The  alligators,  which  were  so  numerous  and 
dangerous  that  the  natives  were  compelled  to  keep  a  con- 
stant watch  against  them  both  day  and  night,  were  hunted 
by  the  Indians  in  parties.  A  watch  was  set,  concealed  in 
a  little  hut  near  a  stream,  and  when  an  alligator,  driven 
on  to  the  shore  by  hunger,  gave  notice  of  his  presence  by 
his  bellowing,  which  could  be  heard  at  a  great  distance, 
the  watchman  summoned  his  companions,  and  they  at- 
tacked him  with  a  long  pointed  pole,  thrusting  it  down  his 
throat  as  he  advanced  against  them  with  open  mouth.  He 
was  then  turned  over  on  his  back  and  his  soft  belly  pierced 
with  arrows  and  beaten  with  clubs  until  he  was  killed. 

The  chief  and  his  principal  men,  whom  Le  Moyne  calls 
his  nobles,  were  accustomed  to  meet  during  certain  days 
of  the  year  for  deliberation  on  important  affairs,  in  a 
public  place  set  apart  for  the  purpose,  where  a  bench  was 
constructed,  having  a  projecting  seat  for  the  chief,  to  dis- 
tinguish his  rank.  After  he  had  taken  his  appointed 
place  his  councillors  approached  him  led  by  the  oldest 
member,  and  each  in  turn  saluted  him  twice,  raising  both 
hands  to  the  height  of  his  head,  and  exclaiming,  "Ha,  he, 
ye,  ha,  ha,"  to  which  the  others  replied,  "Ha,  ha,"  and 
then  took  his  seat  beside  him.  This  was  followed  by  the 
drinking  of  a  potation  of  casina  prepared  by  the  women 
and  served  in  a  large  shell.  It  was  drunk  by  the  chief  first 
and  the  others  in  succession  according  to  their  rank  after 
a  blessing  had  been  invoked  upon  the  assembly  and  the 
drink  by  one  of  the  councillors.  Their  councils  were  very 
deliberate  and  well  advised,  and  where  the  question  was 
one  of  importance  the  chief  called  upon  the  shaman  and 
upon  the  elders,  one  at  a  time,  to  deliver  their  opinions. 

Laudonnifere  informs  us  that  they  had  "no  knowledge 
of  God,  nor  of  any  religion,  saving  that  which  they  see, 
as  the  Sun  and  the  Moon."  Le  Moyne  has  left  us  an 
account   of  the  annual  sun  worship   in   the  country  of 


68  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Outina,  which  was  observed  at  the  end  of  February. 
The  skin  of  the  largest  stag  that  could  be  found  with 
the  horns  still  on,  was  stuffed  full  of  the  choicest  roots, 
and  its  horns,  neck,  and  body  were  hung  with  long  gar- 
lands of  the  finest  fruits.  Thus  decorated  it  was  carried 
with  music  and  song  to  a  large  level  space,  where  it  was 
set  up  on  a  very  high  tree,  with  its  head  and  breast  to- 
wards the  sunrise.  Then  the  chief,  standing  with  his 
shaman  near  the  tree,  offered  prayers  to  the  sun,  beseech- 
ing it  to  cause  their  lands  to  grow  such  good  things  as 
those  they  now  offered  it,  and  the  common  people  placed 
at  a  distance  made  the  responses.  Then  the  chief  and 
the  worshippers,  saluting  the  sun,  departed,  leaving  the 
deer's  hide  there  until  the  next  year. 

Human  sacrifice  also  existed  among  them,  the  first- 
born son  being  offered  to  the  chief  according  to  Le 
Moyne,  who  possibly  but  half  understood  the  office  which 
he  filled  in  the  ceremony.  The  chief  seated  himself  near 
the  tree  stump,  which  served  as  the  sacrificial  altar,  be- 
fore which  the  mother  of  the  victim  squatted  on  her  heels, 
her  face  covered  with  her  hands  in  sorrow.  Her  principal 
female  friend  or  relative  then  offered  the  child  to  the 
chief  in  worship,  after  which  the  women  who  attended 
her  danced  in  a  circle  around  the  stump  with  great 
demonstrations  of  joy.  The  woman  who  held  the  child 
danced  in  the  middle,  singing  the  praises  of  the  chief. 
At  one  side  stood  a  group  of  six  Indians,  surrounding 
the  individual  who  performed  the  sacrifice,  and  who  was 
decorated  for  the  ceremony  and  carried  a  club.  When 
the  dancing  was  over  this  official  stepped  up  to  the  im- 
provised altar,  where,  in  the  presence  of  the  assembly,  he 
sacrificed  the  child. 

The  belief  in  witchcraft  was  widespread,'  and  super- 

'  Extract  from  Father  Pareja's  "  Confessionario  "  in  A.  S.  Gatschet,  "  The 
Timucua  Language,"  Proceedings  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society, 
Philadelphia,  1878,  vol.  xvii.,  pp.  500,  501. 


The  Second  French  Colony  69 

stitious  practices  were  attached  to  almost  every  act  of 
their  daily  life.  Their  character  is  indicated  by  the  fol- 
lowing, selected  from  among  those  condemned  by  Father 
Pareja  ' :  Drinking  out  of  another's  cup  after  eating  bear's 
meat  prevented  one  from  falling  sick ;  a  tremor  passing 
over  the  body  indicated  that  some  one  was  coming  or 
that  something  was  about  to  happen;  the  hooting  of  an 
owl  brought  luck  and  should  not  be  interrupted ;  whis- 
tling during  a  storm  caused  it  to  cease ;  women  were  in  the 
habit  of  washing  themselves  with  the  infusion  of  a  certain 
herb  in  order  to  recall  an  absent  husband ;  to  dye  their 
palm-leaf  hats  with  a  certain  vegetable  dye  to  induce  men 
to  fall  in  love  with  them  ;  to  fast  for  the  same  reason,  and 
so  on.  Other  practices  cited  as  superstitious  partook  of 
the  nature  of  propitiatory  sacrifice,  such  as  exposing  corn 
at  the  door  of  the  house,  when  ill,  the  refusal  to  eat  the 
first  fruit,  or  the  first  ear  of  corn,  or  the  first  harvest 
gathered  from  a  newly  cultivated  field. ^ 

The  Timuquanans  were  monogamous,  and  although 
the  chief  was  allowed  two  or  three  wives,  only  the  child- 
ren of  the  first  wife  inherited  from  him.  In  common 
with  most  of  the  tribes  of  North  American  Indians,  inter- 
marriage was  prohibited  among  the  members  of  certain 
lineages,  as  among  those  of  the  upper  chief  and  council- 
lors." On  the  death  of  the  men  in  war,  or  from  disease, 
it  was  the  custom  for  their  widows  to  select  some  occasion 
on  which  they  approached  the  chief  with  loud  demonstra- 
tions of  sorrow,  calling  upon  him  to  avenge  the  death  of 
their  husbands,  for  support  during  their  widowhood,  and 
for  permission  to  remarry  after  the  expiration  of  the 
period  appointed  for  mourning.  Having  received  his  as- 
sent, they  proceeded  to  the  burial-place,  where  they  cut 
off  their  long  hair  below  the  ears,  and  scattering  it  over 

'  See  the  passages  from  his  "Confessionario"  in  ibid.,  vol.  xvi.,  pp.  635-638. 
^  Arte  de  la  Lengua  Timvqvmia,  Paris,  1886,  p.  xviii. 

^A.  S.  Gatschet,  "  The  Timucua  Language,"  Proceedings  of  the  Amerim 
can  Philosophical  Society,  Philadelphia,  1S78,  vol.  xvii.,  p.  492. 


70  The  Spanish  Settlements 

the  graves  of  their  husbands,  placed  upon  them  the 
weapons  and  drinking-shells  of  the  dead.  Only  when 
their  hair  had  grown  long  enough  to  cover  the  shoulders 
were  they  permitted  to  remarry. 

When  the  chief  wished  to  marry  he  directed  the  tallest 
and  handsomest  one  of  the  daughters  of  the  principal 
men  to  be  selected.  She  was  brought  to  him  with  great 
ceremony  on  a  litter  covered  with  the  skin  of  some  rare 
animal  and  sheltered  under  a  canopy  of  boughs  which 
formed  part  of  the  litter.  Four  men  carried  it  on  their 
shoulders,  each  of  them  provided  with  a  forked  pole  on 
which  to  rest  it  when  halting.  Two  more  walked  at  the 
sides,  shielding  her  from  the  sun  with  large  screens  or 
fans.  She  was  preceded  by  trumpeters  blowing  on  horns 
made  of  bark  hung  with  oval  balls  of  silver,  gold,  and 
brass  which  tinkled  as  they  marched,  and  she  was  fol- 
lowed by  a  procession  of  the  most  beautiful  of  the  Indian 
girls  clad  in  skirts  made  of  pendant  Spanish  moss,  their 
necks  and  arms  decorated  with  necklaces  and  bracelets  of 
pearls,  and  each  carrying  in  her  hand  a  basket  of  fruits. 
Behind  them  came  the  body-guards.  The  chief  received 
her  seated  on  a  platform  erected  for  the  purpose,  where 
she  was  placed  at  his  left.  The  principal  men  sat  below 
them  on  long  benches  placed  on  either  side  of  the  plat- 
form. The  chief  then  congratulated  the  maiden  on  her 
accession  and  informed  her  why  he  had  chosen  her,  to 
which  she  replied,  holding  her  fan  in  her  hand.  A  dance 
was  then  performed  before  them  by  young  girls  dressed 
for  the  occasion,  their  hair  tied  back  of  their  heads  and 
flowing  down  over  their  shoulders,  and  wearing  belts  from 
which  were  suspended  ovals  of  gold  and  silver.  As  they 
danced  about  in  a  circle  to  the  tinkle  of  the  trinkets  they 
sang  the  praises  of  the  chief  and  his  bride,  raising  and 
lowering  their  hands  in  unison.  Le  Moyne  had  described 
the  ceremony  attending  an  evening  promenade  of  Saturiba 
and  his  wife.     The  chief  was  clad  in  a  deer-skin  painted 


The  Second  French  Colony  71 

in  various  colours,  the  train  of  which  was  carried  by  a 
young  man  wearing  a  belt  from  which  dangled  little  balls 
of  gold  and  silver,  while  two  young  men  walked  at  his 
side  fanning  him.  His  wife  and  her  handmaidens  were 
clothed  in  cloaks  and  skirts  of  the  slender  blue-green  fila- 
ments of  the  Spanish  moss,  woven  together  in  links,  and  of 
so  delicate  a  texture  as  to  be  mistaken  for  filaments  of 
silk. 

On  the  death  of  a  chief  his  drinking-shell  was  placed 
upon  his  grave,  and  arrows  were  planted  in  the  ground 
around  it;  all  of  his  household  goods  were  put  into  his 
house,  which  was  then  burned  down.  His  subjects 
mourned  for  him,  fasting,  three  days  and  nights,  and  cut 
off  half  of  their  long  tresses.  In  addition  to  this  certain 
women  were  chosen,  who  for  a  period  of  six  months 
mourned  him  three  times  a  day,  at  dawn,  noon,  and  twi- 
light, with  a  great  howling.  When  the  priests  died  their 
bodies  were  buried  in  their  own  houses,  which  were  then 
set  on  fire  and  consumed,  with  all  of  their  furniture. 

We  shall  have  ample  illustration  in  this  history  of  their 
method  of  fighting.  It  was  preceded  by  a  declaration  of 
war,  which  consisted  in  sticking  up  in  the  public  ways 
arrows  having  locks  of  hair  fastened  at  the  notches.  Le 
Moyne  relates  a  ceremony  at  which  the  French  were  pres- 
ent, preceding  one  of  the  raids  of  Saturiba,  and  which  re- 
sembled in  several  details  that  of  the  Co^as  in  their  war 
against  the  Napochies  described  in  the  previous  volume.' 
Having  assembled  his  warriors,  the  army  sat  down  in  a 
circle  with  Saturiba  in  the  centre.  A  fire  stood  at  his 
left  and  two  great  vessels  of  water  at  his  right.  After 
various  demonstrations  of  rage  he  suddenly  set  up  a  hor- 
rible yell  in  which  his  warriors  joined,  striking  their  hips 
and  rattling  their  weapons.  Then  Saturiba,  taking  a 
wooden  platter  of  water,  turned  toward  the  sun  and  wor- 
shipped it,  praying  for  victory  over  the  enemy  and  that 

'  Spanish  Settlements,  1513-1561,  p.  365. 


72  The  Spanish  Settlements 

their  blood  might  be  poured  out  like  the  water  he  was 
about  to  scatter  from  the  platter.  He  then  flung  the 
water  with  a  great  cast  up  into  the  air,  and  as  it  fell 
down  upon  his  warriors  he  addressed  them,  saying:  "As  I 
have  done  with  this  water,  so  I  pray  that  you  may  do 
with  the  blood  of  your  enemies."  Then  he  poured  the 
water  from  the  other  vessel  upon  the  fire  and  said:  "So 
may  you  be  able  to  extinguish  your  enemies,  and  bring 
back  their  scalps." 

While  proceeding  on  the  war-path  each  chief  appears 
to  have  followed  his  own  devices.  Le  Moyne  tells  us 
that  Saturiba  preserved  no  order  in  his  ranks,  but  that 
the  men  marched  along,  one  after  the  other,  just  as  they 
saw  fit.  Outina,  on  the  other  hand,  marched  his  warriors 
in  regular  ranks,  himself  alone,  in  the  middle,  painted 
red,  while  the  swiftest  of  his  young  men,  also  painted 
red,  acted  as  advance-guards  and  scouts,  reporting  im- 
mediately to  the  army  as  soon  as  they  came  upon  any 
trace  of  the  enemy.  The  movements  were  directed 
by  heralds,  who  shouted  the  orders.  After  sunset  the 
army  halted  and  no  longer  gave  battle,  and  encamped 
in  concentric  circles,  with  the  chief  and  his  body-guard  in 
the  centre.  The  commissary  consisted  of  hermaphro- 
dites, who  carried  the  food,  which  consisted  principally 
of  the  drink  casina,  although  bread,  honey,  and  roasted 
corn  were  also  taken  along. 

Before  the  attack  the  shaman  was  sometimes  consulted 
that  he  might  furnish  the  necessary  information  concern- 
ing  the  movements  of  the  enemy.  Le  Moyne  has  given 
us  a  curious  account  of  such  an  occasion,  in  which  an 
ancient  sorcerer,  more  than  one  hundred  and  twenty 
years  old  according  to  his  own  story,  having  made  a  place 
in  the  centre  of  the  army,  borrowed  a  shield  from  one  of 
the  Frenchmen  present,  laid  it  on  the  ground,  and  drew 
around  it  a  circle  inscribed  with  strange  characters  and 
signs.     Then  he  knelt  on  the  shield  so  that  no  part  of  his 


I 


The  Second  French  Colony  ti 

person  touched  the  earth,  and  began  a  low  recitation  ac- 
companied by  various  gestures.  In  the  course  of  a  quarter 
of  an  hour  he  was  seized  with  convulsions  attended  with 
such  violent  contortions 

"that  he  was  hardly  like  a  human  being;  for  he  twisted  his 
limbs  so  that  his  bones  could  be  heard  to  snap  out  of  place, 
and  did  many  other  unnatural  things.  After  going  through 
all  of  this  he  came  back  all  at  once  to  his  ordinary  condition, 
but  in  a  very  fatigued  state  and  with  an  air  as  if  astonished; 
and  then  stepping  out  of  his  circle  he  saluted  the  chief,  and 
told  him  the  number  of  the  enemy  and  where  they  were  in- 
tending to  meet  him." 

An  enemy  slain  in  battle  was  instantly  dragged  ofl 
and  scalped  by  means  of  slips  of  reed  "sharper  than  any 
steel  blade,"  and  with  which  an  incision  was  made  around 
the  skull.  The  scalp  was  then  dried  over  a  fire  and  sus- 
pended from  the  belt.  After  the  victory  the  limbs  of  the 
slain  were  amputated  in  the  same  manner,  the  bones 
broken,  the  yet  bleeding  members  dried  and  carried  back 
in  triumph,  suspended  from  the  ends  of  the  spears,  and 
the  bodies  were  then  further  mutilated,  after  the  manner 
of  most  savage  peoples.  They  spared  the  women  and 
children,  bringing  them  back  with  them.  On  returning 
to  the  village  the  victory  was  celebrated  in  a  place  set 
apart  for  the  purpose,  where  the  scalps  and  other  trophies 
were  affixed  with  solemn  ceremonies  to  tall  poles  set  in  a 
row  in  the  ground,  around  which  the  men  and  women  sat 
in  a  circle.  The  shaman  stood  within  the  circle,  holding 
in  his  hand  a  small  image  and  muttering  in  a  low  voice 
a  form  of  imprecation  against  the  enemy.  At  the 
side  of  the  circle  opposite  to  him  knelt  three  men,  one 
of  whom  marked  the  time  to  each  word  of  the  impreca- 
tion by  beating  on  a  flat  stone  in  front  of  him  with  his 
club,  while  his  companions  on  each  side  shook  rattles  made 
from  dried  seeds,  all  three  chanting  an  accompaniment. 


74  The  Spanish  Settlements 

The  youths  were  trained  in  running,  and  a  prize  was 
given  the  one  who  showed  the  greatest  endurance  in  the 
contest.  They  played  a  game  in  which  a  ball  was  cast  at 
a  square  target  placed  on  the  summit  of  a  high  tree,  and 
they  were  fond  of  fishing  and  hunting. 

We  gather  from  the  drawings  of  Le  Moyne  and  from 
occasional  remarks  elsewhere  that  they  excelled  in  many 
of  the  savage  industries.  They  could  weave  fans  and 
hats  and  baskets  from  the  palm  leaves.  They  had  a 
knowledge  of  the  manufacture  of  pottery.  They  fash- 
ioned trinkets  out  of  the  gold  and  silver  recovered  from 
the  vessels  wrecked  along  the  coast  and  from  that  ob- 
tained by  barter  from  the  mountains  to  the  north.  They 
were  skilful  in  the  preparation  of  their  weapons,  making 
the  strings  of  their  bows  from  the  gut  and  hide  of  the 
stag,  and  the  heads  of  their  arrows  of  stones  and  fish- 
bones. Judging  from  Le  Moyne's  drawings,  their  boats 
were  made  by  hollowing  out  the  trunks  of  large  forest 
trees.  They  appear  to  have  woven  the  long  filaments  of 
the  Spanish  moss  into  some  sort  of  a  loose  texture,  and 
were  remarkably  deft  in  the  preparation  of  the  animals 
which  they  killed  in  the  chase,  dressing  the  skins  with 
shells  and  dying  them  yellow  and  red,  black  and  russet,' 
giving  them  a  finish  which  evoked  the  ceaseless  admira- 
tion of  the  Europeans. 

*  Hawkins,  Hak.,  vol.  iv.,  p.  241, 


CHAPTER   IV 

THE  SECOND   FRENCH  COLONY — Continued 

THE  fort  had  hardly  been  completed  when  Laudon- 
nifere,  who  was  not  disposed  to  "lose  a  minute  of 
an  houre,  without  employing  of  the  same  in  some  vertuous 
exercise,"  sent  Ottigny  up  the  river  with  two  Indians  for 
guides  in  search  of  Thimogoa.  The  lieutenant  shortly 
returned  with  the  news  of  having  ascended  nearly  thirty 
leagues  where  he  had  heard  of  a  "King,"  rich  in  gold  and 
silver,  who  dwelt  at  a  distance  of  three  days'  journey  in 
the  interior  of  the  country.  Ottigny,  in  spite  of  his  pre- 
vious treaty  with  Saturiba,  "the  most  ancient  and  natural 
enemy  of  Thimogoa,"  had  also  made  advances  towards 
establishing  friendly  relations  with  the  latter.  This  he 
accomplished  by  rescuing  some  of  the  villagers  from  the 
assault  of  his  two  guides,  and  he  left  one  soldier  at  each 
village  he  visited  to  seek  for  additional  information. 
Two  weeks  later  Captain  Vasseur  ascended  the  river  a 
second  time,  and  after  two  days  sailing,  came  upon  one  of 
these  soldiers  in  the  village  of  another  petty  chief,  Mollona, 
where  he  had  secured  five  or  six  pounds  of  silver  by 
trafficking  with  the  natives.  Here  Vasseur  heard  of 
Outina,  head  chief  of  a  great  confederacy,  whose  allies 
when  at  war  covered  their  bodies  with  plates  of  gold  and 
silver;  of  Potauou,'  "cruel  in  war,  but  pitiful  in  the  exe- 
cution of  his  furie,"  who  was  usually  at  war  with  Outina; 

'  This  is  the  form  given  by  Basanier,  p.  49  ;  Hakluyt  writes  "  Potanou.* 

75 


76  The  Spanish  Settlements 

and  of  the  two  chieftains,  Onatheaqua  and  Houstaqua, 
dwelling  near  the  Appalachian  Mountains,  who  painted 
their  faces  black.  When  Vasseur  promised  the  assistance 
of  Laudonnifere  in  conquering  them,  the  delighted  Mol- 
lona  "answered  that  the  least  of  these  Kings  which  hee 
had  named  should  present  vnto  the  Generall  of  these  suc- 
cours the  height  of  two  foot  of  gold  and  siluer."  On  his 
way  back  with  this  encouraging  news,  Vasseur  passed  a 
night  with  a  small  chief,  who,  under  the  impression  that 
the  French  had  subdued  the  village  of  Thimogoa,  showed 
the  greatest  delight.  The  lieutenant,  perceiving  it,  en- 
couraged his  fancy,  until  the  savage  ended  by  praying 
the  Frenchman  "that  hee  would  shew  him  by  signs  how 
all  thi-ngs  passed."  Nothing  loath  at  a  bit  of  gasconade 
in  the  presence  of  so  credulous  an  audience,  La  Caille, 
sergeant  of  the  band,  "tooke  his  sword  in  his  hand,  saying 
that  with  the  point  thereof  he  had  thrust  through  two 
Indians,  which  ranne  into  the  woods,  and  that  his  com- 
panions had  done  no  lesse  for  their  partes.  And  that  if 
fortune  had  so  fauoured  them  .  .  .  they  had  had  a 
victorie  most  glorious  and  worthie  of  eternall  memorie." ' 
On  the  28th  of  July,"  the  Isabella  departed  on  her  re- 
turn voyage  to  France,  bearing  with  her  as  a  present  to 
the  Queen  some  small  pieces  of  gold  and  silver,  fifty 
pearls,  which  Laudonniere  had  obtained  from  the  natives,' 
and  the  hide  of  an  alligator  which  had  been  killed  in  the 
river.'  There  remained  behind  in  the  settlement  two 
hundred  colonists.  One  hundred  and  fifty  of  these  were 
soldiers  who  garrisoned  the  fort ;  the  balance  were  the 

^  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  pp.  49,  50;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  458,  459. 

*Meleneche  in  his  deposition  in  Noriega  to  Philip  II.,  March  29,  1565, 
fol.  4,  says  July  22nd  ;  Le  Moyne  in  De  Bry,  p.  7. 

3  Rojomonte  in  Noticias  de  la  Poblacidn,  etc.,  p.  i. 

*  "  Coppie  d'une  lettre  venant  de  la  Floride  "  in  Recueil  de  Pikes  sur  la 
Floride,  p.  245,  where  an  alligator  is  described.  Also  in  "  Hist.  Memo- 
rable "  in  Gaffarel's  Hist,  de  la  Floride,  p.  462,  where  Le  Challeux  expresses 
his  surprise  at  its  having  no  wings  !    /\J  Q  ~  h  C    <:/ C  C  J  ^Cf^  , 


The  Second  French  Colony  "n 

artisans  and  servants  already  noted,  as  well  as  the  four 
women.'  The  arrival  of  reinforcements  from  France  was 
not  expected  before  March  of  the  following  year/  and  in 
the  interval  Laudonni^rc  was  left  to  derive  what  profit  he 
could  out  of  the  tricks  with  which  he  had  beguiled  the 
Indians  about  him.  And  now  Saturiba  began  to  press 
the  Frenchman  for  the  promised  assistance  against 
Thimogoa,  and  was  put  off  with  evasive  words,  that 
served  only  to  awaken  his  displeasure.  Weary  with  the 
prolonged  delay  the  Indian  chief  at  last  departed  alone 
on  the  war-path  against  his  enemy,  from  which  he  soon 
returned  triumphant  with  scalps  and  prisoners.' 

Laudonni^re,  who  himself  tells  us  how  he  "trauailed 
to  purchase  friends,  and  to  practice  one  while  with  one 
here,  and  another  while  with  another  there,"  '  improved 
the  opportunity  to  exercise  his  short-sighted  policy  of 
making  to  himself  a  present  enemy  in  the  hope  of  secur- 
ing a  possible  friend  in  the  future.  It  occurred  to  him 
that  could  he  release  some  of  the  prisoners  brought  back 
by  Saturiba,  and  return  them  to  Thimogoa,  he  would 
establish  a  still  firmer  claim  to  his  friendship.  As  Satu- 
riba angrily  refused  to  deliver  them  up  to  one  who  had 
broken  faith  with  him  and  left  him  to  do  battle  alone, 
Laudonni&re  sent  a  band  of  soldiers  to  his  house  and 
intimidated  him  into  compliance.  Saturiba,  although 
deeply  offended  and  brooding  vengeance,  continued  to 
lull  the  suspicions  of  the  French  with  presents,  while 
Laudonnifere  fatuously  counselled  him  to  make  peace 
with  his  enemy.  The  month  of  August  was  drawing  to 
an  end  when  there  arose  a  severe  thunder-storm  in  which 
the  lightning    fell    with    such    force   as  to  consume  the 

>  Rojomonte  in  Noticias  de  la  Poblacidn,  etc.,  p.  2;  Melenechein  Noriega 
to  Philip  II.,  March  29,  1565,  fol.  4. 

^  Rojomonte  in  Noticias  de  la  Poblacidn,  etc.,  p.  2. 

^ Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  pp.  53-55;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  pp.463.  4^4;  Le 
Moyne  in  De  Bry,  p.  10,  and  in  Eicones,  Plate  XV. 

*Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  60;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  469. 


78  The  Spanish  Settlements 

harvests  of  the  Indians,  burning  the  green  meadows  and 
killing  the  birds  in  the  fields.  Saturiba  mistook  it  for  a 
cannonade  directed  against  his  dwelling  by  the  French. 
In  this  belief  he  was  again  encouraged  by  the  ill-advised 
Frenchman,  and,  no  longer  able  to  disguise  his  deep- 
rooted  hatred,  withdrew  from  the  neighbourhood.  And 
now  war  broke  out  between  Outina  and  Potauou.  Un- 
der the  impression  that  the  only  road  to  the  Appa- 
lachian Mountains,  where  gold  and  silver  were  found,  lay 
through  Outina's  dominions,'  Laudonniere  sent  Arlac°  to 
Outina's  assistance,  and  thus  enabled  him  to  secure  the 
victor3% 

Laudonni^re's  bearing  towards  the  settlers  was  as  ill- 
judged  as  his  dealings  with  the  savages.  Le  Moyne 
complains  that  he  surrounded  himself  with  two  or  three 
favourites  and  frowned  upon  the  common  soldiers.  As  a 
result  of  this  and  of  the  dissatisfaction  of  some  of  the 
noblemen  with  the  results  so  far  attained,  discontent  be- 
gan to  show  itself.  The  more  serious  element  of  the 
community  was  indignant  at  the  absence  of  a  pastor  to 
minister  to  its  spiritual  wants."  And  yet  an  effort  was 
made  to  give  some  religious  instruction  to  the  savages  in 
the  neighbourhood.  Two  or  three  of  the  colonists,  among 
whom  was  probably  "Maistre  "  Robert,  learned  in  Holy 
Writ,  and  who  conducted  the  prayers  of  the  fort,^  took 
upon  themselves  the  teaching  of  the  chiefs  and  Indians, 
collecting  some  two  hundred  of  the  native  children  for 
that  object,'  with  such  signal  results,  and  the  binding  of 
such  close  ties  of  affection  between  them,  that  Men^ndez 

'  Le  Moyne  in  Eicofies,  Plate  XII. 

'^Charlevoix  in  Histoire  de  la  Notivelle  France  (Nyon  Fils),  Paris,  1744, 
tome  i.,  p.  37,  says  in  a  note  that  this  orthography  is  merely  the  result  of  an 
incorrect  pronunciation  of  the  well-known  Swiss  family  name  of  Erlach. 

2  Le  Moyne  in  Brevis  Narratio,  pp.  9,  10. 

*Le  Challeux  in  "  Hist.  Memorable"  in  Gaffarel,  Hist,  de  la  Floride,  p. 
466. 

^Fourquevaux  to  Charles  IX,,  Feb.  22,  1566,  D/pcckes,  p.  61. 


The  Second  French  Colony  79 

himself  pays  them  a  tribute  for  their  devotion.  "These 
French  have  many  Indian  friends  and  have  showed  much 
sorrow  for  the  perdition  "  of  the  Indians,  who  followed 
their  teachers  about  "as  the  Apostles  did  our  Lord;  so 
that  it  is  a  wonder  to  see  how  these  Lutherans  have  be- 
witched this  poor  savage  people."  '  This  dissatisfaction 
soon  assumed  a  more  serious  phase.  A  conspiracy  arose 
against  Laudonnifere  among  some  of  the  colonists,  lured 
by  the  pretended  magical  discovery  of  a  mine  of  gold 
and  silver  up  the  river,  by  which  they  hoped  to  enrich 
themselves.  But  their  attempts,  first  to  poison  him  and 
then  to  blow  him  up  with  a  barrel  of  gunpowder  concealed 
beneath  his  bed,  were  happily  frustrated,  and  their  leader 
escaped  to  the  Indians."  On  the  4th  of  September  Cap- 
tain Bourdet  arrived  from  France  with  reinforcements. 
An  expedition  sent  to  discover  the  interior  remained 
there  for  six  months,  and  on  the  loth  Bourdet  returned 
to  France,  carrying  back  with  him  a  few  of  the  least 
trustworthy  of  the  colonists. 

On  September  20,  1564,  occurred  the  first  of  the  series 
of  incidents  which  served  to  confirm  the  Spaniards  in  their 
conviction  of  the  piratical  designs  of  the  French  colony. 
Thirteen  men  stole  one  of  the  barks  with  the  intention 
of  preying  upon  the  Spaniards,  and  having  provisioned  it 
put  to  sea,  and  coming  across  a  Spanish  vessel  with  a 
treasure  of  gold  and  silver  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Cuba 
they  captured  it.  All  of  them  being  well  armed  with 
sword,  shield,  and  arquebuse,  they  next  proceeded  to 
plunder  a  small  hamlet,  the  inhabitants  of  which  fled 
before  them.  From  there  they  made  for  the  harbour  of 
Matanzas,  after  they  had  abandoned  the  small  boat  in 

'  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1565  ;  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  87. 

^  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  pp.  60,  61 ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  469-471.  It  is 
not  improbable  that  this  leader,  La  Roquette,  is  the  ex-monk,  cosmogra- 
pher,  and  necromancer,  mentioned  by  Mendoza  ("Relacion"  in  Ruidiaz,  La 
Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  460),  as  having  been  killed  at  Fort  Caroline. 


8o  The  Spanish  Settlements 

which  they  had  made  their  escape  from  Fort  Caroline  for 
the  better  one  they  had  captured,  and  had  forced  its  cap- 
tain to  enter  into  their  service.  Ill  luck  caused  them  to 
miss  Matanzas  and  land  in  a  small  harbour  called  Arcos, 
and  while  they  were  searching  about  for  water,  the  man 
they  had  impressed  escaped  to  Havana,  where  he  gave  the 
alarm.  The  adventure  ended  with  the  capture  of  the 
entire  party,  some  of  its  members  being  sent  prisoners  to 
Spain  and  the  others  remaining  in  Havana."  This  affair 
was  followed  by  the  desertion  of  two  Flemish  carpenters, 
who  had  but  recently  arrived  with  Bourdet,  and  who 
stole  Laudonniere's  remaining  boats,  so  that  he  was 
compelled  to  go  to  work  to  construct  others. 

The  want  of  active  employment  among  the  colonists, 
the  discontent  fed  by  the  dissipation  of  their  golden  vis- 
ions,  and  the  bad  example  set  by  the  escape  of  the  thir- 
teen sailors  now  bore  fruit  in  a  much  more  serious  mutiny, 
fraught  with  far  more  damage  to  the  good  repute  of 
the  settlement  than  the  previous  revolt.  During  the 
month  of  November'  a  band  of  sixty-six  men,  not  con- 
tent to  "take  the  paines  so  much  as  to  fish  in  the  riuer 
before  their  doors,  but  would  haue  all  things  put  in  their 
mouthes,"  '  urged  on  by  two  Frenchmen  and  a  Genoese, 
and  tempted  by  the  sight  of  the  two  barks,  which  were  near 
completion,  entered  into  a  conspiracy  to  seize  them  and 
seek  their  fortune  on  the  neighbouring  Spanish  islands. 
Their  number  was  sufificiently  formidable  to  enable  them 
to  proceed  with  a  high  hand.  They  seized  Laudonniere, 
who,  as  on  the  occasion  of  the  former  mutiny,  was  sick 
of  an  illness  that  seemed  designed  to  conceal  his  own 
want  of  determination,  and  carried  him  a  prisoner  aboard 

1  Deposition  of  Meleneche  in  Noriega  to  Philip  II.,  March  29,  1565,  fol. 
5.    Meleneche  was  one  of  the  three  prisoners  sent  to  Spain. 

*  This  occurred  about  November,  1564  ;  see  Noticias  de  la  Foblacidn,  etc., 
p.  2. 

3  Hawkins,  Hakluyl,  vol.  iv.,  p.  242. 


The  Second  French  Colony  8i 

a  boat  which  was  anchored  in  the  harbour,  wounding  one 
of  his  gentlemen  in  the  endeavour.  There  they  held  him 
prisoner  until  the  two  boats  were  in  condition  to  set  sail, 
compelled  him  to  furnish  them  with  arquebuses  and  can- 
non, powder  and  provisions,  and  finally,  having  threat- 
ened him  with  death  in  case  of  his  refusal  to  accede  to 
their  wishes,  they  obtained  his  signature  to  their  passport, 
with  the  grant  of  additional  sailors  and  of  a  pilot.' 

On  December  8th '  they  set  out  upon  their  piratical  ad- 
ventures. Scarcely  had  they  left  Fort  Caroline  when  the 
two  vessels  became  separated,  owing  to  internal  dissen- 
sions or  the  violence  of  a  tempest.'  One  of  the  vessels, 
after  cruising  two  weeks  among  the  Lucayan  Islands, 
made  the  Cape  of  St.  Nicolas,  near  which  it  took  a  vessel 
on  its  way  to  Cabray,  and  finally  reached  Havana.  The 
second  bark,  in  which  were  one  of  the  chief  conspirators 
and  the  pilot  furnished  by  Laudonni^re,  kept  along  the 
coast  to  Cuba  in  order  to  double  the  cape  more  easily, 
and  captured  a  brigantine  loaded  with  cassava,  losing  two 
of  its  crew  in  the  affray.  Being  a  vessel  of  greater  size 
than  their  own  roughly  made  bark,  the  mutineers  trans- 
ferred their  belongings  aboard  of  her,  and  taking  the  bark 
along  with  them  made  for  Baracou,  a  village  in  Jamaica, 
where  they  seized  a  caravel  of  some  fifty  tons  burden,  in 
which  they  all  re-embarked,  and  after  a  carouse  of  five 
or  six  days  in  the  village  returned  to  the  Cape  of  Tiburon. 
Off  the  cape  they  captured  a  vessel  from  Santo  Domingo 

'  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  63  et  seq.  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  473-475  ;  Le 
Moyne  in  De  Bry,  p.  12,  13.  Rojomonte,  who  was  one  of  the  mutineers, 
says  in  his  deposition  {Noticias  de  la  Poblacidn,  etc.,  p.  2),  that  these  alleged 
mutineers  were  sent  off  by  Laudonniere  in  search  of  provisions  ;  and  see  also 
Confesion  que  se  tomo  a  un  hombre  que  bino  de  la  Ysla  de  Cuba  sobre  lo 
tocante  a  la  Florida,  1551-1565.  MS.  Arch.  Gen.  de  Indias,  Sevilla,  Patro- 
nato,  est.  i,  caj.  i,  leg.  1/19,  ramo  5,  p.  5. 

^  Le  Moyne  in  De  Bry,  p.  12. 

^Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p,  66;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  476;  Noticias  de  la 
Poblaci6n.  etc.,  p.  2. 


82  The  Spanish  Settlements 

bound  for  Santiago  de  Cuba,  on  board  of  which  was  a 
judge'  commissioned  by  the  Royal  Audiencia  of  Hispan- 
iola  for  its  port  of  destination,  together  with  a  store  of 
slaves,  sugar,  merchandise,  and  wine.  The  judge  and  his 
negro  servant  were  slain  in  the  encounter.  The  pilot  and 
crew  they  transferred  to  their  own  vessel,  where  they 
were  imprisoned  for  eight  days  in  the  hold.  By  this 
time  their  provisions  had  become  reduced  to  a  supply  for 
two  days  only,  and  they  enquired  of  the  pilot  of  the 
captured  vessel  how  they  could  reach  Jamaica,  where 
they  expected  to  trade  the  merchandise  they  had  cap- 
tured for  food.  The  pilot .  readily  consented  to  help 
them,  in  the  hope  that  on  reaching  a  Spanish  port  the 
Frenchmen  might  fall  into  some  trap  and  himself  and  his 
companions  escape. 

At  last  the  mutineers  arrived  off  Jamaica,  and  even  be- 
fore making  a  harbour  sent  the  pilot  ashore  with  two  of 
the  prisoners,  who  bore  letters  to  the  Governor,  from 
one  of  the  Spaniards  aboard  the  vessel,  asking  for  food. 
The  answer  was  not  long  in  coming.  At  dawn  of  the 
third  day  after  they  had  entered  the  harbour,  a  frigate 
and  two  vessels  bore  down  upon  them.  The  bark  with 
a  small  number  of  the  mutineers  succeeded  in  making  its 
escape,  but  the  large  vessel,  with  thirty-three  of  the 
Frenchmen,  was  forced  to  surrender,  and  its  crew  were  ulti- 
mately all  hanged  as  pirates.'^  The  bark  with  the  escaped 
mutineers  took  a  northerly  course,  and  passing  in  sight 
of  Havana,  the  pilot  and  trumpeter  with  some  of  the 
sailors  who  had  been  compelled  to  join  them,  being  again 
short  of  provisions,  determined  to  ascend   the  Bahama 

'  "  Juez  de  comision." 

*De  Silva  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  i,  1565.  Col.  Doc.  Inedit.  Espaiia,  tomo 
Ixxxvii.,  p.  197.  English  translation  in  Spanish  State  Papers,  155S-1567, 1. 
Elizabeth,  p.  486.  Confesion  que  se  tomo  a  un  hombre  que  bino  de  la 
Ysla  de  Cuba  sobre  lo  tocante  a  la  Florida,  1551-1565.  MS.  Arch.  Gen. 
de  Indias,  Patronato,  est.  i,  caj.  i,  leg.  1/19,  ramo  5.  The  deponent  was 
the  pilot  of  the  vessel  captured  by  the  mutineers.     See  Appendix  I. 


The  Second  French  Colony  83 

Channel  by  night,  while  their  companions  slept,  return 
to  Fort  Caroline,  and  make  what  terms  they  could  with 
Laudonni^re.  On  the  25th  of  March,  1 565,  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Fort  Caroline  was  reached.  After  some  parley- 
ing Laudonniere  consented  to  receive  them  back,  but  the 
four  ringleaders  were  condemned  to  be  hung.  Their 
sentence,  however,  was  commuted  to  shooting,  and  their 
bodies  were  hung  from  gibbets  about  the  mouth  of  the 
haven.' 

Laudonnit:;re,  who  had  been  confined  on  board  the  bark 
by  the  mutineers,  was  released,  on  their  departure,  by 
Ottigny  and  returned  to  the  fort.  Matters  now  pro- 
gressed with  no  especial  event  for  some  time.  The  fort 
was  strengthened  against  attack  from  the  natives,  and  two 
other  barks  were  constructed.  One  day  two  Spaniards, 
who  had  been  wrecked  on  the  Martyr  Islands  some  fifteen 
years  before,  and  had  lived  in  servitude  to  Carlos  at  the 
south-western  end  of  the  peninsula,  were  brought  into  the 

'De  Silva  to  Philip  II.,  Nov.  5,  1565,  Col.  Doc.  Inedit.  Espana,  tomo 
Ixxxvii.,  p.  230.  English  translation  in  Spanish  State  Papers,  155S-1567, 
I.  Elizabeth,  p.  503;  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  pp.  63-70;  Hak.,  vol.  ii., 
pp.  473-479.  Le  Moyne  relates  that  on  the  arrival  of  the  mutineers  at  the 
mouth  of  the  St.  John's  they  were  overpowered  by  a  party  sent  out  by  Lau- 
donniere ;  De  Bry,  Brevis  Narratio,  pp.  20,  21.  Dr.  Shea,  in  The  Catholic 
Church  in  Colonial  Days  (New  York,  r886,  p.  136),  infers  that  the  muti- 
neers put  to  death  the  Spaniards  on  board  of  the  boat  which  they  captured. 
Fortunately  for  the  humanity  of  the  Frenchmen  the  Spanish  pilot  distinctly 
negatives  Dr.  Shea's  inference,  so  far  as  his  own  crew  is  concerned,  stating 
that  it  was  put  in  the  hold  of  the  vessel  and  evidently  escaped  when  the  ship 
was  recaptured.  The  pilot  does  not  say  whether  or  not  there  were  any 
Spanish  prisoners  on  board  the  bark  in  which  part  of  the  mutineers  fled.  It 
is  only  fair  to  Dr.  Shea  to  say  that  he  did  not  have  before  him  the  testimony 
which  is  presented  in  these  papers,  as  to  the  fate  of  "the  cruisers  from 
Caroline  and  Ribaut."  But  he  is  unfortunate  in  charging  Ribaut,  who  was 
absent  in  France,  with  the  responsibility  of  sending  out  cruisers,  whereas 
Laudonniere,  our  only  source  of  information  as  to  the  origin  of  these  pirates, 
says  they  were  mutineers.  The  statement  of  some  of  the  mutineers,  that 
they  had  been  sent  out  by  Laudonniere  in  search  of  food,  is  open  to  doubt, 
as  it  was  probably  made  with  a  view  to  obtaining  better  treatment  at  the 
hands  of  their  captors. 


84  The  Spanish  Settlements 

French  settlement,  after  experiencing  various  vicissitudes 
under  one  and  another  Indian  chief.  They  regaled  Lau- 
donnifere's  ears  with  the  usual  tale  of  treasure,  which  in 
this  instance  was  probably  founded  on  fact,  the  gold  and 
silver  having  been  saved  from  Spanish  vessels  wrecked 
along  the  coast ;  they  told  him  of  the  annual  sacrifice  at 
harvest  time  of  a  human  victim  selected  from  among  the 
Spaniards  who  had  been  cast  ashore  among  the  Indians; 
and  they  tickled  the  Frenchman's  imagination  with  a 
romantic  story  of  Indian  love  and  ambush.' 

Captain  Vasseur  was  sent  up  the  coast  to  Port  Royal 
and  renewed  his  former  friendly  relations  with  Audusta.* 
Another  excursion  was  made  up  the  St.  John's,  where 
the  Frenchmen  discovered  the  entrance  of  a  lake,  prob- 
ably Lake  George,'  whose  opposite  shores,  according  to 
Indian  report,  could  not  be  seen  even  from  the  tops  of 
the  highest  trees,  and  on  their  return  visited  the  pictu- 
resque Drayton  Island,  called  by  the  Indians  Edelano." 
A  gentleman  from  Fort  Caroline,  who  had  remained  some 
time  with  Outina,  brought  back  an  account  of  the  primi- 
tive method  by  which  the  natives  recovered  the  gold  from 
the  sands  of  the  rivers  which  flowed  down  from  the  moun- 
tains; how  the  sand  was  collected  in  dry,  hollow  reeds, 
in  which,  on  being  shaken,  the  gold  and  silver  grains  be- 
came separated  from  the  sand  owing  to  their  greater 
weight.^     Later  on  a  band  of  soldiers  under  Ottigny  was 

^  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  71  et  seq.  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  481-483. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  74  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  484  ;  Le  Moyne  in  De  Bry,  p.  18. 

'  Fairbanks,  Hist,  of  Florida,  p.  125  ;  Gaffarel,  Hist,  de  la  Floride  Fran- 
^aise,  p.  177,  identifies  the  lake  with  Lake  Okeechobee.  There  can  be  little 
question  as  to  the  correctness  of  Fairbanks.  See  Appendix  J,  Maps  of  the 
French  Colony. 

■•  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  75  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  4S5  ;  Le  Moyne  in  De 
Bry,  pp.  15,  19  ;  Fairbanks,  Hist,  of  Florida,  p.  105.  Velasco  also  mentions 
this  island  as  situated  at  the  outlet  of  "  unalaguna,  que  bojara  ocho  leguas." 
— Geografia,  p.  168, 

*  Laudonniere  says  "gold  or  copper."  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  76; 
Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  486  ;  Le  Moyne  in  De  Bry,  p.    19.     This  is  one  of  the 


The  Second  French  Colony  85 

sent  to  assist  Outina  on  one  of  his  expeditions  against  a 
neighbouring  chief. 

So  the  time  passed  until  the  opening  of  the  following 
year  (1565),  when  the  French,  like  the  Spaniards  before 
them,  began  to  reap  the  first  fruits  of  their  improvidence 
in  failing  to  make  sufficient  provision  against  the  diminu- 
tion of  their  store  of  food.  It  was  the  custom  of  the 
Indians  of  that  region  to  withdraw  into  the  forests  during 
the  winter  and  early  spring,  where  they  subsisted  by 
hunting  until  their  crops  began  to  ripen ;  and  the  French, 
who  had  made  no  plantings  against  such  a  contingency, 
but  had  lived  off  the  maize  and  beans  which  they  ob- 
tained by  barter  from  the  natives,  were  suddenly  thrown 
upon  their  own  resources.  For  a  while  they  made  out 
to  live  upon  the  stores  which  Laudonni^re  had  thought- 
fully laid  by,  but  with  the  approach  of  the  month  of 
May,  the  first  gnawing  of  famine  began  to  be  felt ;  for  the 
soldiers  with  characteristic  thoughtlessness  had  lavishly 
consumed  the  food  in  expectation  of  the  arrival  of  suc- 
cour from  France,  which  did  not  come.  A  little  fish  was 
obtained  from  the  natives,  who  had  by  this  time  returned 
to  their  homes,  but  the  Indians  were  now  without  maize 
or  beans,  having  used  what  remained  to  them  in  planting 
for  the  coming  season,  and  the  soldiers,  enfeebled  by 
hunger  and  unable  to  continue  to  work,  wandered  dis- 
consolately to  the  top  of  the  bluff,  where  Laudonniere 
had  dreamed  his  dream  of  Paradise,  and  despairingly 
scanned  the  surface  of  the  glittering  waters  for  the  arrival 
of  the  ship  from  France. 

most  detailed  of  the  exceedingly  rare  descriptions  of  primitive  Indian  gold- 
mining.  Le  Moyne,  who  says  the  Indians  dug  ditches  in  the  river  in  which 
the  sand  was  deposited  by  gravity,  has  given  us  a  picture  of  the  natives  at 
work  collecting  gold  out  of  the  bed  of  the  river  in  his  Eicones,  Plate  XLL, 
Auri  legendi  ratio  in  rivis  a  montibus  Apalatcy  decurrentibus.  Shipp  in  his 
Hernando  de  Soto  and  Florida,  Philadelphia,  l88i,  p.  526,  note,  thinks 
these  mines  were  in  the  north  of  Georgia,  where  are  now  the  Georgia  gold 
fields,  and  were  probably  the  same  as  those  of  which  De  Soto  was  informed. 


86  The  Spanish  Settlements 

One  day  followed  the  other,  and  as  they  watched  in 
vain,  the  prolonged  anxiety  bred  within  them,  with  the 
abandonment  of  hope,  its  companion  despair,  and  finally 
the  determination  to  leave  the  inhospitable  shore.  With 
that  they  went  to  work  to  build  a  boat  for  the  voyage 
and  to  enlarge  the  brigantine,  which  the  mutineers  had 
captured  from  the  Spaniards,  by  raising  it  two  decks 
higher.  But  this  required  time  and  "there  remained 
now  the  principal,  which  was  to  recouer  victuals  with 
which  to  sustain  vs  while  our  work  endured,"  writes 
Laudonniere.'  The  commander  himself  headed  an  ex- 
pedition in  search  of  food,  living  the  while  on  berries 
gathered  in  the  forest  and  the  roots  of  the  palmettos 
which  grew  by  the  river-bank ;  but  he  was  constrained  to 
return  empty-handed  to  the  fort.  The  Indians,  seeing  to 
what  straits  the  colonists  were  put,  had  now  lost  all  fear 
of  them.  They  demanded  even  the  shirts  off  the  backs 
of  the  soldiers  in  exchange  for  a  single  fish,  and  taunt- 
ingly exclaimed,  when  the  soldiers  complained  of  its  ex- 
cessive cost,  "If  thou  make  so  great  account  of  thy 
merchandise,  eat  it,  and  we  will  eat  our  fish."  "Then 
they  fell  out  laughing  and  mocked  vs  with  open  throat."  ' 
And  now  began  the  desperate  struggle  to  wrest  from  the 
Indians  enough  food  to  keep  body  and  soul  together 
while  the  brigantine  was  being  completed.  Outina,  to 
whom  they  turned  in  their  necessity,  pushed  his  advan- 
tage, sending  just  sufficient  supplies  to  goad  them  into  ac- 
ceding to  his  harsh  conditions  of  aiding  him  against  his 
enemies. 

Considering  that  as  the  country  was  to  be  abandoned, 
the  colony  would  derive  no  further  advantage  from  the  ■ 
continuance  of  its  previous  friendly  relations  with  the 
natives,  Laudonni&re,  who  was  intent  on  securing  pro- 
visions by  force  when  more  pacific  means  had  failed,  de- 

'  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  8i  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  491. 
'  Ibid.,  p.  82  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  492. 


The  Second  French  Colony  87 

termined  to  seize  the  person  of  the  Indian  chief  and  hold 
him  as  a  hostage  for  the  food  of  which  they  stood  in 
such  imminent  need.  Taking  two  boats,  he  embarked 
with  fifty  of  his  best  soldiers,  and,  descending  upon  the 
village,  carried  Outina  off  as  prisoner;  he  then  signified 
to  the  natives  that  he  would  do  their  chief  no  harm,  but 
would  return  him  to  them  in  exchange  for  food.  But 
the  Indians,  accustomed  themselves  to  put  their  prisoners 
of  war  to  death,  mistrusted  his  promise,  and  by  every  art 
of  Indian  deceit  sought  to  recover  their  chief,  bringing 
the  Frenchmen  a  little  fish  and  cornmeal  in  order  to  en- 
tice them  into  ambush.  During  the  month  of  May  the 
famine  became  extreme;  "for  the  very  riuer  had  not 
such  plentie  of  fish  as  it  was  wont,  and  it  seemed  that  the 
land  and  water  did  fight  against  vs,"  says  Laudonnit^re. 
Even  the  work  upon  the  boat  was  delayed.  Some 
gathered  roots  and  pounded  them  to  a  pulp  in  mortars; 
others  ground  the  wood  of  the  sarsaparilla  into  a  meal 
and  ate  it  boiled  in  water;  others  went  hunting  for  fowl. 

"Yea,  this  miserie  was  so  great,  that  one  was  found  that 
gathered  vp  among  the  filth  of  my  house,  all  the  fish  bones 
that  he  could  finde,  which  he  dried  and  beate  into  powder  to 
make  bread  thereof.  The  effects  of  this  hidious  famine  ap- 
peared incontinently  among  vs,"  continues  Laudonniere,  "  for 
our  bones  eftsoones  beganne  to  cleaue  so  neere  vnto  the  skinne, 
that  the  most  part  of  the  souldiers  had  their  skinnes  pierced 
thorow  with  them  in  many  partes  of  their  bodies."  ' 

About  the  beginning  of  June  Laudonni&re  heard  of 
ripe  maize  up  the  river,  where  he  went  and  obtained  a 
little,  but  his  soldiers  fell  sick  from  eating  more  of  it 
than  their  weakened  stomachs  could  digest.  So  the  time 
passed  wearily,  until  one  day  Outina,  who  still  remained 
a  prisoner,  induced  Laudonniere  to  make  another  attempt 

'  Hist.  Notable^  Basanier,  pp.  82-85  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  496.  See  ako 
Hawkins's  account  of  the  famine  in  Hakluyt,  vol.  iv.,  p.  242. 


88  The  Spanish  Settlements 

at  exchanging  him  for  maize  and  beans.  When  the  vil- 
lage was  finally  reached,  the  previous  tactics  were  repeated 
by  the  natives,  who  tried  by  every  strategy  known  to 
Indian  wiles  to  free  their  chief  and  to  be  avenged  of  his 
captors.  But  the  Frenchmen  saw  through  these  designs, 
and  after  prolonged  negotiations  Outina  was  finally  sur- 
rendered and  some  maize  collected.  As  Ottigny  was 
leaving  the  village  by  an  avenue  four  hundred  paces  long 
and  planted  with  great  trees  on  both  sides,  he  was  sud- 
denly attacked  from  ambush  by  the  Indians.  Observing 
how  the  armour  protected  the  bodies  of  his  soldiers,  the 
Indians  shot  at  their  faces  and  legs,  killing  two  of  his 
men  and  wounding  twenty-two.  In  the  melee  most  of 
the  corn  was  lost.'  Another  serious  calamity  which  now 
befell  the  colonists  was  the  killing  by  the  Indians  of  two  of 
the  carpenters  employed  on  the  ship.  When  the  soldiers 
learned  that  this  would  still  further  protract  its  comple- 
tion, they  became  so  mutinous  that  they  were  with  diflR- 
culty  appeased,  and  in  order  to  hasten  matters  it  was 
determined  to  work  no  more  upon  the  ship,  but  to  con- 
centrate all  their  efforts  on  the  repairing  of  the  brigan- 
tine.  With  the  energy  of  despair  the  houses  without  the 
fort  were  demolished,  and  their  woodwork  was  converted 
into  charcoal,  and  the  palisade  of  the  fort  on  the  river 
was  also  torn  down  to  furnish  timber,  leaving  it  defence- 
less on  that  side. 

On  the  3rd  of  August,  while  these  final  preparations 
were  being  pushed  forward  with  feverish  haste,  Laudon- 
nifere  went  out  walking  on  a  little  hill,  "much  tormented 
in  mind  "  with  conflicting  emotions,  in  which  the  fact  that 
provisions  for  ten  days  was  all  that  remained,  frustrated 
ambition,  and  bitter  disappointment  at  the  complete 
failure  of  the  colony  played  no  little  part.  Suddenly 
he  descried  four  sails  at  sea.     ' '  I  sent  immediately  one  of 

'  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  pp.  88  et  seq.;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  498-502; 
Hawkins,  Hak.,  vol.  iv.,  p.  243. 


I 


The  Second  French  Colony  89 

them  which  were  with  me  to  aduertise  those  of  the  Fort 
thereof,  which  were  so  glad  of  those  newes,  that  one 
would  haue  thought  them  to  bee  out  of  their  wittes  to 
see  them  laugh  and  Icape  for  joy."  '  After  the  ships  had 
cast  anchor,  a  boat  was  seen  making  for  land,  and  Lau- 
donnicre  promptly  sent  an  armed  man  to  meet  it,  and 
drew  up  his  soldiers  in  readiness  for  an  attack,  fearing 
that  the  strangers  might  be  Spaniards,  a  fear  in  which  he 
was  largely  justified  if  he  considered  his  proximity  to  the 
route  of  Spanish  commerce,  and  the  presence  in  his  midst 
of  the  pirates  who  had  sacked  and  plundered  the  Spanish 
merchantmen  off  the  neighbouring  islands.  The  new- 
comer proved  to  be  Master  John  Hawkins,  the  father  of 
the  English  slave-trade,  on  his  way  home  from  a  second 
prosperous  venture  undertaken  with  the  sanction  of  the 
Council.'  He  had  been  capturing  negroes  on  the  Guinea 
coast  and  had  sold  them  to  the  Spaniards  in  the  West 
Indies  at  the  point  of  his  sword,  forcing  them  with  faul- 
con  and  arquebuse  to  give  him  "a  testimoniall  of  his 
good  behauiour"  ^  while  there.  His  ships  were  the  Stval- 
low,  the  Tiger,  and  Salomon,  small  vessels  of  from  thirty 
to  one  hundred  and  forty  tons,  and  a  stately  ship  of 
seven  hundred  tons,  the  Jesus  of  Lubeck,  belonging  to 
Queen  Elizabeth,  which  she  herself  had  lent  him  for  the 
adventure.'  He  had  been  sailing  along  the  coast  for 
several  days  since  sighting  Havana,  in  search  of  fresh 
water;  and  now  he  had  sent  one  of  his  company  ashore 
with  a  request  to  be  permitted  to  refill  his  empty  tanks. 
This   messenger   proved   to   be   one    Martin   Atinas,  of 

'  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  94 ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  504. 

*  Hawkins,  Hak.,  vol.  iv.,  p.  241.  According  to  Hawkins  {j,bid.,  p.  239) 
he  appears  to  have  reached  Fort  Caroline  about  the  middle  of  July  and  left 
(p.  24)  on  the  28th.     The  date  of  Aug.  3rd  is  that  given  by  Laudonniere. 

^  Ibid.  233.  De  Silva  to  Philip  II.,  Nov.  15,  1565,  Col.  Doc.  Inedit. 
Espaiia,  tomo  Ixxxvii.,  pp.  28,  29,  English  translation  in  Spanish  State 
Papers,  1558-1567,  I-  Elizabeth,  503. 

^Hawkins,  Hak.,  vol.  iv.,  p.  205  ;  Froude,  English  Seamen,  p,  44. 


90  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Dieppe,  who  had  taken  part  in  Ribaut's  first  colony,  and 
had  readily  found  employment  with  the  adventurous 
Englishman.  Atinas  was  the  bearer  of  two  flagons  of 
wine  and  some  wheaten  bread,  a  present  from  Hawkins, 
"which  greatly  refreshed  me,  forasmuch  as  for  seuen 
moneths  space  I  neuer  tasted  a  drop  of  wine,"  writes 
Laudonni&re,  who  generously  divided  it  among  his 
soldiers.' 

Next  day  Hawkins  himself  came  up  the  river  and 
was  entertained  by  Laudonniere  in  his  dismantled  fort. 
With  French  hospitality  he  killed  for  his  English  guest 
some  sheep  and  poultry  brought  from  France,  and  so 
precious  to  him  that  notwithstanding  all  his  "necessities 
and  sicknesse,"  he  "would  not  suffer  so  much  as  one 
chicken  to  be  killed."  '  And  perhaps  when  the  feast  was 
over,  and  "the  gentlemen  honourably  apparelled  yet  un- 
armed," who  attended  Hawkins,  were  seated  about  in 
the  shade  listening  to  his  relation,  Laudonniere  may  have 
solaced  them  with  a  Floridian  custom  to  which  the 
French  themselves  had  become  addicted.     For 

"  the  Floridians  haue  a  kinde  of  herbe  dried,  who  with  a  cane 
and  an  earthen  cup  in  the  end,  with  fire,  and  the  dried  herbs 
put  together,  doe  sucke  thorow  the  cane  the  smoke  thereof, 
which  smoke  satisfieth  their  hunger  .  .  .  and  this  all  the 
Frenchmen  vsed  for  this  purpose:  yet  do  they  holde  opinion 
withall,  that  it  causeth  water  and  fleame  to  void  from  their 
stomacks." 

Thus  gravely  and  wisely  did  Master  Hawkins  describe  his 
first  pipeful  of  tobacco,  as  he  saw  the  pleasant  vapour  roll 

'^  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  95;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  504.  Meleneche  in 
his  deposition  (Noriega  to  Philip  II.,  March  29,  1565,  fol.  4b)  says  the 
colonists  "han  hecho  en  este  afio  despues  que  llegaron  diez  barricas  o 
quartos  de  vino,  y  dicen  que  salio  bueno  y  de  color  clarete."  Bartram  in 
his  Travels,  p.  87,  mentions  grape-vines  on  the  St.  John's. 

*  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  95  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  505. 


The  Second  French  Colony  91 

in  fleecy,  fantastic  clouds  from  between  the  lips  of  his 
French  hosts.' 

Hawkins,  perceiving  the  sorry  condition  of  the  colony 
and  the  anxiety  of  the  French  to  return  home,  offered  to 
transport  all  the  company  in  his  ships  to  France.  The 
complete  isolation  of  the  settlers,  the  extreme  difficulties 
of  the  situation,  and  the  wariness  incumbent  upon  their 
leader  in  those  times,  in  which  the  scurviest  of  tricks  were 
played  upon  each  other  by  nations  ostensibly  at  peace, 
and  above  all  Laudonnifere's  estimate  of  the  sincerity  of 
his  English  friend,  are  illustrated  in  his  refusal  to  accept 
the  proffered  aid.  "For  I  knewe  not  how  the  case  stood 
betweene  the  French  and  the  English,"  he  writes,  "and 
although  hee  promised  me  on  his  faith  to  put  mee  on  land 
in  France,  before  hee  would  touch  England,  yet  I  stood 
in  doubt  least  he  would  attempt  somewhat  in  Florida  in 
the  name  of  his  mistresse. "  ' 

When  it  became  known  among  the  soldiers  that 
Hawkins's  offer  had  been  refused,  there  arose  such  a 
turmoil  among  them  that  a  council  was  called,  and  the 
decision  reached  to  purchase  a  small  ship,  which  Hawkins 
had  offered  to  give  them,  after  seeing  the  insufficiency  of 
those  which  they  had  for  the  proposed  journey.  It  was 
further  decided  that  its  price  should  be  paid  in  artillery 
and  powder,  for  Laudonni^re  feared  that  if  the  payment 
were  made  in  the  silver  which  he  had  collected  while  in 
Florida,  the  sight  of  it  might  excite  the  cupidity  of  the 
English  Queen.  Hawkins,  in  place  of  taking  offence  at 
the  suspicions  cast  upon  him  by  the  flat  refusal  of  the 
Frenchmen,  readily  consented  to  the  bargain,  selling  his 
vessel  to  them  at  the  price  which  the  French  themselves 
put  upon  it.  Moved  with  pity  at  their  distress,  he  sold 
them  a  quantity  of  his  provisions,  and  fifty  pairs  of  shoes 

^  Hak.,  vol.  iv.,  pp.  244,  245.     Le  Moyne  in  Plate  XX.  of  his  Eicones 
shows  an  Indian  smoking  a  pipe  and  describes  it  in  the  legend  to  the  plate. 
^  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  96  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  505. 


92  The  Spanish  Settlements 

for  the  barefooted  soldiers.  In  payment  for  these  Lau- 
donniere  gave  him  his  note  of  hand,  "  for  which  vntil  this 
present  I  am  indebted  to  him,"  writes  the  lieutenant. 
Over  and  above  this  Hawkins  gave  them  oil  and  vinegar, 
olives,  rice,  and  biscuits,  and  made  various  gifts  to  the 
French  officers,  showing  such  humanity  and  generosity 
that  Laudonniere  gratefully  exclaims,  "I  may  say  that 
we  receiued  as  many  courtesies  of  the  Generall  as  it  were 
possible  to  receiue  of  any  man  liuing.  Wherein  doubt- 
lesse  he  hath  wonne  the  reputation  of  a  good  and  charita- 
ble man,  deseruing  to  be  esteemed  as  much  of  vs  all  as 
if  he  had  saued  all  our  lives."  '  It  is  one  of  those  mys- 
terious paradoxes  in  the  make-up  of  a  human  soul,  that 
the  doughty  slave-trader,  who  had  been  stealing  negroes 
with  fire  and  sword,  packing  them  like  human  cattle  in 
the  holds  of  his  ships,  and  selling  them  under  the  muzzles 
of  his  guns,  dismisses  this  humane  incident  in  half  a 
dozen  lines  in  his  own  narrative,  and  that  it  is  only  from 
the  pen  of  those  whose  lives  he  had  saved  that  we  learn 
the  striking  details. 

Menendez  subsequently  wrote  Philip  that  at  the  time 
of  Hawkins's  visit  there  were  two  vessels  loaded  with 
hides  and  sugar  at  Fort  Caroline  which  the  French  had 
robbed  off  Yaguana,  on  the  west  coast  of  Hispaniola,  and 
had  thrown  their  crews  overboard.  As  the  French 
had  not  enough  sailors  to  man  the  prizes  themselves 
Hawkins,  who,  after  a  stay  of  only  a  few  days,  was  ready 
to  set  sail  for  home,  was  commissioned  by  Laudonniere 
to  sell  their  cargoes  in  France  or  England,  leaving  two 
Englishmen  at  Fort  Caroline  as  hostages  for  the  fulfilment 
of  his  agreement.'     By  the  15th  of  August  the  supplies 

'  Hisi.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  87  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  507.  For  Hawkins's 
account  of  this  to  the  Spanish  ambassador  to  England  see  De  Silva  to 
Philip  II.,  Oct.  22,  1565,  Col.  Doc.  Indit.  Espaiia,  tomo  Ixxxvii.,  pp.  218, 
230.  English  translation  in  Spanish  State  Papers,  1558-1567,  I.  Elizabeth, 
pp.  495,  503. 

^  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  90. 


The  Second  French  Colony  93 

left  by  the  English  and  those  accumulated  by  Laudon- 
niere  were  stored  aboard  the  ship,  and  only  the  absence 
of  a  favourable  wind  now  stood  between  the  colonists 
and  their  departure  for  their  beloved  France.' 

There  can  be  no  reasonable  doubt  that  the  English  vessels  referred  to  in 
the  letter  were  those  of  John  Hawkins,  for  there  is  an  agreement  as  to  their 
number,  the  great  size  of  the  Jesus  and  the  date  of  Hawkins's  visit  to  La 
Caroline,  although  no  names  are  mentioned  in  the  letter.  The  French  ac- 
counts make  no  reference  to  any  such  vessels  as  these  two  found  at  La 
Caroline  by  Menendez.  Dr.  Shea  in  The  Catholic  Church  in  Colonial  Days 
(New  York.  1886,  p.  140),  and  in  his  "Ancient  Florida "  (in  A^arr.  and 
Crit.  Hist.  Am.,  New  York,  1886,  vol.  ii.,  'p.  276),  infers  that  they  were 
Spanish  vessels,  which  is  not  improbable,  given  the  nature  of  their  cargoes. 
^Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  98  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  507. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE   THIRD   FRENCH    EXPEDITION 

THROUGHOUT  these  long  days  of  waiting  Coligny 
had  not  forgotten  his  plantation,  and  early  in  1565 
preparations  were  made  to  relieve  it.  The  necessity  was 
all  the  more  pressing,  because  the  very  first  vessel  return- 
ing from  Florida  had  brought  with  it  strange  rumours. 
It  was  said  that  Laudonniere  was  disposed  to  play  the 
king,  and  to  resent  in  a  tyrannous  manner  any  interfer- 
ence with  his  designs;  that  his  men  were  treated  with 
undue  cruelty,  and  that  he  was  currying  favour  and  ad- 
vancement by  other  means  than  at  the  hands  of  the 
Admiral,  writing  to  the  Lords  of  the  Council  with  the 
promise  of  sending  them  gifts  of  the  objects  which  he 
had  found  in  Florida.  And  Coligny,  himself  an  austere 
man,  was  indignant  at  his  having  taken  a  woman  with  him 
to  the  distant  colony.  It  boded  ill  for  the  fortunes  of 
the  infant  settlement  if  such  a  man  were  left  in  charge, 
so  Jean  Ribaut,  who  was  again  back  in  France,  was  put 
in  command  of  a  fleet  of  seven  vessels  and  given  the 
necessary  authority  to  supersede  Laudonniere,  who,  for 
his  part,  was  directed  to  return  to  France.' 

Again  there  gathered  a  miscellaneous  company  of  ad- 
venturers at  the  port  of  Dieppe,  including  soldiers  who 
refused  to  pay  for  their  lodgings,  and  who  set  the  town  in 
an  uproar  with  their  carousings,  "preferring  to  incur  the 

^  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  pp.  99-102;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  509,  512. 
94 


The  Third  French  Expedition  95 

wrath  of  the  waters,  rather  than  laying  down  their  arms, 
to  return  to  their  first  condition,"  says  Le  Challeux  ' ; 
others,  attracted  by  the  report  of  a  land  of  Cocaigne, 
where  the  grateful  earth  yielded  up  her  fruits  unscathed 
by  the  plough,  where  the  heat  of  the  sun  was  tempered 
to  a  pleasant  ardour,  and  where  frost  and  hail  were  un- 
known ;  and  others  by  a  more  sordid  desire  for  gold. 
There  were  also  several  gentlemen,  among  them  a  rela- 
tive of  Admiral  Coligny,  and  Jacques  Ribaut,  son  of 
Jean,  who  went  in  command  of  one  of  the  ships;  six 
Portuguese  pilots  to  direct  the  fleet,*  and  a  number  of 
artisans  with  their  families.' 

The  expedition  was  undertaken  with  the  full  knowledge 
and  consent  of  the  Queen,  who  was  even  thought  to  have 
an  interest  in  it,'  and  the  usual  perfunctory  charges  were 
given  Ribaut  not  to  trespass  upon  Spanish  possessions/ 
But  he  had  also  received  a  letter  from  Coligny  informing 
him  of  the  intended  departure  of  a  Spanish  armada  with 
probably  a  like  destination  and  the  laconic  instructions 
which  accompanied  the  letter  left  little  doubt  as  to  what 
action  he  should  take  in  the  event  of  an  encounter  with 
the  Spaniards,  "Capitaine  lohn  Ribault,"  it  ran,  "as  I 
was  enclosing  vp  this  letter,  I  receiued  a  certaine  aduice, 
that  Don  Pedro  Melendes  departeth  from  Spaine  to  goe 
to  the  coast  of  Newe  France :  see  you  that  you  suffer 
him  not  to  encroch  vpon  you,  no  more  than  he  would 

'  "  Hist.  Memorable  "  in  Gaffarel,  Hist,  de  la  Floride,  p.  457. 

^  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  92. 

^  "  Hist.  Memorable  "  in  Gaffarel,  Hist,  de  la  Floride,  p.  458.  Meras  in 
his  "  Jornadas  de  Pedro  Menendez  de  Aviles"  (Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo 
i.,  p.  83)  says  Ribaut  forbade  Roman  Catholics  to  embark  under  pain  of 
death,  and  allowed  only  Protestant  books  to  be  taken  along.  Barrientos 
in  his  "  Vida  y  Hechos  de  Pero  Menendez  de  Aviles,"  in  Genaro  Garcia's 
Dos  Antigiias  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  33,  makes  substantially  the  same 
statement. 

^Philip  II.  to  Alava,  June  2,  1565,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.  Paris,  K  (2),  1504. 
Alava  to  Philip  II.,  June  8,  1565,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.  Paris,  K,  1504  (6). 

'  Le  Challeux  in  "  Hist.  Memorable"  in  Gaffarel,  pp.  457,  470. 


96  The  Spanish  Settlements 

that  you  should  encroch  vpon  him."  '  Men^ndez,  writ- 
ing to  Philip  some  five  months  later,  told  him  that 
Ribaut  carried  orders  to  fortify  a  position  on  the  Martyr 
Islands,  where  he  could  command  the  Bahama  Channel 
so  that  no  vessel  could  pass  except  under  his  eyes.  Six 
galleys  were  to  be  stationed  there,  with  the  object  of 
seizing  Havana,  freeing  the  negroes,  and  subsequently 
those  of  Hispaniola,  Puerto  Rico,  and  Tierra  Firme. 
And  it  was  also  proposed  to  build  a  fort  at  the  Bay  of 
Ponce  de  Leon,  because  of  its  proximity  to  New  Spain 
and  Honduras.'' 

On  the  loth  of  May  the  three  hundred  colonists '  em- 
barked aboard  the  ships,  the  names  of  five  of  which  are 
still  known  to  us,  the  Trinity,  Jean  Ribaut's  flag-ship,  the 
Union,  the  Trout,  the  Shoulder  of  Mutton,  and  the  Pearl, 
the  last  of  which  went  in  command  of  Jacques  Ribaut; 
but  they  were  detained  until  the  22nd,  awaiting  supplies. 
Then  came  so  violent  a  storm  that  the  sailors  cut  their 
cables  and  ran  before  the  wind.  Three  days  more  were 
spent  in  Havre  pending  the  arrival  of  news  from  Dieppe, 
and  over  two  weeks  at  the  Isle  of  Wight,  in  expectation 
of  a  favourable  wind.  It  was  a  delay  fraught  with  fatal 
consequence  to  French  enterprise  in  Florida,  for  had 
Ribaut  reached  there  in  season,  the  colonists  would  have 

"^  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  io6  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  516.  Le  Moyne, 
who  also  gives  this  letter  (De  Bry,  Brevis  Narratio,  p.  23)  says  it  was  writ- 
ten in  Coligny's  own  hand. 

^  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  pp. 
29  and  107,  108.  Menendez  says  he  was  so  informed  by  a  Frenchman, 
whose  life  he  had  spared  at  the  capture  of  Fort  Caroline. 

2  "  Hist.  Memorable"  in  Gaffarel,  p.  459  ;  Philip  II.  to  Alava,  June  2, 
1565,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1504  {2),  says  500  soldiers.  Mendoza  in  his 
"  Relacion  "  (Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  442),  says  700  men  and  200 
women.  Gaffarel  {Hist,  de  la  Floride  Fran^aise,  p.  145),  thinks  they  may 
have  amounted  to  1000.  Silva  in  his  letter  of  June  25,  1565,  to  Philip  II.. 
referring  to  the  presence  of  Ribaut's  fleet  in  Portland  harbour,  says  they 
were  1200  {Col.  Doc.  Inedit.  Espana,  tomo  Ixxxvii.,  p.  133,  English  transla- 
tion in  Spanish  State  Papers,  1558-1567,  I.  Elizabeth,  p.  242.) 


I 


The  Third  French  Expedition  97 

been  in  a  far  more  advantageous  position  to  resist  the 
attack  of  the  Spaniards  than  afterwards  proved  to  be  the 
case,  and  the  reinforcement  which  he  brought  would  cer- 
tainly have  greatly  retarded  if  not  entirely  diverted  the 
nemesis  which  finally  overtook  them. 

Meanwhile  the  colonists  on  the  St.  John's  were  im- 
patiently awaiting  a  favourable  opportunity  to  abandon 
the  country,  and  on  August  28,  1565,  the  wind  and  tide 
being  propitious,  the  two  ships  were  about  to  set  sail  for 
France,  when  their  captains,  Vasseur  and  Verdier,  ob- 
served some  sails  at  sea,  of  which  they  promptly  informed 
their  commander.  An  armed  boat  was  immediately  de- 
spatched to  learn  who  the  strangers  might  be,  and  the 
sentinels,  who  had  climbed  the  highest  trees  to  follow 
their  movements,  reported  that  the  great  boat  of  the 
ships  appeared  to  be  chasing  the  small  boat  sent  out  to 
meet  them,  which  had  already  passed  beyond  the  bar  at 
the  mouth  of  the  river.  Again  the  soldiers  were  drawn 
up  in  line,  lest  the  newcomers  should  prove  to  be  enemies, 
and  through  all  the  sweltering  day  and  the  long  watches 
of  the  following  night  the  colonists  awaited  in  painful 
suspense  the  report  of  their  messenger;  for  though  the 
small  boat  had  come  up  with  the  ships  by  two  o'clock,  it 
had  entirely  failed  to  send  back  any  report.  The  follow- 
ing morning  at  about  eight  or  nine  o'clock  seven  boats 
were  seen  entering  the  river,  among  them  that  of  Lau- 
donni^re's  messenger  of  the  previous  day.  The  boats 
were  full  of  soldiers,  each  carrying  an  arquebus,  and  wear- 
ing a  morion  on  his  head;  silently  and  in  battle  array 
they  moved  past  the  outposts  on  the  bluff,  vouchsafing 
no  kind  of  reply  to  the  eager  enquiry  of  the  sentry  as  to 
who  they  might  be.  Unable  to  control  his  suspense  at 
these  mysterious  movements,  one  of  the  sentinels  fired  a 
shot  at  them,  which  fell  short  of  the  mark,  owing  to  the 
distance  between  him  and  the  boats.     Still  no  reply,  and 

Laudonniere,  warned  of  their  approach,  placed  each  of 

**. — 7. 


98  The  Spanish  Settlements 

his  men  at  his  post,  and  trained  two  small  field-pieces, 
which  still  remained  to  him,  in  readiness  to  fire  upon  the 
advancing  line.  Nearer  still  drew  the  silent  company, 
making  directly  for  the  fort,  when  to  the  intense  surprise 
and  relief  of  the  colonists  Captain  Jean  Ribaut  was  recog- 
nised by  his  great  beard '  as  the  leader  of  the  advancing 
host.  The  sight  of  his  well-known  face  quickly  dispelled 
the  fear  which  his  warlike  array  had  excited,  and  the 
arquebuses,  but  a  moment  before  turned  against  him, 
now  welcomed  him  "with  a  gentle  volley  of  shot,  where- 
unto  he  answered  with  his."  ^ 

Ribaut  soon  came  ashore  and  Laudonnifere  conducted 
him  to  his  own  house,  where  he  entertained  him  with  the 
store  which  Hawkins  had  left  behind.  After  the  demon- 
strations of  joy  had  subsided,  Ribaut  drew  his  lieutenant 
aside,  out  of  the  fort,  and  informed  him  of  the  charges 
against  him,  while  at  the  same  time  he  delivered  to  him 
the  letter  of  recall  from  Coligny.  This  was  couched  in 
no  ambiguous  terms  as  to  the  Admiral's  personal  friend- 
ship for  him,  but  required  his  return  to  France  to  clear 
his  credit.^  Laudonnifere  readily  disposed  of  the  first 
two  charges,  observing,  with  much  reason,  that  in  a  new 
country,  and  with  such  a  company  as  had  come  to  in- 
habit it,  authority  must  be  strictly  enforced  in  order  to 
retain  that  ascendency  over  its  various  elements  that  was 
necessary  to  the  maintenance  of  order.  To  the  charge 
of  underhanded  dealings  with  the  Council,  he  replied, 
that  he  had  but  written  to  them  in  conformity  with  in- 
structions received  from  the  Admiral  himself  and  with 
the  sole  object  of  securing  their  influence  in  dealing  with 
the  Queen  Mother  for  the  continuance  of  the  enterprise. 
And  finally  as  for  the  woman  he  explained  that  she  was 

'  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  103  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  513. 
^  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  loi  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  510. 
'  Coligny's  letter  is  given  in  full  in  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  102  ;  Hak^ 
vol.  ii.,  p.  511. 


The  Third  French  Expedition  99 

but  a  poor  chambermaid,  whom  he  had  taken  up  in  an 
inn  to  oversee  his  household,  and  to  attend  to  the  poultry 
and  sheep  which  he  had  brought  over  with  him.  He 
dwelt  upon  the  necessity  of  her  ministrations  to  the  sick 
and  to  himself  in  his  own  illness,  and  added,  with  great 
naivete,  that  "all  my  men  thought  so  well  of  her,  that  at 
one  instant  there  were  sixe  or  seuen  which  did  demand 
her  of  mee  in  marriage."  ' 

Ribaut,  after  hearing  Laudonnicre's  explanations, 
urged  him  to  remain  in  Florida  and  generously  offered  to 
share  the  command  with  him,  leaving  him  in  charge  of 
Fort  Caroline,  while  he  himself  would  withdraw  and  build 
another  fort  elsewhere.  This  Laudonniere  declined  with 
much  dignity,  saying  that  there  could  be  but  one  Lieu- 
tenant of  the  King,  and  here  the  matter  rested  for  awhile. 
But  the  blow  was  a  severe  one  to  him,  falling  as  it  did  out 
of  a  clear  sky,  and  at  the  very  moment  when  he  had 
thought  to  see  an  end  to  all  he  had  endured  in  the  service 
of  his  country.  The  false  reports  preyed  upon  his  mind, 
and  he  fell  sick  of  a  fever  which  continued  for  eight  or 
nine  days. 

As  four  of  his  vessels  proved  to  be  too  large  to  cross 
the  bar,  Ribaut  anchored  them  about  a  mile  off  shore, 
where  the  water  was  shallow.  His  three  smaller  vessels, 
one  of  which  was  the  Pearl,  commanded  by  his  son 
Jacques,  he  sent  across  the  bar,  the  Pearl  going  as  high 
up  as  the  fort,  near  which  she  anchored.^  The  colonists 
were  now  disembarked  and  the  provisions  brought  ashore 
and  put  away  in  a  storehouse,  which  had  been  constructed 
about  two  hundred  paces  from  the  fort  near  the  bake- 
house, which  also  stood  without  in  order  to  avoid  danger 
of  fire."     The  neighbouring  chiefs  came  in  to  visit  Ribaut 

^  Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  pp.  102,  103  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  522.  Laudon- 
niere says  that  one  of  his  men  did  marry  her  after  their  return  to  France. 

^  Le  Moyne  in  Brevis  Narratio,  pp.  22,  26. 

^ Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  104  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  514  ;  "  Hist.  Memo- 
rable," GafTarel,  p.  461. 


loo  The  Spanish  Settlements 

and  to  welcome  him  after  their  fashion ;  and  in  their 
mimicry  of  the  French  would  stretch  out  their  hands 
reverently  to  the  sky,  when  the  bell  of  the  fort  rang  for 
prayers.' 

Ribaut  had  scarcely  been  a  week  at  Fort  Caroline, 
when  on  Tuesday,  September  4th,*  at  about  four  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon,  some  soldiers,  who  had  been  walking  on 
the  beach,  brought  him  word  that  they  had  seen  six  ships 
steering  in  the  direction  of  the  Trinity  and  her  three  com- 
panions, which  lay  outside  the  bar.  There  were  but  a 
few  men  in  charge  of  these,  for  most  of  the  crews  were 
ashore,  engaged  upon  the  restoration  of  the  fort  and  the 
houses  to  which  Ribaut  had  turned  his  attention.  On 
hearing  the  astounding  news,  Ribaut  and  a  large  number 
of  the  colonists  hurried  to  the  shore  which  they  reached 
in  time  to  learn  that  the  strange  vessels  had  anchored 
alongside  their  own  ships,  whereupon  the  French  vessels 
had  cut  their  cables  and  sailed  away,  with  the  others  in 
pursuit.  Straining  their  eyes  through  the  limpid  air  of 
the  September  night,  which  had  just  been  cleared  by  a 
thunder-storm,  Ribaut  and  his  companions  could  see 
their  hulls  disappearing  below  the  horizon.^  The  fleet 
which  had  so  unexpectedly  presented  itself  was  that  of 
Pedro  Men^ndez  de  Aviles,  Admiral  of  Spain,  and  one 
of  the  most  accomplished  seamen  and  commanders  of 
the  day,  who  had  been  sent  by  Philip  II.  to  drive  the 
French  out  of  Florida. 

'  "  Hist.  Memorable,"  ibid.,  p.  463. 

'  Laudonniere  {Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  514),  says  Sept.  4th. 

2  Le  Moyne  in  De  Bry,  p.  22. 


I 


CHAPTER   VI 

PHILIP'S    NOTICE   TO    FRANCE 

WHILE  events  were  thus  shaping  themselves  in  dis- 
tant Florida  Philip  was  not  kept  in  ignorance  of 
the  activity  of  the  French  by  his  ambassador,  Don  Frances 
de  Alava,  who  had  succeeded  Chantone  at  the  Court  of 
Charles  IX.  Every  movement  of  Laudonnifere  was  nar- 
rowly watched,  and  the  King  was  duly  informed  of  his 
sailing.'  From  Normandy,  from  Brittany,  from  Nantes, 
from  Bordeaux,  and  from  Bayonne  reports  continued  to 
arrive  of  the  arming  of  vessels  whose  destination  was 
either  for  Florida,  or  to  rob  the  fleets  from  the  Indies.* 
The  piracies  on  the  high  seas  continued  with  unabated 
vigour  because  "the  first  thing  that  a  pirate  did  after  he 
had  robbed  a  vessel  of  20,000  or  30,000  ducats  was  to 

'  Alava  to  Philip  II.,  June  7,  1564,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1501  (85). 

''Alava  to  Philip  II.,  Jan.  2,  1565,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1505  (28); 
Barchino  to  Philip  II.,  March  21,  1565,  MS.  ibid.,  K,  1503  (58) ;  Alava  to 
Philip  II.,  Apr.  27,  1565,  MS.  ibid.,  K,  1503  (79);  same  to  same,  July  12, 
1565,  MS.  ibid.,  K,  1504  (45).  The  Nantes  expedition  was  under  the  com- 
mand of  the  son  of  the  Mayor  of  Nantes,  and  Philip  ordered  that  a  copy  of 
the  report  be  laid  before  the  Council  of  the  Indies.  Alava  to  Philip  II., 
Jan.  18,  1565,  MS.  ibid.,  K,  1503(33).  The  Bayonne  expedition  was  being 
armed  by  the  eldest  son  of  Montluc.  Alava  to  Philip  II.,  Jan.  18,  1565,  MS. 
ibid.,  K,  1503  (33).  A  month  later  he  applied  to  Alava  for  a  license,  and 
on  the  refusal  of  the  ambassador  to  give  it,  he  obtained  one  from  the  Queen 
Mother;  same  to  same,  Feb.  20,  1565,  MS.  ibid.,  K,  1503  (50).  In  the 
ensuing  May  the  father  gave  his  word  that  the  son  would  not  go  to  Florida; 
same  to  same.  May  26,  1565,  MS.  ibid.,  K,  1503  (loi),  and  the  expedition 
was  finally  abandoned;  same  to  same,  June  4,  1565,  MS.  ibid.,  K,  1504(4). 
lOI 


I02  The  Spanish  Settlements 

distribute  io,ooo  or  15,000  of  them  among  those  who  were 
to  judge  him,  or  among  their  children,  or  to  place  the 
money  in  some  matter  in  which  they  were  interested."  ' 
Protests  on  the  part  of  the  Spanish  ambassador  were  re- 
ceived with  evasive  excuses,''  or  contemptuously  set  aside. 
Coligny  and  Catherine  continued  to  cajole  him  with  empty 
promises  that  the  pirates  and  robbers  would  receive  con- 
dign punishment,  the  Queen's  real  object  appearing  to  be 
that  her  subjects  should  arm  themselves  in  whatever  way 
they  pleased,  provided  that  they  profited  by  so  doing.' 

In  the  early  spring  of  1565,  the  news  began  to  reach 
Spain  of  the  depredations  committed  by  the  French 
colonists,'  who  represented  to  their  Spanish  captors  that 
they  had  been  sent  out  by  Laudonniere  in  search  of  food.* 
By  April  the  King  was  already  aware  of  the  equipment 
and  destination  of  Ribaut's  reinforcements,*  of  whose  de- 
parture for  Florida  and  visit  to  Plymouth  he  was  also  in- 
formed.'     The  situation   was  already  assuming  serious 

'  Alava  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  31,  1565,  MS.  Arch.  Nat,,  Paris,  K,  1504  (72). 

^Chantone  to  Philip  II.,  Jan.  18,  1563,  MS.  ibid.,  K,  1500  (81),  fol.  5  ; 
Alava  to  Philip  II.,  April  27,  1565,  MS.  ibid.,  K,  1503  (79);  Alava  to 
Francisco  de  Erasso.  May  7,  1565,  MS.  ibid.,  K,  1503  (88). 

=  Alava  to  Philip  II.,  Feb.  20,  1565,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1503  (50). 

*  Rojomonte's  deposition,  made  February  28,  1565,  in  Noticias  de  la  Pobla- 
cion  que  habian  hecho  los  Franceses  en  la  Florida,  MS.  Arch.  Gen.  de 
Indias,  Seville,  Patronato,  est.  i,  caj.  i,  leg.  1/19,  ro.  14;  Noriega  to  Philip 
II.,  March  29,  1565,  MS.  Direc.  de  Hidrog.,  Madrid,  Col.  Navarrete,  tomo 
xiv..  Doc.  No.  33,  fol.   I. 

^  Deposition  of  Rojomonte  in  Noticias  de  la  Foblacidn,  etc.,  fol.  2  ;  Con- 
fesion  que  se  tomo  a  un  hombre  que  bino  de  la  Ysla  de  Cuba  sobre  lo  tocante 
a  la  Florida,  1565.  MS,  Arch.  Gen.  de  Indias,  Seville,  Patronato,  est.  i, 
caj.  I,  leg.  1/19,  ro.  5,  p.  5. 

«  Avis  du  due  d'Albe,  April  il,  1565,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1503  (69). 
Barrientos  in  his  "  Vida  y  Hechos  de  Pedro  Menendez  de  Aviles"  (Dos  Re- 
laciones  de  la  Florida,  por  Genaro  Garcia,  Mexico,  1902,  p.  33)  says  Philip 
was  also  advised  of  the  preparations  of  Ribaut  by  Don  Jose  de  Guevara, 
Viceroy  of  Navarre. 

"^  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  May  18,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  66; 
Alava  to  Philip  II.,  June  8,  1565,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1504  (6) ;  De 
Silva  to  Philip  II.,  June  25,  1565,  Col.  Doc.  Inedit.  Espana,  tomo  Ixxxix., 


Philip's  Notice  to  France  103 

proportions;  for  the  "pirates  of  Normandy  and  Brittany 
were  so  ravenous  in  their  greed  for  the  Indian  fleets" 
that  they  threatened  to  create  graver  complications  than 
those  involved  in  the  mere  question  of  the  title  to 
Florida,  which  might  even  lead  to  a  war  between  the  two 
nations.' 

The  denial  of  Philip's  abstract  right  of  possession  was 
in  itself  sufficient  to  arouse  the  ire  of  the  Spanish  King, 
but  the  renewed  attempt  to  invade  the  country  was  of 
even  more  urgent  significance.  If  the  reader  will  consult 
the  map  of  Florida,  and  recall  what  has  been  said  in  a 
previous  chapter  of  the  route  pursued  by  the  return 
treasure  galleons,  he  will  at  once  recognise  that  if  Ribaut's 
colony  at  Port  Royal  was  considered  so  potential  a  danger 
to  the  fleets  as  to  induce  Philip  to  send  Manrique  to  up- 
root it,  the  site  selected  by  Laudonnitjre  was  fraught  with 
far  more  immanent  peril  to  their  safety.  It  was  at  the 
very  mouth  of  the  Bahama  Channel,  where  the  ships  were 
compelled  to  proceed  with  the  greatest  caution  on  account 
of  the  current,  the  inhospitable  coast,  and  the  prevalence 
at  certain  seasons  of  tempestuous  weather.  Not  only 
did  it  threaten  the  fleets,  but  its  nearness  to  Cuba  and 
Hispaniola,  to  Jamaica  and  Tierra  Firme,  enabled  the 
French,  in  the  event  of  war  between  the  two  countries, 
to  attack  and  plunder  this  region  long  before  succour 
could  be  sent  from  Spain.  And  to  crown  all,  while  both 
countries  were  still  at  peace,  the  colony  had  already  be- 
come a  nest  of  pirates,  and  its  settlers  were  beginning  to 
plunder  the  neighbouring  islands,  while  their  sovereign 
turned  a  deaf  ear  to  every  protest  of  the  Spaniards,  and 
closed  her  eyes  to  the  actions  of  her  subjects. 

p.  128.  English  translation  Spanish  State  Papers,  1558-1567,  I.  Elizabeth, 
p.  242. 

1  Alava  to  Philip  II.,  May  7,  1565,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1503  (88). 
Barchino  in  his  letter  to  Alava  of  March  21,  1565,  calls  them  "  queste  gente 
piene  de  vana  gloria." 


.y-' 


I04  The  Spanish  Settlements 

There  was  no  ambiguity  in  the  interpretation  which 
the  Spaniards  gave  to  the  situation,  and  from  every  side 
Philip  was  assailed  with  letters  sounding  the  note  of  alarm 
and  advising  prompt  action.  Before  the  French  had  set 
foot  in  Florida,  Menendez  had  warned  Philip  of  the  risks 
which  would  be  incurred  by  their  presence  there.'  Again, 
at  a  later  date,  he  had  sought  to  arouse  his  religious 
fanaticism  by  impressing  upon  him  the  ready  sympathy 
which  would  arise  between  the  Indians  and  the  English 
or  French,  "a  Lutheran  people,  because  the  Indians  and 
they  are  of  almost  the  same  faith."  "I  am  certain,"  he 
writes,  "that  the  object  of  those  who  went  to  settle 
Florida  was  to  possess  those  islands,  and  impede  the 
navigation  of  the  Indies,  which  they  could  do  with  the 
greatest  ease,  having  settled  or  being  about  to  settle 
the  other  Florida";  and  he  reiterated  his  fear  of  their 
stirring  up  an  insurrection  among  the  negroes.'' 

Chantone  had  pointed  out  how  Ribaut's  first  settle- 
ment threatened  the  fleets  from  its  proximity  to  the 
Bahamas  and  the  difficulty  of  expelling  the  French  if 
once  they  obtained  a  foothold.^  Alava  had  given  a  like 
warning  on  the  departure  of  Laudonnifere.*  Barchino 
wrote  that  the  intention  of  the  French  was  to  establish  a 
new  kingdom  in  tlie  Indies.'  Granvelle,  after  inform- 
ing him  that  the  French  had  constructed  two   forts   in 

'  Pero  Menendez  (Aviles)  sobrel  Remedio  pa  q  haya  muchos  nabios. 
Brit.  Mus.  Add.  MSS.  28,366,  fol.  296. 

2  "  Memorial "  (undated)  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  322,  324. 
This  memorial  appears  to  have  been  written  during  the  interval  between 
his  second  and  third  voyages  and  before  Ribaut's  first  settlement,  for  on 
p.  323,  Menendez  speaks  of  "  la  Florida"  in  its  largest  extension,  referr- 
ing, it  would  seem,  to  the  French  settlements  in  Canada;  and  but  two 
lines  farther  he  writes  of  the  possibilities  should  the  French  settle  "  la  otra 
Florida." 

3  Chantone  to  Philip  II.,  Jan.  24,  1563,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1500 
(43),  fol.  lb. 

■»  Alava  to  Philip  II.,  June  7,  1564,  MS.  ibid.,  K,  1501  (85). 

*  Barchino  to  Philip  II.,  March  21,  1565,  MS.  ilnd.,  K,  1503  (58). 


I 


Philip's  Notice  to  France  105 

Florida  which  it  would  be  no  easy  matter  to  take,  had 
added : 

"  For  if  there  are  no  Spaniards  to  drive  them  out,  there  are 
over  forty  thousand  men  in  France  of  which  it  is  necessary  to 
rid  the  country.  Every  day  their  proverb  becomes  but  too 
true,  when  they  say  that  with  two  things  they  can  make  sure 
of  the  Spanish  King:  He  has  no  money,  and  we  will  arrive  and 
provide  for  everything  in  season."  ' 

Noriega  but  echoed  the  prevalent  opinion,  and  tersely 
defined  the  situation:  "For  the  sum  of  all  that  can  be 
said  in  the  matter,  is  that  they  put  the  Indies  in  a  cruci- 
ble, for  we  are  compelled  to  pass  in  front  of  their  port, 
and  with  the  greatest  ease  they  can  sally  out  with  their 
armadas  to  seek  us,  and  easily  return  home  when  it  suits 
them."  Act  promptly,  he  advised,  before  the  Admiral 
of  France  can  forestall  you,  "and  seeing  that  they  are 
Lutherans,  as  the  three  French  prisoners  affirm,  it  is 
not  needful  to  leave  a  man  alive,  but  to  inflict  an  exem- 
plary punishment,  that  they  may  remember  it  forever."  ' 
Philip  waited  neither  for  Noriega's  letter  nor  for  the  final 
preparations  of  Ribaut's  fleet.  Indeed  it  appears  that 
his  determination  had  been  already  reached  shortly  after 
the  arrival  of  three  of  the  first  mutineers  from  Fort  Caro- 
line, captured  in  Cuba,  who  had  been  sent  to  Spain  in  a 
dispatch-boat,  bringing  with  them  the  conclusive  evidence 
of  the  French  depredations  in  the  neighbouring  Spanish 
islands."     In   the   latter  part  of  March  he  had  already 

'  Granvelle  to  Philip  II.,  June  2,  1565,  Lettres  et papier s  d'Etat  du  Cardi- 
nal de  Granvelle,  tome  ix.,  p.  248. 

"^  Noriega  to  Philip  II.,  March  29,  1565.  MS.  Direc.  de  Hidrog.  Madrid, 
Col.  Navarrete,  tomo  xiv.,  Doc.  No.  33,  fols.  2,  3,  5,  "  no  es  menester  dexar 
hombre."  On  the  importance  of  the  danger  of  a  settlement  in  the  Bahama 
Passage  see  also  "  Memoria  de  las  cosas  y  costa  y  indios  de  la  Florida"  by 
Hernando  de  Escalante  Fontanedo,  Col.  Doc.  Inedit.  Indias,  tomo  v.,  p. 
545  ;  "Ancient  Florida"  by  John  Gilmary  Shea  in  Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist, 
Am.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  254. 

^  Noriega  to  Philip  II.,  March  29,  1565,  fol.  5. 


io6  The  Spanish  Settlements 

selected  the  man  best  fitted  for  the  carrying  out  of  his 
intentions  and  invested  him  with  full  power  to  execute 
his  will  upon  the  intruders. 

About  the  end  of  March  or  the  beginning  of  April  he 
had  learned  from  Alava  of  the  preparations  which  Ribaut 
was  making  in  France  for  the  relief  of  Laudonni^re's 
colony,  and  he  turned  for  advice  to  one  of  his  councillors, 
a  man  destined  in  the  course  of  the  next  few  years  to 
achieve  a  fame  for  cruelty  and  bloodshed  second  to  but 
few  in  history ;  a  man  of  fearless  courage  and  of  fierce 
determination,  and  a  man  of  great  military  talent,  al- 
though it  had  as  yet  scarcely  received  that  recognition  to 
which  it  was  entitled.  This  was  Fernando  Alvarez  de 
Toledo,  Duke  of  Alba.  Alba's  counsel  was  brief,  con- 
cise, and  energetic.  It  behooved  the  King  to  issue  orders 
that  an  armament  be  equipped  with  the  least  possible 
delay  to  drive  the  Frenchmen  promptly  out  from  where 
they  had  settled.  At  the  same  time  the  Council  of  the 
Indies  should  be  ordered  to  put  in  writing  the  reasons 
which  justify  the  King  in  excluding  the  French  from 
Florida.  Such  reasons  appearing  sufficient,  the  Queen 
Mother  should  be  spoken  to  in  a  very  bold  way  to  induce 
her  not  only  to  cease  from  sending  more  reinforcements, 
but  also  to  recall  the  settlers  who  were  already  there. 
Alava  should  then  be  directed  to  urge  a  decision  upon 
the  matter,  and  in  the  event  of  none  being  forthcoming, 
Philip  should  send  a  member  of  his  Council  to  treat  of  it. 

It  had  already  been  arranged  that  Isabella  of  Savoy, 
Philip's  wife,  should  replace  her  husband  in  the  inter- 
view with  Catherine  de'  Medici  which  was  to  take  place  at 
Bayonne  in  June,  and  which  Catherine  herself  had  sought 
in  order  to  confer  with  him  on  important  matters  of 
state;  and  Alba  craftily  advised  that  the  solution  of  the 
difficulty  should  be  urged  previous  to  the  conference 
upon  which  Catherine  was  so  intent.'     Philip  was  not 

'  Avis  du  due  d'Albe,  April  ii,  1565,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1503(69). 


Philip's  Notice  to  France  107 

slow  to  follow  the  advice  thus  given.  Don  Juan  de 
Acuila,  Captain-General  of  Guipuzcoa,  was  dispatched 
in  person  to  verify  the  particulars  of  the  French 
preparations,  and  Alava  was  directed  to  report  further 
details.' 

While  awaiting  the  arrival  of  fuller  information  the 
question  of  Philip's  title  to  Florida  was  formally  laid  be- 
fore the  Council  of  the  Indies,  which  rendered  its  opinion 
in  writing  on  the  5th  of  May,  confirming  it  in  every  de- 
tail. It  was  founded,  said  the  Council,  upon  the  right 
and  title  conveyed  to  him  by 

"the  bull  of  Pope  Alexander,  to  whom,  as  Vicar  of  Our 
Saviour,  it  pertains  to  procure  the  conversion  of  all  the 
heathen  to  his  Holy  Catholic  Faith,  and  [who]  to  this  end 
could  appoint  a  Supreme  Christian  Prince  over  all  the  native 
Kings  and  Lords  of  all  the  Indies,  .  .  .  and  thus  he 
selected  and  chose  the  Kings  of  Castile  and  of  Leon,  Con- 
vinced of  their  zeal  and  Christianity,  and  aware  of  the  great 
expense  to  which  they  had  been  put  in  beginning  the  dis- 
coveries with  their  people  and  fleets,  he  granted  them  the 
Lordship  over  all  that  had  been  or  should  be  discovered 
within  the  Hmits  set  forth  in  the  said  bull,  within  which  is  the 
said  Florida;  and  for  the  same  reason  he  prohibited  and  was 
able  to  prohibit,  under  the  penalties  therein  contained,  that 
any  other  should  enter  them  or  send  people  to  them  without 
license  from  the  said  Kings  of  Castile  and  of  Leon.  And 
possession  was  taken  of  the  said  Province  in  the  name  of 
Your  Majesty  in  many  and  diverse  parts  of  it  by  Angel  de 
Villafane  in  the  same  region  and  Port  which  the  French  now 
occupy. 

'  "  Consulta  hecha  al  Rey  por  el  Consejo  Real  de  las  Indias  en  5  de  Mayo 
de  1565  sobre  el  apresto  de  los  500  soldados,  y  Navios,  y  vituallas  que  Su 
Magestad  mando  hacer  para  el  viage  a  la  Florida  a  cargo  del  General  Pero 
Menendez  de  Aviles,  con  motivo  de  los  16  Navios  que  se  entendio  se  arm- 
aban  en  Abra  de  Gracia,  y  otros  Puertos  de  aquella  costa,  con  2  M  soldados 
y  mucha  provision  de  vituallas  y  municiones  para  ir  a  la  Florida."  MS. 
Direc.  de  Hidrog,  Madrid,  Col.  Navarrete,  tomo  xiv.,  Doc.  No.  35. 


io8  The  Spanish  Settlements 

"  It  also  appears  that  possession  was  taken  of  the  said 
Province  of  Florida  in  the  name  of  Your  Majesty,  in  the 
same  region  which  the  French  now  occupy,  by  Guido  de 
Labazares  in  the  year  1558.  .  .  .  And  there  is  also  infor- 
mation of  the  taking  possession  of  the  said  Province  in  the  name 
of  Your  Majesty  on  other  occasions,  although  the  evidences  of 
such  have  not  yet  been  found  .  .  .  and  since  the  year 
15 10  onward.  Fleets  and  Vessels  of  these  Kingdoms,  have 
gone  to  occupy  the  said  Florida  in  the  name  of  Your  Majesty 

for  in  the  said  year  two  Vessels  of  the  Island  of  His- 
paniola,  which  discovered  it,  went  there,  and  in  the  year  1522 
Juan  Ponce  went  to  its  discovery  .  .  .  and  afterwards 
the  Licenciate  Lucas  Vazquez  de  Aylon  [sic^,  and  after  Aylon, 
Narvaez,  and  after  Narvaez,  Hernando  de  Soto;  all  Captains 
and  sent  under  the  instruction  and  command  of  Your  Majesty, 
and  of  your  predecessors.  And  even  had  the  said  possessions 
not  been  taken.  Your  Majesty  acquired  the  dominion  of  the 
whole  of  the  said  Province  by  the  bull  and  donation  of  Pope 
Alexander,   because    his   Holiness   is   Prince   of   the  Church 

and  for  these  reasons,  which  are  the  chief  ones,  and 
for  other  reasons  which  could  be  rehearsed,  it  appears  to  the 
Council  that  Your  Majesty's  title  is  very  clear.  .  .  .  And 
we  pray,  as  we  have  done  at  other  times,  that  it  may  please 
Your  Majesty  to  observe,  that  if  the  French  remain  in  Florida, 
as  they  [now]  are,  they  can  impede  the  passage  of  all  the  ships 
which  come  from  the  Indies,  which  would  be  a  matter  of  great 
inconvenience."  * 

Notvi^ithstanding  the  report  that  the  French  armament 
was  not  as  extensive  as  the  Council  had  at  first  been  led 
to  believe,  and  that  no  details  had  as  yet  been  received 

'  "  Parecer  del  Consejo  Real  de  las  Indias,  dirigido  al  Rey  con  fecha  5  de 
Mayo  de  1565,  sobre  el  derecho  que  tiene  S.  M.  a  las  Provincias  de  la 
Florida."  MS.  Direc.  de  Hidrog.,  Madrid,  Co/.  Navarrete,  tomoxiv.,  Doc. 
No.  34.  There  is  an  abridged  Spanish  version  entitled  Avis  du  Conseil 
des  Indes  au  sujet  des  droits  de  la  Couronne  d'Espagne  sur  la  Floride. 
Bayonne,  18  juin,  1565.  MS.  in  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1504  (19),  and  there  is 
also  a  short  notice  of  it  in  Recueil  de  Pikes  sur  la  Floride,  par  H.  Ternaux- 
Compans,  Paris,  1871,  p.  153. 


Philip's  Notice  to  France  109 

from  Acufia  and  Alava,  it  rendered  a  decree  on  the 
same  day,  re-forming  the  armada  that  was  to  sail  for 
Florida,  "because  as  the  port  of  the  French  is  in  the 
Channel  of  Bahama,  which  is  the  passage  of  the  Indies, 
it  is  of  great  importance  to  the  service  of  Your  Majesty 
to  drive  that  people  out  from  there."  '  A  letter  received 
from  Alava  on  the  day  of  the  Council  had  informed  the 
King  that  the  French  were  already  aware  of  the  size  and 
destination  of  the  Spanish  armada  which  was  to  sail  for 
Florida,  and  that  this  knowledge  might  have  a  salutary 
effect  upon  their  activity  and  induce  them  to  abandon 
the  enterprise.  In  view  of  this  Philip  prudently  post- 
poned the  increase  of  the  fleet  until  the  arrival  of  the 
fuller  reports  from  Acufia  and  Alava.^  Alava  sent  Doctor 
Gabriel  de  Enveja  to  Madrid  to  report  to  the  Council 
of  the  Indies,  and  himself  left  for  the  conference  at 
Bayonne.  On  his  way  thither  his  religious  suscepti- 
bilities became  so  confounded  at  the  expected  visit  of  an 
emissary  of  the  Grand  Turk  to  the  French  sovereigns, 
that  he  seriously  informed  Philip  of  his  suspicions  that 
Ribaut's  fleet  was  destined  to  Florida,  because  France 
had  sold  it  to  the  Turk!' 

On  the  very  verge  of  the  conference  Philip  finally  com- 
manded Alava  to  speak  to  the  Queen  Mother  on  the  sub- 
ject, complaining  of  Ribaut's  armament,  that  it  had  been 
undertaken  at  her  instigation,  and  expressing  Philip's 
surprise  that  notwithstanding  the  friendship  existing  be- 
tween the  Most  Christian  King,  her  son,  and  himself,  and 
the  treaties  of  peace  between  them,  she  should  endeavour 
to  conquer  a  province  to  which  he  held  the  title. 

'  "  Consulta  hecha  al  Rey  por  el  Consejo  Real  de  las  Indias  en  5  de  Mayo 
de  1565,"  etc.  MS.  Direc.  de  Hidrog.,  Madrid,  Col.  Navarreie,  tomo  xiv., 
Doc.  No.  35. 

*  Philip  II. 's  marginal  notes  on  the  Consulta  hecha  al  Rey  en  ^  de  Mayo 
de  is6s,  etc.,  and  see  Alava  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  31,  1565,  MS.  Arch.  Nat., 
Paris,  K,  1504  (72). 

3  Alava  to  Philip  II.,  May  28,  1565,  MS.  ibid.,  K,  1503  (106). 


no  The  Spanish  Settlements 

"And  if  we  have  dissimulated  until  now  in  urging  her,  or 
in  pressing  matters  concerning  other  vessels  which  we  have 
heard  have  gone  to  Florida,  it  has  been  because  we  believed 
that  they  were  corsairs,  and  went  to  rob  without  the  orders  or 
command  of  either  herself  or  the  King,  her  son;  and  that  I 
had  given  orders  that  such  should  be  chastised,  as  it  is  reason- 
able that  infractors  of  the  public  peace  should  be,  who  under- 
take such  enterprises  without  the  order  and  command  of  their 
King." 

If  Ribaut  had  already  set  sail,  Alava  was  directed  to  say 
nothing  on  the  subject  to  Catherine,  but  to  au^ait  the 
arrival  of  the  Duke  of  Alba,  who  was  to  leave  in  two  days 
to  accompany  the  Queen  of  Spain  on  the  visit  to  her 
mother.' 

Philip  in  this  letter  was  pursuing  his  habitual  crafty 
and  disingenuous  methods.  If  Ribaut  had  sailed,  the 
question  could  be  more  effectively  solved  by  blows  in 
Florida  than  by  words  at  Bayonne.  Meanwhile  it  was 
important  that  the  antagonism  of  Catherine  should  not 
be  aroused  in  view  of  the  scheme  for  the  simultaneous 
extermination  of  all  heretics  in  both  dominions,  which 
his  Queen,  Isabella,  and  Alba  had  been  instructed  to 
bring  about  through  their  interview  with  Catherine.* 
As  Ribaut  had  already  set  sail,  the  message  was  not  de- 
livered, and  Alava  was  obliged  to  resort  to  his  imagina- 
tion to  explain  the  contents  of  the  letter,  the  arrival  of 
which  had  so  excited  Catherine's  curiosity  "that  she  sent 
me  a  hundred  persons  to  enquire  what  Your  Majesty's 
post  had  brought,"  writes  the  ambassador.^ 

While  Alba  was  negotiating  at  Bayonne,  Alava  was 
giving  ear  to  every  extraordinary  rumour  which  French 
wit  could  devise,  and  on  the  22nd  of  June  wrote  Phihp 

'  Philip  II.  to  Alava,  June  2,  1565,  MS.  ibid.,  K,  1504  (2). 
*  Rise  of  the  Dutch  Republic  \>y  J.  L.  Motley,  vol.  i.,  p.  476;  Hist,  de 
France  par  Henri  Martin,  4«'"«  edit.,  Paris,  1857,  tome  ix.,  pp.  189-194. 
2  Alava  to  Philip  II.,  June  8,  1565,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1504  (6). 


Philip's  Notice  to  France 


III 


that  he  had  received  a  letter  from  Normandy  informing 
him  that  the  one  hundred  and  fifty  Frenchmen  who 
garrisoned  the  fort  in  Florida,  driven  by  hunger,  had 
sallied  out  in  search  of  provisions,  and  had  all,  with  the 
exception  of  six,  been  eaten  up  by  the  Indians.  ' '  It  were 
indeed  good  news,"  he  writes,  "and  the  more  so,  that 
these  [Frenchmen]  are  so  set  upon  going  on  that  enter- 
prise, that  it  may  abate  their  fury."  ' 

Philip,  meanwhile,  had  considered  the  expediency  of 
sending  a  special  envoy  to  treat  of  the  Florida  question, 
as  suggested  by  Alba,  and  had  come  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  presence  of  a  member  of  his  Council  on  such  a 
mission  would  betray  too  great  a  lack  of  confidence  in 
the  sincerity  of  the  French  king  to  justify  the  proceed- 
ing. He  thereupon  informed  the  Duke  of  his  determina- 
tion to  avoid  a  step  which  would  give  the  matter  so  much 
prominence,  but  enclosed  him  a  copy  of  the  decision 
reached  by  the  Council  of  the  Indies  as  to  his  title,  and 
directed  him  to  introduce  the  subject  incidentally  when 
the  proper  occasion  arose,  presenting  the  unreasonableness 
of  the  steps  which  the  French  were  taking,  and  urging 
them  to  revoke  Ribaut's  commission  and  to  disarm  his 
vessels.  But  the  news  of  the  departure  of  the  French 
reinforcements,  followed  by  Alava's  cautious  avoidance  of 
the  subject  in  compliance  with  the  royal  order,  wrought  a 
change  in  his  plan,  and  he  added  a  postscript  in  his  own 
hand,  leaving  any  further  action  entirely  within  the 
discretion  of  the  Duke  of  Alba."" 

The  latter,  who,  on  the  receipt  of  the  letter,  was  al- 
ready at  Bayonne,  approved  of  Philip's  policy,  and  did 
not  broach  the  subject  of  Florida  to  the  Queen  Mother, 
because,  Ribaut  having  already  sailed,  a  better  opportunity 

'  Alava  to  Philip  II.,  June  22,  1565,  MS.  ibid.,  K,  1504  (23). 

5  Philip  to  Alba,  Madrid,  June  15,  1565,  Nuevos  Autdgrafos  de  Cristdbal 
ColSn  y  Relaciones  de  Ultramar ;  La  Duquesa  de  Berwick  y  de  Alba, 
Madrid,  1902,  p.  59. 


112  The  Spanish  Settlements 

might  arise  for  treating  the  question  in  the  interval  be- 
tween the  conference  and  the  departure  of  the  succour 
which  France  expected  to  send  in  September  or  October. 
He  also  feared  the  effect  of  its  discussion  upon  certain 
French  counsellors  of  "infamous  views,"  who,  as  he 
wrote  his  King,  learning  Philip's  sentiments  on  the  sub- 
ject, "might  turn  against  the  Catholics  and  say  to  the 
latter:  Since  Your  Majesty  was  somewhat  offended  at 
this,  what  confidence  could  they  have  that  you  would 
assist  them  in  graver  matters?"  And  finally,  having 
announced  that  the  sole  subject  under  discussion  at  the 
conference  would  be  that  of  the  Faith,  he  thought  it 
would  be  inconsistent  to  raise  another.' 

It  is  impossible  not  to  be  impressed  with  this  last  re- 
mark of  Alba  which  he  addressed  to  the  King.  It  meant 
in  substance  that  if  the  Florida  question  were  raised  it 
could  be  used  as  a  means  to  inspire  the  French  Catholics 
themselves  with  distrust  in  Philip,  and  indicates  without 
disguise  how  little  the  religious  faith  of  the  Florida  colo- 
nists had  to  do  with  the  motives  of  the  enterprise  so  far 
as  France  was  concerned,  and  how  clearly  this  was  recog- 
nised by  Philip's  able  counsellor.  And  it  also  shows 
how  entirely  secondary  must  have  been  the  interest  of 
both  Philip  and  his  adviser  in  the  religion  of  the  intruders 
to  that  of  the  royal  title,  that  the  mooting  of  the  Florida 
question  could  be  considered  as  foreign  to  that  of  the 
purification   of  the   Faith   in   France   and   Spain."     The 

'  Alba  to  Philip  II.,  June  28,  1565,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1504  (30). 
"  La  otra  es  que  auiendose  de  hazer  con  alios  el  offs°  q  V.  m''  manda  podrian 
facilm'^  algunos  consejeros  q  aqui  ay  de  Ruynes  intenciones  boluerse  contra 
los  catholicos  y  dezirles  que  pues  en  esto  V.  m'^  mostraua  estar  sentido  que 
confiancia  podrian  tener  que  los  ayudara  en  cosas  mas  graues  porq  como 
tenemos  spto  a  V.  m'^  todo  su  estudio  es  poner  desconfian9a  entre  V.  m^  y 
este  Rey,  y  tambien  pareceria  repugnar  a  lo  q  auemos  dicho  que  es  no  traer 
otro  negocio  q  el  de  la  Religion.     .     .     ." 

'  De  Silva,  Philip's  ambassador  to  England,  in  his  letter  of  Oct.  8,  1565 
(Coi.  Doc.  Inedit.  Espana,  tomo  Ixxxix.,  p.  205.     English  translation  Span- 


Philip's  Notice  to  France  113 

Bayonne  Conference  therefore  proved  a  failure,  not  only 
as  to  French  intrusions  in  Philip's  transatlantic  domin- 
ions, but  also  so  far  as  his  scheme  for  purifying  both 
countries  of  heresy  was  concerned,  and  the  Massacre  of 
St.  Bartholomew  was  destined  to  sleep  for  seven  years 
longer.  Catherine  successfully  met  the  tactics  of  Philip's 
emissaries,  and  persisted  in  maintaining  her  power  by 
holding  the  balance  between  Leaguer  and  Huguenot. 

On  the  29th  of  June  the  Spanish  armada  destined  for 
Florida  set  sail  from  Cadiz.  Philip  allowed  a  sufficient 
time  to  elapse  for  it  to  be  well  in  advance  of  any  fleet 
that  the  French  could  send  to  overtake  it,  when  he  finally 
concluded  that  the  moment  had  come  to  inform  Catherine 
of  the  steps  he  had  taken.  On  September  30th  he  wrote 
Alava : 

"It  is  now  my  wish  that  you  speak  to  the  Queen  Mother 
and  say  to  her,  that  having  understood  that  some  of  her  sub- 
jects had  gone  to  Florida  to  usurp  that  province,  which  we 
had  discovered  and  possessed  for  so  many  years,  I  have  given 
orders  to  send  and  chastise  them  as  thieving  pirates  and  per- 
turbers  of  the  public  peace.  And  having  made  this  provision 
I  had  thought  to  have  done  with  it,  but  that  the  brotherly  re- 
lations which  I  have  had  with  the  Most  Christian  King,  the 
frankness  and  sincerity  that  should  be  observed  with  him  and 
with .  her  in  all  matters,  have  induced  me  not  to  conceal  this 
from  them." 

He  was  ordered  to  repeat  the  threadbare  demand  that 
the  French  subjects  be  withdrawn, 

ish  State  Papers,  1558-1567,  I.  Elizabeth,  p.  488)  writes  :  "  En  lo  que  toca 
a  la  Florida,  bien  creo  que  asi  Franceses  como  estos  \i.  e.,  the  English]  han 
deseado  meter  el  pie  en  ella,  mas  por  estar  al  paso  de  los  navios  que  vienen 
de  la  Nueva  Espana  y  el  Peru,  que  por  otro  fin."  See  also  Philip  II.  to 
De  Silva,  March  22,  1566,  Col.  Doc.  Inedit.  Espana,  tomo,  Ixxxix.,  p.  276; 
English  translation,  Spanish  State  Papers,  1558-1567,  i  Elizabeth,  p.  527; 
and  Granvelle  to  Philip  II.,  June  2,  1565,  Lettres  et papier s  d'Etat  du  Cardi- 
nal Granvelle,  tome  ix.,  p.  248,  cited  in  Gaffarel,  p.   154. 


114  The  Spanish  Settlements 

"  for  it  is  not  becoming  what  with  the  love,  conformity,  and 
brotherly  relations  existing  between  the  Most  Christian  King 
and  myself,  here,  that  our  subjects  yonder  should  go  warring 
the  one  against  the  other.  And  you  are  to  press  the  Queen 
strongly  in  regard  to  this,  not  with  entreaties,  but  by  showing 
her  that  it  is  a  matter  which  should  not  and  can  not  be  con- 
cealed, and  you  are  to  inform  me  what  answer  she  gives  you."  ' 

Not  until  the  23rd  of  November,  and  probably  a 
month  after  Philip  had  received  the  news  of  the  arrival 
of  the  armada  in  Florida,  did  Alava  at  last  deliver  the 
long-delayed  message.  Charles,  who  had  been  in  Anjou, 
made  his  entry  into  Tours  on  the  21st,  and  the  following 
day  Alava  had  an  audience  with  the  King  and  Queen. 
He  found  them  surrounded  by  "Cardinal  de  Chatillon 
and  all  the  chief  heretics  who  now  move  about  in  this 
Court."  Although  the  subject  was  not  broached  at  this 
interview,  the  Queen  was  not  unprepared  to  meet  it. 
She  had  already  learned  from  Fourquevaux,  her  ambassa- 
dor in  Spain,  who  stood  on  the  closest  terms  of  intimacy 
with  her  daughter,  Queen  Isabella,  what  Philip's  senti- 
ments were. 

"For  that  matter,  Madame,"  wrote  the  Ambassador,  "I 
have  learned  from  the  Queen,  your  daughter,  that  which  I 
wrote  you  concerning  Florida  in  my  other  letter,  how  that  this 
King  will  not  suffer  that  the  French  nestle  so  near  his  con- 
quests, so  that  his  fleets  in  going  and  coming  from  New  Spain 
are  constrained  to  pass  in  front  of  them.  For  which  reason  if 
they  go  from  France  to  said  country,  it  is  well  for  them  to  go 
with  sufficient  strength  and  equipped  for  defence." 

He  counselled  her  "neither  to  acknowledge  nor  disavow 
your  subjects  who  are  there  or  who  may  go  thither,  for 
before  the  conquest  be  decided  time  will  pass,  the  which 

'  Philip  II.  to  Alava,  Sept.  30,  1565,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1504  (66). 
The  substance  of  this  letter  first  appears  in  a  marginal  note  on  a  letter  of 
Alava  to  Philip  II.  of  August  5,  1565,  MS.  ibid.,  K,  1504  (57). 


Philip's  Notice  to  France  115 

may  bring  this  Majesty  and  the  Germans  into  such  diffi- 
culties, that  he  will  abandon  the  said  quarrel,  or  let  it 
sleep."  '  Catherine  had  also  heard  of  the  arrival  of  the 
Spanish  fleet  in  Santo  Domingo''  and  of  the  reinforce- 
ments that  had  been  sent  to  it,  and  her  daughter  had 
again  informed  her  how  near  to  the  heart  of  the  Span- 
ish monarch  lay  the  expulsion  of  the  French  from 
Florida/ 

At  noon,  the  23rd,  Alava  was  again  summoned  into 
the  royal  presence.  The  King  was  in  a  large  hall  with 
all  his  Court,  and  began  to  receive  him  with  still  greater 
demonstrations  of  friendship  than  at  the  previous  audi- 
ence; so  much  so,  that  the  Court  were  amazed  at  it, 
"especially  the  heretics."  Alava  told  the  King  that  he 
had  come  to  see  his  mother,  and  not  him. 

"  I  assure  Your  Majesty  that  he  took  me  by  the  hand  and 
did  not  leave  me  until  he  had  conducted  me  to  his  mother's 
chamber.  His  mother  was  also  surrounded  by  heretics  and 
Catholics  and  many  people.  She  received  me  with  the  same 
demonstrations  with  which  her  son  had  received  me,  but  not 
wishing  to  give  me  a  private  audience,  saw  me  there,  in  public, 
drawing  her  son  very  close  to  her  and  causing  me  to  draw  near 
also.  I  began  to  repeat  the  subjects  of  Your  Majesty's  letter, 
when  I  had  so  severe  a  chill  that  I  had  to  take  out  the  paper 
I  carried  with  me  and  begin  to  read  it.  I  was  as  little  able  to 
do  that,  and  finally  they  called  I'Aubespine,^  but  not  finding 
him,  Saint  Sulpice  ^  had  to  read  it.  The  Queen  held  her  head 
so  that  the  company  could  not  well  see  her  face  and  assumed 
a  very  melancholy  expression  until  the  subject  of  the  Imperial 

'  Fourquevaux  to  the  Queen,  Nov.  3,  1565,  D^peches,  p.  6. 
"^  Fourquevaux  to  Charles  IX.,  Nov.  5,  1565,  ibid.,  p.  8.     Same  to  sam«., 
Nov.  21,  1565,  ibid.,  p.  13. 

*  Fourquevaux  to  the  Queen,  Nov.  5,  1565,  ibid.,  p.  9. 

*  Probably  Claude  de  I'Aubespine,  Secretary  of  State  under  Francis  I, , 
Henry  II.,  Francis  II.,  and  Charles  IX. 

*  Jean  d'Ebrard  de  Saint  Sulpice,  French  ambassador  to  Spain  immedi, 
ately  preceding  Fourquevaux. 


ii6  The  Spanish  Settlements 

alliances  was  reached,  when  she  lighted  up  a  little  and  said 
that  it  seemed  well  to  her.  We  then  began  upon  the  matter 
of  Florida,  upon  which  Saint  Sulpice  attempted  to  comment 
before  she  had  answered.  I  observed  that  I  had  come  to  con- 
verse with  them,  and  hoped  they  would  be  contented  with 
Saint  Sulpice's  reading  of  the  paper,  and  so  they  dismissed 
him.  The  Queen  would  not  allow  me  to  say  a  word  on  the 
subject,  at  one  moment  telling  me,  '  The  subjects  of  my  son 
are  going  only  to  a  mountainous  region  called  Hercules  dis- 
covered by  the  French  crown  over  two  hundred  years  ago.' 
I  turned  to  the  King  and  began  to  enlarge  upon  the  matter 
with  the  urgency  which  your  Majesty  had  directed  me  to  use. 
The  Queen's  eyes  kindled  and  she  poised  herself  like  a  lioness 
to  hear  what  I  was  saying  to  her  son.  I  said  in  substance  that 
it  was  a  business  of  great  consequence  and  that  he  should  be- 
seech his  mother  to  weigh  it  well.  At  this  she  grew  angry 
with  me,  and  to  tell  Your  Majesty  the  truth,  I  did  the  same 
with  her,  for  she  would  not  answer  to  the  point  and  feigned 
wonder  at  everything  I  said.  At  last,  closing  her  eyes,  she 
exclaimed  that  for  the  life  of  her  she  understood  nothing  of 
this  matter.  By  this  Your  Majesty  can  see  with  what  sin- 
cerity she  deals." 

Several  days  elapsed,  during  which  Charles  took  the 
advice  of  his  council  upon  the  subject  two  or  three  times. 
On  the  30th  Burdin,  the  King's  secretary,  handed  Alava 
his  master's  reply.  In  substance  it  set  out  that  it  was 
neither  his  intention  nor  his  will  that  his  subjects  should 
occupy  lands  or  provinces  discovered  by  Spain ;  but  that 
Philip  was  not  "to  restrict  them  so  and  check  them  with 
so  short  a  bridle  "  as  to  prevent  them  from  going  where 
he  had  neither  discovered  nor  taken  possession,  as  was 
the  case  with  the  "country  where  his  subjects  were  going, 
a  country  called  la  Ticrra  de  los  Brctoncs,"  discovered 
many  years  before  by  the  French  Crown.  He  promised 
to  do  his  best  to  establish  the  safety  of  navigation  and 
trade,  and  that  he  would  chastise  his  subjects  as  infractors 


Philip's  Notice  to  France  117 

and  perturbers  of  the  public  peace  if  they  offended  those 
of  Philip. 

But  Alava  was  not  to  be  put  aside  by  the  royal  quibble, 
and  answered  Burdin, 

"  Why  do  you  want  us  to  talk  this  nonsense?  Whether  you 
call  it  the  Land  of  the  Bretons  or  the  Mountains  of  Hercules, 
as  the  Queen  does,  the  province  where  the  vassals  of  your 
King  are  going  is  the  same  which  we  call  Florida,  and  you 
New  France,  to  which  it  is  requested  that  none  of  the  subjects 
of  your  master  go." 

Burdin  could  only  reply,  "The  French  discovered  the 
Land  of  the  Bretons  a  hundred  years  ago,  as  can  be  seen 
by  the  maps  of  the  newly  discovered  provinces."  "Now 
we  have  proved  that  the  land  you  call  Land  of  the  Bre- 
tons and  we  Florida  is  one  and  the  same,"  replied  Alava, 
"and  you  mean  to  say  that  you  first  discovered  it,  so 
that  the  issue  turns  on  the  right  of  your  King  to  it,  and 
not  that  it  is  a  different  country  from  Florida,  where  the 
French  are  going,  as  may  be  gathered  from  your  King's 
answer,  and  what  you  yourself  are  saying."  Again 
Burdin  could  only  answer  that  the  King  his  master  had 
sent  this  reply  and  would  transmit  it  to  his  ambassador 
so  that  he  might  communicate  it  to  Philip.  After  a  little 
more  fencing  as  to  the  title  to  the  country  Burdin  took 
his  leave,  but  not  before  Alava  had  told  him  how  super- 
ficial a  consideration  the  French  Council  had  given  so 
important  a  matter. 

"The  fact  is,"  writes  Alava  in  the  same  letter  in  which 
he  relates  the  audience  and  the  conversation,  "that  in  the 
midst  of  their  ill-luck  and  misery,  and  without  hope  in 
any  one  except  Your  Majesty,  they  are  still  determined 
to  show  Your  Majesty  that  they  are  whole,  and  have  no 
need  of  Your  Majesty  and  are  able  to  resist  you  whenever 
they  are  fretted."  '     The  upshot  of  the  interview  shows 

'  Alava  to  Philip  II.,  Nov.  29,  1565,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1504  (So). 


ii8  The  Spanish  Settlements 

that  Catherine  had  recognised  the  force  of  Fourquevaux's 
advice,  had  followed  it  to  the  letter,  and  in  spite  of 
Alava's  bluntness  had  again  outwitted  him  by  evading 
the  real  issue  and  turning  the  question  upon  a  technical 
matter  of  geographical  boundaries. 

The  Terre  des  Bretons,  upon  the  title  to  which  Cathe- 
rine had  succeeded  in  turning  the  issue,  embraced  the 
peninsula  which  is  now  called  Nova  Scotia,  with  an  ill- 
defined  region  to  the  west  of  it  occasionally  bearing  the 
same  name,  but  more  frequently  called  La  Notivclle  France 
or  Nova  Gallia,  and  to  which  France  laid  claim  in  virtue 
of  Verrazano's  discovery.  Its  southern  boundary  was  as 
vague  as  was  the  northern  boundary  of  Philip's  Florida, 
and  in  a  certain  sense  the  Portuguese  map-makers  ad- 
mitted her  claim  as  early  as  the  first  quarter  of  the  cent- 
ury by  designating  Nova  Scotia  on  their  maps  as  the  land 
discovered  by  the  Bretons,'  But  Catherine  had  now 
given  Philip  a  Roland  for  an  Oliver,  and  if  he,  in  virtue 
of  his  discoveries  to  the  south,  was  disposed  to  lay  his 
.clutch  upon  the  entire  continent  to  the  north,  she  had 
capped  his  pretensions  with  a  counter-claim  to  the  south 
founded  upon  French  discoveries  to  the  north,  saving 
always  the  title  conveyed  by  the  papal  bull,  to  which 
neither  party  had  made  any  reference,  although  Philip 
still  held  it  in  reserve. 

And  yet  so  great  was  the  ignorance  of  the  immensity 
of  the  territory  for  which  both  sovereigns  were  contend- 
ing, so  little  did  the  French  really  know  of  the  relative 
positions  of  the  Terre  des  Bretons,  of  the  Florida  penin- 
sula, and  of  the  countless  leagues  which  separated  them, 
that  Catherine  herself  may  have  been  labouring  under  a 
genuine  misapprehension  as  to  the  real  conditions.  Not- 
withstanding all  her  duplicity  and  wile,  the  reading  of 
the  prejudiced  correspondence  of  the  Spanish  ambassador 
with  his  King  frequently  raises  the  doubt  as  to  whether 

'  See  Appendix  K,  La  Terre  des  Bretons. 


Philip's  Notice  to  France  119 

she  may  not,  after  all,  have  been  sincere  in  her  belief  that 
her  French  subjects  were  going  to  colonise  the  Tcrrc  dcs 
Bretons.  The  doubt  is  accentuated  by  her  adherence  to 
this  position  in  the  course  of  subsequent  events,  her  very 
genuine  bitterness  at  the  punishment  inflicted  upon  the 
Florida  colony,  and  the  attitude  subsequently  taken  by 
herself  and  her  son  toward  the  French  avenger.  If  such 
indeed  be  the  case,  she  had  been  misled  by  those  around 
her  who  were  more  directly  interested  in  the  enterprise 
than  herself,  and  was  for  once  filled  with  a  righteous  in- 
dignation at  the  arrogance  of  PhiHp's  demands.  For 
though  the  opinion  of  the  Council  of  the  Indies  as  to  the 
scope  of  his  title  had  not  been  shown  her,  its  purport  was 
unquestionably  known  to  her.  It  is  only  the  dim  shadow 
of  a  doubt,  the  vague  semblance  of  a  suspicion  which  the 
correspondence  awakens,  one  that  lurks  rather  in  the  at- 
mosphere than  in  any  concrete  fact  upon  which  the  his- 
torian can  put  his  finger;  and  as  such  it  must  pass. 

And  so  Philip  had  quieted  his  conscience  in  view  of 
"the"  brotherly  relations  between  himself  and  the  Most 
Christian  King,  and  the  frankness  and  sincerity  that 
should  be  observed  between  them"  by  giving  him  due 
notice  of  his  intention  to  oust  the  French  from  his 
possessions,  but  he  had  done  so  only  after  the  blow  had 
been  struck  and  the  footprints  of  France  in  the  white 
sands  of  Florida  had  been  washed  out  in  a  sea  of  blood. 


CHAPTER  VII 

PEDRO    MENENDEZ   DE   AVILES 

THE  man  to  whom  Philip  had  entrusted  the  task  of 
driving  the  French  out  of  Florida  was  no  mere  ad- 
venturer  of  the  common  sort,  but  a  nobleman  of  unusual 
ability,  who  had  held  high  and  distinguished  positions  in 
the  service  of  his  country.  His  name  was  Don  Pedro 
Menendez  de  Avil^s,'  a  descendant  of  Dofia  Paya,  an 
ancient  family  of  the  Asturias,  where  the  "earth  and 
sky,"  according  to  his  biographer,  "bear  men  who  are 
honest,  not  tricksters,  truthful,  not  babblers,  most  faith- 
ful to  their  King,  generous,  friendly,  light-hearted,  and 
merry,  daring,  and  warlike."  '  He  was  born  on  the  15th 
of  February,  15 19,  in  the  sea-port  of  Aviles,  which  had 
been  granted  to  the  founder  of  the  house  by  King  Dom 
Pelayo,  and  from  which  he  derived  his  surname. 

His  active  and  adventurous  disposition  showed  itself  at 
a  very  early  age ;  and  on  the  death  of  his  father,  who  had 

1  His  full  name  as  given  in  Vignau  y  Uhagon's  Index  of  the  members  of 
the  Order  of  Santiago  is  :  Pedro  Menendez  de  Aviles  y  Alonso  de  la  Campa 
{Indice  de pruebas  de  los  caballeros  que  han  vestido  el  hdbito  de  Santiago  desde 
elaiio  ijoi,  hasta  la  fee  ha,  formado  por  D.  Vicente  Vignau  .  .  .  y  D. 
Francisco  R.  de  Uhagon     .     .     .     Madrid,  1901,  p.  222). 

2  "  Vida  y  hechos  de  Pero  Menendez  de  Auiles,  cauailero  de  la  hordem  de 
Santiago,  adelantado  de  la  florida  :  do  largamente  se  tratan  las  conquistas  y 
poblaciones  de  la  prouincia  de  la  florida,  y  como  fueron  libradas  de  los 
luteranos  que  dellas  se  auian  apoderado.  Compuesta  por  el  maestro  bar- 
rienlos,  Catredatico  de  salamanca."  In  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la 
Florida    .     .     .     por     .     .     .     Genaro  Garcia,  Mexico,  1902,  p.  I. 

120 


Pedro  Menendez  de  Avil^s  121 

served  in  the  conquest  of  Granada,"  and  the  second  mar- 
riage of  his  mother,  he  was  affianced  when  only  eight 
years  of  age  to  Dofia  Maria  de  Soh's,  herself  but  two  years 
his  senior,  in  the  hope  of  keeping  him  at  home.  But  the 
lad  would  not  submit  to  restraint,  for  the  rugged  mount- 
ains in  which  he  was  cradled  were  the  home  of  a  restless 
generation,  rovers  of  the  ocean  and  intrepid  crusaders, 
and  Avil^s,  after  marshalling  the  mimic  combats  of  his 
playfellows,  soon  felt  the  spell  of  the  fierce  sea  which 
breaks  on  the  Asturian  coast.  When  barely  fourteen 
years  of  age  he  ran  away  one  day,  and  embarking  in  a 
tender  with  a  crew  of  eighteen  or  twenty  men,  fell  in 
with  a  Frenchman  in  command  of  a  well-armed  vessel, 
who  attempted  to  capture  him.  In  the  encounter  the 
boat  of  Menendez  was  so  greatly  damaged  by  the  guns 
of  the  corsair  that  his  crew  at  first  wished  to  surrender, 
but  the  boy  urged  them  on  with  such  valour  that  he 
infused  them  with  his  own  confidence,  and  the  French- 
man, not  daring  to  board  it,  let  them  escape  in  safety  to 
Galicia.'' 

As  his  father's  property  had  to  be  divided  between 
him  and  his  nineteen  brothers  and  sisters,  it  will  readily 
be  understood  that  the  share  which  fell  to  him  was  not 
large,  and  for  two  years  he  followed  the  profession  of 
a  seaman,  fighting  the  French  on  the  water  for  most 
of  the  time,  during  the  war  which  was  then  being  waged 
between  France  and  Spain.  His  sea  service  ended,  he 
returned  home  possessed  with  a  love  of  the  rough  and 
adventurous  career  of  a  sailor,  for  which  he  seems  to  have 
been  especially  endowed  by  nature.     Selling  part  of  his 

'  Barcia,  Ensayo  Cronologico,  Ano  MDLXIV.,  p.  57. 

''■  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  9. 
"  Memorial  que  hizoel  Doctor  Gonzalo  Solisde  Meras  de  todas  las  jornadas 
y  sucesos  del  Adelantado  Pedro  Menendez  de  Aviles,  su  cufiado,  y  de  la 
Conquista  de  la  Florida  y  Justicia  que  hizo  en  Juan  Ribao  y  otros  fran- 
ceses."  In  E.  Ruidiaz  y  Caravia,  La  Florida  su  conquista  y  colonizacidn por 
Pedro  Men/ndez  de  Aviles,  Madrid,  1893,  tomo  i.,  p.  2. 


122  The  Spanish  Settlements 

patrimony  he  purchased  a  vessel  of  his  own  and  success- 
fully directed  his  attention  to  the  corsairs  which  infested 
the  coast  and  the  neighbouring  seas.' 

In  1549,  during  the  interval  of  peace  with  France,  the 
corsair  Jean  Alfonse,  the  pilot  of  Roberval/  made  a  rich 
haul  of  some  ten  or  a  dozen  Biscay  vessels  off  Cape 
Finisterre,  and  Avil^s  was  ordered  by  Maximilian,  Re- 
gent of  Spain  during  the  absence  of  Charles  V.  in  Flan- 
ders, to  go  against  him  and  capture  him.  Although  the 
Regent  gave  him  neither  money  nor  men  for  the  enter- 
prise, Men^ndez  boldly  undertook  the  commission,  and 
in  an  encounter  with  Alfonse  ofi  La  Rochelle  so  punished 
him  that  he  died  of  a  wound  which  he  there  received ; 
and  Avil^s  rescued  five  of  the  vessels  which  the  corsair 
had  seized.  Off  Teneriffe  he  also  defeated  Alfonse's  son, 
who  had  vowed  vengeance  against  his  father's  slayer,  sent 
Aviles  a  challenge,  and  had  gone  to  the  Canaries  to  en- 
counter him  on  his  way  to  the  Indies. 

His  energy  and  success  did  not  escape  the  attention  of 
Charles  V.,  who,  recognising  the  ability  shown  by  the 
young  seaman,  commissioned  him  to  fight  the  corsairs 
even  in  time  of  peace,  and  granted  him  and  his  descend- 
ants all  that  he  succeeded  in  capturing.^  Shortly  upon 
this  followed  his  appointment  to  one  of  the  most  re- 
sponsible oi^ces  that  could  be  held  by  a  Spanish  seaman 
of  that  day. 

The  sailing  of  the  India  fleets,  both  on  their  outward- 

'  Both  Barrientos  in  Garcia  (Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  9) 
and  Meras  in  Ruidiaz  (Za  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  2),  relate  a  romantic  story 
of  his  attempted  rescue  of  a  bridal  party  which  had  been  captured  by  a 
French  corsair. 

'  Called  Juan  Alonso  the  Frenchman  by  the  Spaniards.  He  was  from 
Saintonge,  near  Cognac,  and  had  been  the  pilot  of  Roberval  when  in  Can- 
ada in  1542-1543.  J.  C.  Brevoort  in  his  "Notes  on  the  Verrazano  Map" 
{yournal  of  the  Am.  Geographical  Soc.  of  New  York,  1S73,  vol.  iv.,  p.  292). 

'  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  10,  11; 
Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  pp.  4-7. 


Pedro  Menendes  de  Aviles  123 

bound  and  return  passage,  had  come  to  be  attended  with 
frequent  delays  through  the  carelessness  or  ignorance  of 
the  commanders,  and  the  navigation  of  the  ocean  had 
become  so  perilous  that  not  only  many  ships,  but  even 
entire  fleets  had  been  lost.  Discipline  had  grown  lax; 
the  masters  and  captains  of  the  ships  were  insubordinate 
and  disobedient,  and  sometimes,  deserting  the  fleet  in  the 
attempt  to  arrive  ahead  of  it,  their  vessels  fell  a  frequent 
prey  to  the  French  corsairs  and  the  pirates.  These  inci- 
dents had  come  to  assume  such  proportions  as  to  arouse  the 
concern  of  the  King,  who  ascribed  them  to  the  incapaci- 
ties of  the  Captains-General  in  charge  of  the  fleets,  whose 
appointment  was  made  by  the  Judges,  Prior,  and  Consuls 
of  the  Casa  de  Contratacion  at  Seville.  The  King  de- 
termined to  make  a  radical  change  in  these  methods,  by 
depriving  the  officers  of  the  Casa  of  this  power  of  ap- 
pointment which  they  had  exercised  for  many  years  and 
considered  among  the  most  important  of  their  privileges, 
and  in  1554  he  named  Aviles  Captain-General  of  the  fleet 
for  that  year,  as  against  Don  Juan  Tello  de  Guzman,  the 
nominee  of  the  Casa.' 

It  was  a  very  important  and  responsible  position,  and 
as  it  was  a  command  which  Aviles  filled  with  distinction 
on  many  occasions,  we  will  consider  some  of  its  varied 
duties.  The  Captain-General  had  the  care  of  the  fleet 
throughout  its  entire  voyage.  His  charge  began  on  the 
day  of  sailing,  and  continued  until  he  again  cast  anchor 
on  his  return  to  Cadiz  or  San  Lucar.^  It  was  his  duty  to 
see  that  the  crews  and  passengers  were  duly  authorised 
to  sail,'  for  impostors,  bankrupts,  unlicensed  monks,  and 

'  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  July  27,  1555  ;  Ruidiaz,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  i.  Jan. 
8,  1564 ;  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  51,  52  ;  Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  7. 

^  Memorias  Histdricas  sobre  la  Legislacidn  y  Gobierno  de  los  Esfanoles  con 
sus  Colonias  en  las  Indias  Occidentales,  recopiladas  por  el  Sr.  D.  Rafael 
Antunez  y  Acevedo,  Madrid,  1797,  p.  86. 

^  Recopilacidn  de  Leyes  de  los  Reinos  de  las  Indias,  Madrid,  1841,  lib.  ix., 
tit.  XV.,  leyes  21,  23,  29. 


124  The  Spanish  Settlements 

other  prohibited  persons  took  advantage  of  the  fleets  to 
escape  to  the  Indies  in  the  disguise  of  sailors,  and  bribed 
the  masters  of  the  vessels  to  transport  them.'  He  saw  to 
it  that  the  necessary  licences  for  merchandise  and  slaves 
had  been  procured,  that  the  passengers  went  properly 
armed,  that  there  was  sufficient  powder,  that  the  weapons 
were  kept  in  readiness  for  an  attack,  that  the  ships  were 
not  overcrowded  and  were  properly  ballasted,  that  the 
fleet  was  furnished  with  priests  to  perform  the  necessary 
offices  for  the  sick  and  the  dying,  with  physicians,  and 
with  notaries  for  the  making  of  wills  ^;  in  a  word,  he 
attended  to  an  infinite  number  of  details  relating  to  the 
proper  equipment  of  his  fleet. 

To  this  end  he  was  required  to  inspect  his  vessels, 
either  in  person  or  through  his  admiral,  at  least  twice 
during  the  outward-bound  passage,  to  call  the  roll  every 
fifteen  days,  to  punish  all  infractions  of  the  laws,  and  to 
ward  off  all  strange  vessels  and  pirates,  compelling  the 
latter  to  surrender.'  In  the  earliest  instructions  of  which 
we  have  any  notice,  those  of  Jan.  21,  1572,  he  was  or- 
dered to  proceed  against  pirates  in  the  open  sea,  at  once 
and  with  the  greatest  rigour,  hanging  them  as  soon  as 
their  guilt  was  established."  On  the  arrival  of  the  fleet  at 
its  destination  it  was  his  office  to  notify  the  proper  officials 
and  to  see  that  the  soldiers  and  sailors  committed  no  ex- 
cesses while  in  port,  to  prevent  and  punish  desertions,  and 
to  see  to  the  loading  and  unloading  of  the  cargoes.  He 
was  also  required   to   make  reports  of  the  condition  of 

'  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  July  27,  1555  ;  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  6; 
Recopil.,  lib.  ix.,  tit.  xv.,  ley  29. 

'^  Recopil.,  lib.  ix.,  tit.  xv.,  leyes  26,  30,  32,  37,  40,  51. 

^  Recopil.,  lib.  ix.,  tit.  xv.,  leyes  13,  49,  50,  53,  66. 

^  Antunez,  pp.  88,  89.  These  instructions  contain  some  curious  pro- 
visions to  prevent  the  smuggling  of  gold  or  silver  from  out  of  the  ships,  and 
forbid  the  presence  aboard  ship  of  any  woman  with  her  lover,  and  if  any 
woman  be  allowed  she  can  only  go  in  the  capacity  of  "  washerwoman  for 
the  general  service  of  the  armada." 


Pedro  Menendes  de  Avil^s  125 

the  countries  which  he  visited."  In  addition  to  all  of 
these  requirements  relating  to  the  equipment  of  his  fleet, 
the  ordering  of  its  departure  and  return,  and  the  interior 
policing  of  the  vessels,  he  was  required  to  advise  the 
home  Government  of  his  arrival  and  of  the  date  of  his  in- 
tended return,  on  reaching  the  port  of  San  Juan  de  Ulua. 
The  position  offered  many  and  great  opportunities  for 
gain  by  irregular  methods,  of  which  some  were  not  slow 
to  avail  themselves.  Where,  for  instance,  owing  to  any 
particular  reason,  the  return  fleet  sailed  in  two  sections 
it  lay  in  the  option  of  the  General  to  indicate  which  ves- 
sels should  go  in  the  first  division.  The  advantage 
accruing  to  those  first  to  sail  was  so  great  that  influence 
was  frequently  brought  to  bear,  and  high  bribes  were 
paid  for  the  privilege."  On  the  other  hand,  it  was  some- 
times to  the  interest  of  the  merchants  to  delay  the  sailing 
of  the  fleet,  and  high  bribes  were  offered  to  bring  it  about. 
In  a  case  of  this  description  we  have  an  interesting  anec- 
dote of  the  integrity  of  Aviles.  Being  in  the  port  of  San 
Juan  de  Luz,  about  to  set  sail  for  Castile,  certain  mer- 
chants offered  him  a  thousand  ducats  a  day  to  postpone 
the  departure  for  three  days,  and  double  that  amount  for 
every  additional  day  of  delay.  Aviles  observed  that  it 
was  "good  money,"  ordered  the  chaplain  of  his  fleet  to 
say  mass,  boarded  his  flag-ship,  and  having  discharged  a 
cannon  as  a  signal  to  his  vessels,  immediately  set  sail, 
with  the  outspoken  remark  that  no  one  knew  what  the 
loss  of  an  hour  could  bring  in  the  service  of  God  and  the 
King.' 

'  Recopil.,  lib.  ix.,  tit.  xv.,  leyes  50,  51,  53,  54,  55,  60,  69,  71,  72,  83,  84. 

"^  See  "  Relacion  de  los  trabajos  que  la  gente  de  una  nao  llamada  Nra 
Senora  de  la  Merced  padecio"  .  .  .  por  fray  Andres  de  San  Miguel,  in 
Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  160,  where  a  vessel  is  said 
to  have  paid  1500  ducats  for  such  a  licence  in  addition  to  transporting  two 
of  the  General's  horses  free  of  cost. 

^  "  Informacion  de  algunos  servicios  prestados  por  el  Adelantado  Pedro 
Menendez  de  Aviles,"  Mexico,  3  de  Abril  de  1595,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida, 


126  The  Spanish  Settlements 

By  far  the  greatest  opportunity  lay  in  conniving  at  the 
smuggling  of  gold  and  silver  and  of  prohibited  merchan- 
dise, which  was  so  general  a  practice  in  those  days.  Here, 
again,  Avil6s  appears  in  the  character  of  a  man  of  honour. 
In  1563,  after  his  return  from  his  third  voyage,  the  Casa 
de  Contratacidn,  with  all  its  powerful  machinery  and 
its  violent  animus,  could  find  no  charge  against  him  except 
one  relating  to  smuggling  alleged  to  have  been  committed 
nine  years  before,  during  his  first  voyage,'  for  which,  after 
a  prolonged  suit,  it  succeeded  only  in  condemning  him 
to  a  fine  of  two  thousand  ducats,  half  of  which  was  re- 
mitted by  the  King,  whose  confidence  he  had.  The 
office  also  offered  opportunities  of  legitimate  profit.  One 
of  these  was  the  custom  of  the  merchants,  whose  ships 
were  in  convoy,  to  make  gifts  to  the  highest  officers,  con- 
cerning which  Menendez  naively  complained  to  Philip 
that  although  the  fleets  of  the  Carrera  de  las  Indias  were 
far  more  valuable  than  those  of  the  Levant,  the  mer- 
chants were  less  liberal  in  giving.^  And  yet  Menendez 
died  poor.^ 

During  the  interval  which  elapsed  between  his  appoint- 
ment and  the  date  fixed  for  the  sailing  of  the  India  fleet 
Avil6s  accompanied  Philip  on  the  latter's  visit  to  Eng- 
land to  be  married  to  Queen  Mary,  sailing  from  Corunna 
in  July,^  and  from  there  he  returned  to  Seville,  still  in 

tomo  ii.,  p.  621  ;  and  see  the  charges  against  his  brother,  Bartolome  Menen- 
dez, in  Aviles's  letter  to  Philip  II.  of  July  27,  1563,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  35. 
'  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antigtias  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  21. 

*  Aviles  to  Philip  II,,  July  27,  1563,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  pp. 
35,  36. 

^  One  of  the  seven  interrogations  put  to  the  witnesses  in  the  "  Informacion 
de  algunos  servicios  prestados  por  el  Adelantado  Pedro  Menendez  de  Aviles," 
Mexico,  3  de  Abril  de  1595  (in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  590  d'/  seq^ 
was  :  If  they  know  that  the  said  Adelantado,  being  in  his  Majesty's  service, 
died  and  passed  away  from  this  present  life,  and  that  his  children  were  left 
very  poor  and  in  much  need  ?  (p.  592).  To  this  all  of  the  witnesses  testi- 
fied in  the  affirmative  (see  pp.  591,  598,  605,  609,  612,  619,  623). 

*  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Jan.  8,   1564,  Ruidiaz,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  51,  53  ; 


Pedro  Menendez  de  Aviles  127 

Philip's  service,  being  attacked  on  his  sea  journey  by 
pirates,  whom  he  successfully  routed.'  In  September, 
I555>  Charles  V.,  being  in  need  of  money  to  conduct  his 
war  with  France,  dispatched  him  to  the  Indies  with  a 
fleet  of  six  men-of-war  and  seventy  merchantmen  and 
orders  to  winter  in  Havana,  should  he  be  unable  to  sail 
by  the  7th  of  September  of  the  following  year.  Menen- 
dez '"ully  realised  the  pressing  necessities  of  the  Emperor, 
and,  with  the  devotion  of  a  faithful  servant  and  the  self- 
reliance  of  a  brave  man,  determined  to  exceed  his  in- 
structions. Although  aware,  as  he  himself  wrote,  that 
"in  the  event  of  failure  Your  Majesty  will  have  my  head 
off,"  he  was  back  in  Spain  by  the  12th  of  September  of 
1556,  nine  months  before  he  was  due,  having  made  the 
entire  trip  and  collected  the  huge  sum  of  seven  millions 
of  ducats  in  the  unusually  short  space  of  one  year." 

The  Casa  de  Contratacion  was  awaiting  its  opportunity 
to  be  avenged  of  the  man  who  had  been  instrumental  in 
depriving  it  of  one  of  its  most  important  prerogatives; 
and  when  Menendez  reached  Seville  on  his  return,  he  and 
a  brother  of  his,  who  had  been  Admiral  of  the  Fleet,  were 
seized,  sentenced,  and  put  to  great  expense  on  accusa- 
tions probably  relating  to  the  conduct  of  the  fleet;  but 
they  were  finally  freed  by  the  Council  of  the  Indies  and 
their  innocence  established." 

In  February,  1557,*  Aviles  was  again  appointed  in  com- 
mand of  another  fleet  for  the  Indies,  but  his  experience 
with  the  Casa  de  Contratacion  had  taught  him  that  in  such 

Noticias  biogrdfico-genealdgicas  de  Pedro  Menendez  de  Avil/s  .  .  ,  por 
D.  Ciriaco  Miguel  Vigil,  .  .  .  Aviles,  1892,  p.  23  ;  Froude,  //ist.  of 
England,  New  York,  1870,  vol,  vi.,  p.  223. 

'  Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  7  ;  Vigil,  Noticias,  p.  23. 

^  "  Memorial  de  Pero  Menendez  de  Aviles,"  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo 
ii.,  p.  328  :  Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  pp.  9,  10;  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos 
Antiguas  Relaciones  dc  la  Florida,  p.  12  ;  Vigil,  Noticias,  p.  23, 

3  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Jan.  8,  1564,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii,,  p.  53. 

*  February  26,  1557,  "Memorial,"  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  329. 


128  The  Spanish  Settlements 

service  the  pirates  and  corsairs  were  not  the  only  enemies 
with  whom  he  would  have  to  contend,  so  he  requested 
Philip  for  another  command.  The  King  acceded  to  his 
petition  and  by  royal  patent  of  March  22,  1557,  named 
him  Captain-General  of  a  powerful  armada  to  pursue  the 
pirates  and  protect  the  fleets  and  the  coasts  of  Spain  and 
Flanders."  This  duty,  too,  he  executed  with  promptness 
and  energy,  and  in  June  of  the  same  year,  while  he 
was  shipping  some  artillery  at  Laredo,  he  was  appointed 
to  the  command  of  twenty-four  vessels  to  carry  twelve 
hundred  thousand  ducats  and  fifteen  hundred  men  to  the 
relief  of  the  army  in  Flanders,  where  Philip  was  already 
at  war  with  France,  which  had  finally  been  induced  to 
break  the  truce  of  Vaucelles  through  the  artful  machina- 
tions of  Cardinal  Caraffa.'  On  his  arrival  at  Laredo, 
from  which  he  was  to  sail,  he  found  that  half  of  his 
fleet  was  in  Galicia  and  that  he  would  be  compelled  to 
await  its  return.  Impatient  at  the  delay,  and  knowing 
Philip's  urgent  need  of  money,  he  again  exceeded  his  in- 
structions, boldly  set  out  with  the  four  ships  at  his  com- 
mand, and  successfully  accomplished  the  undertaking, 
reaching  Dover  in  fifteen  days,  landing  his  troops  and 
money  in  Calais,  and  allowing  the  wool  merchantmen 
whom  he  had  escorted  to  proceed  in  safety  to  Holland. 
He  captured  on  the  way  two  corsairs,  and  beat  off  Pie  de 
Palo,  who  had  attacked  him  with  a  fleet  of  eight  ships, 
and  sunk  one  of  his  galleons.  The  timely  arrival  of  the 
money  and   men   due  to  the  prompt  action   of   Avil^s 

'  "  Titulo  otorgado  a  Pero  Menendez  de  Aviles  de  Capitan  General  de 
la  Armada  dispuesta  para  proteger  las  flotas  de  la  carrera  de  Indias  y 
perseguir  a  los  corsarios,"  Valladolid,  22  de  Marzo  de  1557,  ihid.,  tomo  ii., 
p.  379.  Barcia,  Ensayo,  p.  59,  gives  the  same  date.  Barrientos  in  Dos 
Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  12,  says  May  12,  1557;  Aviles  to 
Philip  II.,  Jan.  8,  1564,  Ruidiaz,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  53. 

2  "  Memorial,"  ibid.,  tomoii.,  p.  329  ;  Aviles  to  the  Princess  of  Portugal, 
June  2,  1567,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  25  ;  Rise  of  the  Dutch  Republic,  vol.  i.,  p. 
157  etseq. 


Pedro  Mcnendez  de  Avil^s  129 

largely  contributed  to  the  victory  of  St.  Quentin,  says 
his  biographer,  for  not  until  two  months  after  his  de- 
parture did  the  balance  of  his  fleet  return  from  Galicia, 
and  in  the  interval  the  battle  had  been  fought  and  won." 
He  did  good  service  in  warding  off  the  attacks  of  cor- 
sairs from  the  auxiliaries  sent  by  Queen  Mary  to  the 
assistance  of  her  husband  in  Flanders.  On  one  particu- 
lar occasion  he  showed  signal  personal  bravery  in  rescu- 
ing the  fleet  in  command  of  Diego  de  Mendoza,  and  of 
which  his  brother,  D,  Alvar  Sanchez  de  AviU^s,  was  Ad- 
miral. Mendoza  was  conducting  the  Prince  of  Eboli 
with  reinforcements  to  Philip  in  Flanders,  and  lay  to 
outside  of  a  port  on  the  English  coast  ^  to  enable  the 
Prince  to  disembark  and  proceed  by  land  to  Philip  with 
the  news  of  his  arrival.  Don  Diego's  fleet  having  set 
sail  the  following  day  in  company  with  that  of  Menendez, 
which  had  joined  it  shortly  before,  there  arose  a  fierce 
storm  which  compelled  them  to  return  to  the  harbour. 
This  was  found  to  be  barricaded  with  an  iron  chain  which 
the  Mayor  had  caused  to  be  stretched  across  the  entrance, 
and  refused  to  remove.  Aviles,  seeing  the  peril  to  which 
the  fleet  was  exposed,  took  with  him  fifty  soldiers,  and, 
converting  a  heavy  beam  into  a  battering-ram,  he  beat 
down  the  gate  of  the  tower  to  which  the  chain  was 
attached,  allowing  the  ships  to  enter  the  harbour.  So 
violent  was  the  storm  that  six  English  and  two  Spanish 
vessels  went  down  in  it  and  over  four  hundred  persons 
were  drowned.  Aviles  worked  all  night  long,  tying  up 
some  of  the  ships,  extricating  others,  animating  the  pilots 

'  "  Memorial,"  Ruidi'az,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  329-330  ;  Barrientos  in 
Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  12,  13  ;  Barcia,  Ensayo, 
p.  59. 

«  Possibly  the  haven  of  Dartmouth  in  Devonshire.  The  name  of  "  Ar- 
tamu"  occurs  on  the  map  of  Domingo  Olives  of  1568  in  Nordenskiold's 
Periplus,  Plate  XXIX.,  in  a  location  corresponding  to  that  of  Dartmouth 
on  other  contemporary  maps.  The  Spanish  name  appears  both  as  Artamua 
and  Hartamua. 
•*.-9. 


ISO  The  Spanish  Settlements 

and  sailors  with  directions  and  advice,  and  rescuing  the 
drowning,  of  whom  he  succeeded  in  saving  over  three 
hundred  with  his  boats.' 

Ordered  by  Philip  to  return  to  Laredo,  he  was  in  that 
port,  when,  on  the  17th  of  January,  1558,  Calais  was 
finally  lost  to  the  English.  Philip,  who  was  still  in  Flan- 
ders fighting  the  French,  was  again  in  straits  for  money, 
and  as  a  large  French  armada  was  arming  at  San  Juan 
de  Luz,  he  ordered  Aviles  to  add  four  great  galleons  to 
his  fleet  and  to  bring  a  thousand  soldiers  by  way  of  the 
sea,  Aviles,  aware  of  the  necessity  of  prompt  action, 
went  himself  to  Valladolid,  where  the  Council  of  War 
was  sitting,  and  after  showing  the  delay  and  great  ex- 
pense to  which  the  Government  would  be  put  in  collect- 
ing the  ships  and  men,  and  by  following  the  course  which 
had  been  determined  upon,  suggested  an  expedient,  which 
he  was  authorised  to  try.  Hastening  to  Castro,  he 
secured  four  small  fishing-smacks  and  daringly  made  a 
winter  passage  to  Antwerp,  which  he  reached  in  fifteen 
days  from  the  date  of  his  leaving  Valladolid.  So  unpre- 
cedented was  a  voyage  in  these  small  vessels  at  that  tem- 
pestuous season  of  the  year  that  he  could  find  none  bold 
enough  to  sail  them  except  the  few  men  he  took  with 
him.^  Either  on  this  occasion  or  on  a  succeeding  expe- 
dition of  the  same  nature  he  is  said  to  have  carried  not 
only  a  large  sum  of  money,  but  also  a  force  of  soldiers 
concealed  in  what  appeared  to  be  cargoes  of  apples,  with 
which  he  passed  through  the  midst  of  the  French  corsairs 
without  being  discovered.^ 

'  Barrientos  in  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  13,  14  ;  Meras 
in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  22  et  seq.;  "Informacion  de  algunos  ser- 
vicios,"  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  595.  Menendez  merely  touches  upon  the  incident 
in  his  letter  of  Oct.  6,  1557,  to  the  Princess  of  Portugal,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p. 
27. 

*  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  14,  15. 

'  Deposition  of  Grauiel  de  Rivera  in  "Informacion  de  algunos  servicios,'* 
Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  601. 


Pedro  Menendez  de  Avil^s  131 

On  his  returning  to  Laredo  for  money  and  men  he  was 
ordered  to  add  two  other  smacks  to  his  fleet.  These  two 
boats  were  at  the  time  in  San  Sebastian,  where  they  had 
gone  to  escort  four  vessels  in  search  of  supplies.  Avil^s, 
hearing  that  he  was  watched  by  the  French  corsairs  in 
San  Juan  de  Luz,  who  had  learned  that  he  would  not  sail 
without  these  two  boats,  again  showed  his  remarkable 
energy  and  decision  of  character,  and  setting  out  in  his 
four  fishing  smacks  eluded  the  Frenchmen,  and  reached 
Antwerp  in  nine  days.'  On  his  return  voyage  with  his 
fishing-smacks,  he  escorted  two  vessels  having  aboard  of 
them  the  Archbishop  of  Toledo,  the  Regent  Figueroa, 
and  other  gentlemen,  besides  a  large  fleet  of  merchant 
vessels,  which  for  fear  of  the  corsairs  had  not  dared  to 
leave  the  port.  While  on  his  way  he  came  across  a 
French  armada  of  twelve  galleons,  in  command  of  the 
Admiral  of  Normandy,  and  conducted  himself  with  so 
much  skill  and  daring,  that  the  Frenchmen  fled,  and 
he  eventually  convoyed  his  charge  in  safety  to  Laredo.' 
On  his  arrival  in  Spain,  he  was  charged  by  the  Regent, 
the  Princess  of  Portugal,  to  escort  the  Queen  to  Flanders; 
but  her  death  put  an  end  to  the  proposed  voyage,*  and 
on  the  conclusion  of  the  peace  with  France  he  conducted 
Doctor  B.  Velasco,  a  member  of  the  King's  Council,  and 
Camara  to  Flanders." 

The  close  of  the  war  with  France  at  last  afforded  Philip 
the  opportunity  he  desired  of  returning  to  Spain,  and 

'  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  15  ; 
"  Memorial,"  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  330-333. 

*  "  Memorial,"  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  332-334. 

^  "  Real  Cedula  de  la  Princesa  de  Portugal  disponiendo  que  nose  proceda 
contra  Pero  Menendez  por  las  reclamaciones  de  los  duefios  y  maestres  de 
varios  naos,  y  ordenando  se  remitan  al  Consejo  de  Guerra."  Valladolid,  30 
de  Noviembre  de  1558,  Ruidiaz,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  348;  Meras  in  ibid., 
tomo  i.,  p.  27. 

* "  Real  Carta  referente  a  un  viaje  de  Pero  Menendez  de  Aviles  a 
Flandres."  Valladolid,  25  de  Enero  de  1559,  iHd.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  350; 
Meras,  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  27. 


132  The  Spanish  Settlements 

having  organised  the  government  of  the  Netherlands  to 
his  satisfaction,  and  appointed  Margaret  of  Parma  as  his 
regent,  preparations  were  begun  for  his  departure.  At 
the  end  of  April  Aviles,  accompanied  by  his  only  son, 
Juan  Men^ndez,  and  Sebastian  de  Estrada,  started  on 
another  of  his  expeditious  trips  to  Spain,  in  order  to 
make  ready  for  the  King's  departure,  travelling  by  post 
through  France  in  disguise,  and  was  back  again  in  Flan- 
ders by  the  loth  of  July  with  fifty  vessels.' 

On  the  27th  of  August  the  fleet  of  eighty  sail  set  out 
from  Flanders  to  escort  the  King  to  Laredo,  with  Aviles 
in  command  as  Captain-General.  On  the  tenth  day  Avi- 
les perceived  the  indications  of  an  approaching  storm, 
and,  the  fleet  being  free  of  the  English  and  French  coasts, 
a  council  was  held  as  to  where  the  King  should  disem- 
bark. The  advice  of  Aviles  prevailed,  and  the  fleet  made 
for  the  coast  of  the  Asturias,  where  he  had  selected  a 
landing  on  the  shore  of  a  point  of  land  near  Gijon. 
Three  leagues  off  Laredo  Aviles  realised  that  the  storm 
was  about  to  break  over  them.  At  his  request  the  King 
entered  a  boat,  and  under  shelter  of  Mount  San  Tona 
landed  on  Lady's  Day,  September  8th.  Dreading  the 
consequences  of  the  storm  to  the  large  vessels  off  the 
point  of  Laredo,  Aviles  worked  all  through  that  night 
and  succeeded  in  landing  one  hundred  and  fifty  coffers  of 
the  King  and  all  of  the  furniture,^  and  then  the  storm 
broke.  The  fleet  was  richly  ladened,  for  Philip  had  de- 
termined to  fix  his  future  capital  in  Spain.  Some  of  the 
ships  foundered,  and  to  save  others  the  cargoes  had  to  be 
lightened,  and  much  of  the  rich  tapestries  and  treasures 
accumulated  by  Charles  and  Philip  was  lost. 

Shortly  afterwards  Aviles  went  to  pay  his  respects  to 
Philip,  who  asked  him  to  what  cause  he  attributed  the 

'  Meras,  in  ibid.,  tomo  i,,  p.  28. 

*  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antigtias  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  17, 
18  ;  Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  pp.  30,  37. 


Pedro  Men^ndez  de  Aviles  133 

storm.  "For  many  months  all  Spain  has  prayed  for 
Your  Majesty,  beseeching  our  Lord  to  conduct  you  in 
safety  to  your  realm,"  replied  Men6ndez,  "and  during 
that  season  the  devils  could  do  you  no  harm ;  but  when 
Your  Majesty  landed  the  prayers  ceased,  and  thereupon 
they  found  the  opportunity  to  work  what  evil  they 
could."  '  From  Laredo  the  King  proceeded  to  Valla- 
dolid,  where  a  month  later  he  was  enabled  to  enjoy  the 
auto-da-f^  in  which  thirteen  heretics  were  burned  before 
his  eyes,  and  where  he  made  the  memorable  reply  to  the 
appeal  of  one  of  them,  the  young  Carlos  de  Sessa:  "I 
would  carry  the  wood  to  burn  my  own  son,  were  he  as 
wicked  as  you."  * 

The  hardships  and  anxieties  of  his  frequent  journeying 
between  Spain  and  Flanders  had  brought  on  a  quartan 
fever,  of  which  Aviles  was  hardly  recovered  when  he  was 
summoned  to  Toledo,  and  in  January,  1560,'  was  put  in 
command  of  an  armada  destined  for  New  Spain  and 
Tierra  Firme,  in  which  went  the  Count  of  Niebla,  Viceroy 
of  New  Spain.  Avil6s  sought  to  excuse  himself  on  the 
grounds  of  his  ill-health  and  his  prolonged  separation 
from  his  wife;  but  Philip,  who  had  as  small  regard  for 
the  domestic  ties  of  others  as  he  had  for  his  own  when 
they  stood  in  the  path  of  his  sense  of  duty,  merely  ob- 
served that  a  quartan  fever  was  not  a  dangerous  malady.* 
Further  objections  raised  by  Aviles  on  account  of  the  ill- 
will  of  the  Casa  de  Contratacion  were  also  overridden  and 
he  was  compelled  to  sail,  but  the  King  considerately  in- 
creased his  salary  beyond  what  it  was  customary  to  pay 
the  generals  of  the  armada.' 

His  instructions  were  to  remain  only  fifty  days  in  New 

'  Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  37. 

'  Tke  Rise  of  the  Dutch  Republic,  vol.  i.,  pp.  220,  222. 

2  "  Memorial,"  Ruidi'az,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  335. 

*  Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  38. 

*  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Jan.  8,  1564,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  54. 


134  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Spain,  and  then,  without  another  day's  delay,  to  return 
with  what  money  he  could  collect.  But  subordination 
played  no  part  in  the  General's  plans,  when  he  thought 
that  his  King  and  country  could  profit  by  his  disobedi- 
ence, and  again  he  deliberately  set  the  instructions  at 
Tiaught.  He  found,  on  his  arrival  in  Mexico,  that  the 
money  he  had  been  sent  to  fetch  was  already  a  month  on 
its  way  to  Spain,  and  in  order  to  avoid  the  great  expense 
to  the  Crown  of  returning  with  empty  holds  he  remained 
there  ten  months,  during  which  he  succeeded  in  securing 
a  large  treasure,  and  was  back  safely  in  Seville  by  the  6th 
of  July  of  1561," 

Following  shortly  upon  his  return,  Menendez  was 
named  Captain-General  of  the  Carrera  de  las  Indias  by  a 
royal  provision  of  October  18,  1561,"  and  his  brother, 
Bartolom^,  Admiral.  The  departure  of  Menendez  on 
this  his  third  voyage  to  the  West  Indies  was  delayed 
until  late  in  the  spring  of  1562  by  various  causes,  among 
which  was  a  renewed  contest  with  the  Casa  de  Contrata- 
ci6n,  which  refused  to  pay  him  his  increase  of  salary,  and 

■  Menendez  in  his  "  Memorial"  (Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  335, 
336),  says  he  was  ordered  to  the  Indies  in  January,  1560.  The  Admiral  of 
his  fleet  was  ordered  back  by  letter  of  Feb,  21,  1560,  and  reached  Spain  in 
"Noviembre  pasado"  (p.  334),  i.  e.,  1560.  This  is  in  agreement  with  the 
apparent  date  of  the  "  Memorial,"  which  from  internal  evidence  (see  pp.  334- 
338)  was  written  Oct. -Dec,  1561.  Aviles  returned  July  6th,  eight  months 
later  than  the  Admiral,  i.  e.,  July  6,  1561.  De  Meras  in  his  "Jornadas" 
{ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  39)  gives  the  date  of  his  return  as  July  11,  1560,  in  which 
he  is  followed  by  Barcia  {Ensayo,  Ano  MDLXIV.,  p.  64).  Barrientos  in 
his  "  Vida  y  Hechos"  (Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  20) 
leaves  the  year  in  blank  and  gives  the  month  only,  July  6th,  as  the  date  of 
his  return.  Aviles  in  his  "  Memorial "  (Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p. 
334),  and  Barrientos  as  well,  relate  that  he  remained  ten  months  in  port  in 
the  Indies.  As  the  passage  was  usually  made  in  about  forty  days,  and  there 
were  at  least  twelve  months  consumed  in  the  entire  expedition,  at  the 
shortest  he  could  not  have  been  back  before  September,  1560,  which  date 
is  in  conflict  with  the  month  of  July  named  by  Aviles  as  that  of  his  return. 
Vigil  in  his  Noticias,  p.  24,  merely  says  that  he  returned  in  1560. 

'  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  20, 


Pedro  Menendez  de  Avilds  135 

accused  him  of  exceeding  his  instructions  in  many  par- 
ticulars. From  this  he  was  relieved  only  by  the  direct 
interposition  of  the  King,  who  ordered  that  he  should 
henceforward  serve  under  the  instructions  of  the  Council 
of  the  Indies,  which  alone  would  hold  him  accountable 
for  their  performance.'  By  June  of  1563,  Menendez  was 
back  again  in  Spain  with  a  rich  cargo.' 

Scarcely  had  Avil6s  returned  to  Seville  from  his  third 
voyage,  when  he  fell  again  into  the  clutches  of  his  im- 
placable enemies,  the  officers  of  the  Casa,  whose  old 
animosity  against  him  as  the  original  cause  of  their  dimin- 
ished privileges  and  loss  of  prestige  now  found  vent 
against     him    and    his  brother    Bartolom6.'      Nor   was 

1  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Jan.  8,  1564,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  54, 
55.  And  see  his  letter  to  Philip  II.,  April  5,  1562,  ibid.,  p.  32  ;  Barrientos, 
in  Garcia,  Dos  Antigtias  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  20. 

■^  Barrientos  in  his  "  Viday  Hechos"  (in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones 
de  la  Florida,  p.  20),  says  Aviles  made  the  voyage  in  1563.  Meras  in  his 
"Jornadas  "  (Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  42)  omits  the  voyage  altogether, 
Barcia  {Ensayo,  Ano  MDLXIV.,  p.  64)  says  Aviles  was  ordered  to  the 
Indies  in  1561,  in  which  he  is  followed  by  Vigil,  in  his  Noticias,  p.  24.  But 
as  there  is  a  warrant  addressed  to  Aviles  of  Feb.  3,  1562  (Brit.  Mus.  Add. 
MSS.  Cotton  Vesp.  c.  vii.,  fol.  266,  and  printed  in  Ruidiaz,  ibid.,  tomo  ii., 
p.  401),  and  a  letter  of  Aviles  dated  from  San  Lucar,  April  5,  1562  {ibid., 
tomo  ii.,  p.  32),  it  is  highly  improbable  that  he  could  have  made  the  expedi- 
tion in  the  interval  of  six  months  between  the  date  of  his  appointment  and 
that  of  the  letter,  given  the  time  necessary  to  gather  and  equip  the  fleet  and 
the  minimum  of  eighty  days  for  the  voyage  to  and  fro.  There  is,  however, 
an  interval  of  fifteen  months  between  this  letter  and  the  following  one  of 
July  27,  1563,  dated  at  Seville  {ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  34),  which  is  more  than 
sufficient  time  for  the  accomplishment  of  the  journey.  Subsequent  to  that 
date  he  was  continually  present  in  Seville,  as  his  successive  letters  from 
there  show.  See  letters  of  Aug.  21,  Sept.  15  and  24,  1563,  and  Jan.  8, 
1564,  all  dated  at  Seville  {ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  38,  43,  51,  60).  That  the 
period  consumed  by  this  voyage  extended  from  the  spring  of  1562  to  June 
of  1563,  is  confirmed  by  the  "  Reg.  del  C.  de  I."  fol.  68  and  68  vto,  given  by 
Don  Cesareo  Fernandez  Duro  in  Yas  Armada  Espaiiola  (Madrid,  1896,  tomo 
ii.,  pp.  464,  465),  showing  that  Aviles  passed  the  winter  of  1 562-1 563  in 
New  Spain,  while  his  brother  Bartolome  returned  without  waiting  for  him. 

2  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  La  Florida,  p.  30; 
Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  April  5,   1562,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  32: 


136  The  Spanish  Settlements 

this  his  only  offence,  for  he  had  also  grossly  insulted  them 
in  a  public  and  outrageous  manner.  One  day,  when  some 
of  the  of^ficials  of  the  Casa  were  inspecting  the  vessels  of 
a  fleet  of  which  he  was  Captain-General,  Menendez  ob- 
served that  their  boat  flew  a  banner  of  crimson  damask, 
emblazoned  with  the  royal  arms,  such  as  the  King  himself 
displayed  when  on  a  campaign,  and  which  the  Captain- 
General  alone,  by  special  authority  was  entitled  to  fly. 
Menendez  wasted  no  words  with  them,  but  simply  hauled 
it  down  and  kept  it.  "And  such  is  their  anger  against  me," 
he  writes,  "that  since  they  have  seized  me,  they  publicly 
proclaim,  that  forasmuch  as  I  have  deprived  them  of  the 
power  of  appointing  the  Generals,  and  have  taken  their 
royal  standard  from  them,  it  matters  little  to  them  if  they 
deprive  me  of  my  honour,  and  even  of  my  life."  ' 

Anticipating  trouble,  Avil^s  had  on  his  arrival  escaped 
post-haste  to  Madrid,  but  the  officials  had  gotten  the  ear 
of  Philip  and  he  was  compelled  to  return  to  Seville  to 
answer  the  charges  against  him.  About  the  21st  of 
August,  1563,  while  in  an  enfeebled  condition  from  hav- 
ing been  bled  and  purged,  he  was  pounced  upon  by  the 
constables  of  the  Casa.  At  the  moment  of  his  arrest  he 
was  surrounded  by  a  hundred  of  his  soldiers  who  had 
seen  continued  service  with  him,  and  there  were  some 
fifteen  hundred  more  of  them  in  Seville  at  the  time,  but 
he  submitted  quietly  to  the  arrest  and  was  imprisoned  in 
the  Arsenal  with  two  guards.  From  there  he  was  subse- 
quently transferred  to  the  "Golden  Tower,"  the  graceful 
treasure-house  of  the  Almohades,  which  still  guards  the 
banks  of  the  Guadalquivir  at  Seville."     It  was  a  very 

July  27,  1563,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  34  ;  Aug.  21,  1563,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  38 
and  39  ;  Sept.  15,  1563,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  43,  44;  Sept.  24,  1563,  ibid., 
tomo  ii.,  p.  49  ;  Jan.  8,  1564,  ibid,,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  51,  52. 

'  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Sept.  15,  1563,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  44. 

*Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  July  27,  1563,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  40;  Aug.  21, 
1563,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  38;  Sept.  15,  1563,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  43,  46; 
Sept.  24,  1563,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  48  ;  Jan.  8,  1564,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  56. 


Pedro  Menendez  de  Aviles  137 

serious  inconvenience  to  him,  for  he  was  under  heavy 
bonds  to  equip  three  galleons  by  the  20th  of  September 
to  transport  to  Peru  the  Licentiate  Castro,  who  had  been 
appointed  its  President  and  Governor.  He  was  released 
for  eight  days  on  bail,  and  succeeded  in  fitting  out  the 
ships,  but  his  imprisonment  prevented  their  sailing  in 
time  to  join  the  departing  fleet  for  that  year.' 

It  is  difficult  to  ascertain  what  was  the  precise  miscon- 
duct with  which  he  was  charged.  According  to  his  bio- 
grapher, Barrientos,  the  Casa  de  Contratacion,  unable  to 
find  any  cause  of  complaint  against  him  in  relation  to  the 
voyage  just  completed,  accused  him  of  having  greatly 
exceeded  his  authority  in  his  first  voyage  to  the  West 
Indies,  of  having  connived  at  the  smuggling  of  a  large 
quantity  of  money,  and  of  having  in  many  ways  infringed 
upon  its  regulations.  From  his  own  letters  we  gather 
that  its  enquiries  extended  over  all  the  twelve  years  he 
had  passed  in  the  royal  service,  although  during  the  entire 
term  he  had  acted  under  the  instructions  of  the  Casa, 
which  had  laid  no  charge  against  him  until  its  jealousy 
had  been  aroused  by  his  removal  from  under  its  juris- 
diction.'' He  informs  us  that  he  was  accused  of  accepting 
a  bribe  of  five  hundred  ducats  to  delay  the  sailing  of  the 
fleet  during  his  second  voyage  of  1 560-1 561,  and  of  giv- 
ing insufficient  rations  to  the  soldiers;  both  of  which 
accusations,  together  with  others  made  against  him,  he 
sums  up  as  old  charges,  the  most  of  them  of  four  and  five 
years'  standing.^ 

In  successive  letters  Aviles  besought  the  King,  saying: 

"  If  I  deserve  punishment,  let  it  be  justly  done,  not  a  single 
one  of  my  acts  being  forgiven;  and  if  the  judges  deserve  it  for 

'  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Sept.  15,  1563,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  45.  Same  to 
same,  Jan.  8,  1564,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  56,  58. 

*  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Sept.  15,  1563,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  43,  44. 

^Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  July  27,  1563,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  36  ;  same  to  same, 
Aug.  21,  1563,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  38. 


138  The  Spanish  Settlements 

doing  what  they  have  no  right  to  do,  let  not  their  punishment 
be  a  secret  reprimand,  but  in  accordance  with  what  they  de- 
serve; for  I  do  not  care  to  retain  my  honour,  unless  it  follows 
a  just  discharge  of  their  accusations,  and  clears  me,  so  that 
Your  Majesty  and  the  Council  may  understand  the  passion 
and  daring  of  these  men."  ' 

The  judges,  finding  nothing  against  him,  protracted  the 
suit  and  delayed  sentence,  until  compelled  to  pass  judg- 
ment by  the  receipt  of  two  successive  cedulas  from  the 
King  himself.  After  spending  twenty  months  in  prison, 
the  suit  was  ended  by  condemning  Men^ndez  to  pay  a 
thousand  ducats,  of  which  sum  the  King  remitted  one- 
half,  and  took  him  again  into  his  favour,  "for,"  says 
Barrientos,  "it  was  well  understood  throughout  the 
Kingdom  that  he  had  been  falsely  accused."  ^ 

Nearly  eighteen  years  had  now  elapsed,  during  which 
his  constant  occupation  in  the  King's  service  had  allowed 
him  but  few  opportunities  to  visit  his  home,  which  stood 
within  two  leagues  of  the  town  of  Aviles.  It  was  one  of 
the  most  ancient  dwellings  in  that  country,  and  its  name 
of  Monte  de  Rey  arose  from  its  former  occupation  as  a 
royal  habitation.^  He  longed  to  see  his  wife  again,  and 
his  three  little  girls,  who  had  grown  to  womanhood  since 
his  last  visit.*  But  before  so  doing  he  had  a  painful  and 
urgent  duty  to  perform.  While  at  Havana  in  1563,  and 
about  to  return  to  Spain,  Menendez  had  sent  his  only 

'  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Sept.  15,  1563,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  47,  and  see  also 
same  letter,  p.  45  ;  same  to  same,  Jan.  8,  1564,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  5S. 

'  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  21  ; 
Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  tomo  i.,  p.  43.  His  brother  Bartolome  was  involved  in 
the  same  trouble  with  him  and  was  imprisoned  for  twenty-five  months 
(ibid.).  A  question  of  jurisdiction  appears  also  to  have  arisen  and  possibly 
some  jealousy  between  the  Casa  de  Contratacion  and  the  Council  of  the 
Indies.     At  any  rate  Aviles  tried  to  raise  such  an  issue  in  his  letters. 

^  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p,  8  ;  Meras 
in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  i. 

*  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Jan.  8,  1564,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  59. 


Pedro  Menendez  de  Aviles  139 

son,  Don  Juan  Menendez,  a  gentleman  of  the  Royal 
Household,  to  Mexico  to  command  the  fleet  from  New 
Spain.  Don  Juan  had  been  wrecked  on  his  way  home 
off  the  Bermudas  and  nothing  more  had  been  heard  of 
him.  A  number  of  Men^ndez's  relatives,  as  well  as  some 
of  his  old  friends  and  soldiers  who  had  served  under  him 
for  many  years,  had  been  lost  at  the  same  time.  It  was 
a  severe  trial  to  his  affections,  and  before  taking  the  re- 
pose to  which  he  was  so  justly  entitled,  he  asked  permis- 
sion of  the  King  to  seek  for  his  son  and  his  companions 
at  the  Bermudas  and  along  the  neighbouring  coast.' 
Philip  himself  was  anxious  to  carry  out  the  suggestion  of 
the  Council  of  New  Spain,  and  explore  farther  up  the 
Florida  coast  in  search  of  suitable  harbours,  and  Avil6s 
readily  consented  to  lend  himself  to  this  enterprise,  while 
he  at  the  same  time  prosecuted  the  search  for  his  lost 
son,^  It  was  under  these  circumstances  that  the  quarrel 
with  France  reached  its  crisis  and  Philip  selected  him  to 
command  the  fleet  which  was  to  sweep  aside  the  tergiver- 
sations of  the  French  Court. 

Aviles  was  now  in  his  forty-seventh  year,  a  trained 
soldier,  a  skilful  seaman,  and  with  perhaps  a  larger  ex- 
perience in  the  special  requirements  of  the  undertaking 
than  any  other  man  in  Spain,  perhaps  in  Europe.  He 
was  decisive  and  prompt  in  an  emergency,  yet  cool  and 
resourceful.  He  was  of  indomitable  energy,  with  a 
,courage  beyond  reproach.     In  one  of  his  memorials  to 

*  Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  46,  says  he  was  his  only  son.  Extract  from 
"  Reg.  C.  de  I.,"  fol.  68  vto,  printed  in  Duro's  Armada  Espafiola,  tomo  ii., 
p.  465.  "  Informacion  de  algunos  servicios  prestados  por  el  Adelantado  Pero 
Menendez  de  Aviles,"  Mexico,  3  de  Abril  de  1595,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida, 
tomo  ii.,  pp.  598,  608.  There  is  a  note  appended  to  Rojomonte's  deposi- 
tion in  Noticias  de  la  Poblacidn,  etc.,  1564,  pp.  3  and  4,  which  refers  to  the 
loss  of  three  ships  of  Don  Juan  Menendez  on  the  Florida  coast.  Fontanedo 
in  his  "  Memoria,"  XIII.,  Doc.  Inedit.  Indias,  p.  541,  appears  to  say  that 
Juan  Menendez  was  wrecked  upon  the  coast  of  Ays,  Indian  River,  Florida. 

'  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  22. 


I40  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Philip  he  writes  that  "there  were  neither  French  nor 
English  nor  any  other  nation  on  the  Florida  coast  that 
could  terrify  him."'  His  loyalty  was  above  suspicion. 
In  a  letter  written  from  his  prison  in  Seville,  he  exclaims 
with  all  of  the  pride  of  a  faithful  subject  and  of  a  brave 
soldier,  "I  possess  but  my  sword,  and  my  cloak,  and  my 
honour,  which  are  great  riches  to  me,  because  I  have 
been  fortunate  in  my  service  to  Your  Majesty,"  * 

His  prolonged  service  in  countless  naval  engagements 
with  the  French  had  given  him  a  thorough  knowledge 
of  their  ways  and  methods,  and  had  infused  him  with 
a  deep  hatred  of  these  relentless  enemies  of  his  country, 
while  it  had  also  bred  in  him  a  due  respect  for  their  cour- 
age and  ability,  of  which  his  tribute  to  Jean  Ribaut  is  a 
remarkable  testimony.  On  occasion  he  knew  how  to 
exercise  that  courtesy  which  befitted  his  rank,  and  Meras 
tells  us  that  he  was  much  liked  by  Queen  Mary,  Philip's 
English  wife,  on  account  of  his  liberality  and  hospitable 
treatment  of  the  Englishmen  in  her  service.'  He  was  no 
theologian.  His  parallel  of  the  religions  of  the  Protest- 
ants and  the  Indians  shows  us  that.  His  faith  was  that  of 
a  soldier,  imbued  with  all  that  hatred  of  heresy  peculiar  to 
his  age  and  race;  and  he  showed  as  little  compunction  in 
executing  upon  heretics  what  was  taught  to  be  the  will 
of  the  Church  as  he  was  relentless  in  performing  the 
commands  of  his  sovereign.  And  yet  his  letters  show 
that  in  carrying  through  the  appalling  massacre  of  the 
French  Huguenots  in  Florida,  he  was  neither  impelled 
by  rage,  nor  violence,  nor  acting  under  the  impulse  of  a 
blind  fanaticism,  but  was  deliberately  and  conscientiously 
performing  what  he  believed  to  be  his  duty  towards  his 
King  and  his  faith.     And  in  this  light  we  cannot  with- 

1  "  Memorial,"  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  324. 
^  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Sept.  24,  1563,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  50. 
'  "  Jornadas,"  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  pp.  15,  16.     See  also  his  treatment  of  the 
French  prisoners  at  Ays,  p.  215,  in  this  volume  and  of  Osorio,  p.  221,  ibid. 


Pedro  Menendez  de  Aviles  141 

hold  from  him  the  respect  due  a  courageous  and  faithful 
soldier,  while  we  shudder  at  the  distorted  logic  which 
could  calmly  justify  his  crime. 

We  have  a  portrait  of  him,  at  about  the  age  of  fifty, 
subsequent  to  his  return  from  the  conquest  of  Florida. 
In  it  he  bears  a  curious  resemblance  in  the  contour  of 
the  face  to  the  monarch  whom  he  served,  but  there  the 
resemblance  ceases.  In  place  of  the  bulging  eyes  and 
sensuous  lips  which  we  see  in  Titian's  famous  portrait  of 
his  master,  painted  at  Philip's  command  for  a  gift  for  his 
English  bride,  we  have  shrewd,  sharp  eyes,  under  the 
heavy  brows  of  a  seaman,  and  lips  pressed  firmly  to- 
gether with  a  determination  that  bodes  ill  for  those  who 
run  counter  to  it;  he  is  "bearded  like  the  pard,"  and 
bears  on  his  left  breast  the  cross  of  Santiago.' 

1  See  Appendix  L,  Portraits  of  Aviles. 


CHAPTER   VIII 

THE   DEPARTURE   OF   AVILES   FOR   FLORIDA 

THE  asiento  under  which  Avil6s  was  to  undertake  the 
conquest  of  Florida  was  executed  March  20,  1565. 
It  first  disposed  of  the  rights  of  prior  adventurers,  and 
especially  of  those  in  the  last  asiento  made  with  Ayllon, 
because  of  their  failure  to  settle  the  country.  It  then 
directed  Aviles  to  equip  six  sloops  of  fifty  tons  each,  and 
four  smaller  vessels,  taking  with  him  the  San  Pelayo,  a 
large  ship  of  six  hundred  tons,  in  which  to  transport  the 
colonists  across  the  ocean,  because  the  sloops,  being 
small  and  uncovered,  were  not  fitted  for  that  purpose, 
but  were  apparently  intended  for  the  shallow  Florida 
waters. 

The  colonists  were  to  number  five  hundred,  of  which 
one  hundred  should  be  soldiers,  one  hundred  sailors,  and 
the  balance  officials,  and  artisans,  such  as  stone-cutters, 
carpenters,  locksmiths,  sawyers,  smiths,  and  barbers,  all 
fully  armed.  Two  hundred  of  the  settlers  were  to  be 
married,  and  at  least  one  hundred  were  to  be  labourers  and 
farmers.  Aviles  was  authorised  to  divide  out  the  land  in 
repartimientos  among  the  settlers,  and  to  construct  at 
least  two  towns,  each  of  them  to  have  not  less  than  one 
hundred  inhabitants,  and  to  be  provided  with  a  fort  for  its 
protection.  The  company  was  to  include  four  members  of 
the  Society  of  Jesus  with  ten  or  twelve  monks  of  any  order 
he  saw  fit ;  and  he  was  granted  the  privilege  of  transporting 
142 


Departure  of  Aviles  for  Florida        143 

to  Florida  five  hundred  negro  slaves,'- taken  from  Spain, 
Portugal,  the  Cape  de  Verde  Islands,  or  Guinea,  of  whom 
one-third  were  to  be  women,  to  assist  in  the  construction 
of  the  towns,  the  cultivation  of  the  land,  the  planting  of 
sugar-cane,  and  the  manufacture  of  sugar.  He  was  es- 
pecially enjoined  to  see  that  none  of  his  colonists  were 
contaminated  by  heresy,  and  that  there  were  no  Jews, 
Moors,  or  Marranos  among  them."  He  was  ordered  to 
take  with  him  a  hundred  horses  and  mares,  two  hundred 
sheep,  four  hundred  swine,  four  hundred  lambs,  and  some 
goats,  with  what  other  stock  he  saw  fit. 

He  was  ordered  to  reconnoitre  the  Gulf  coast  of  the 
peninsula  and  from  the  Florida  Keys  as  far  north  as 
Newfoundland,  and  to  make  a  full  report  upon  the  ports, 
currents,  rocks,  shoals,  and  bays  of  the  same.  And 
finally  came  the  main  purpose  of  the  asiento,  the  expul- 
sion of  the  French.  As  the  two  countries  were  not  only 
at  peace,  but  ostensibly  entertaining  the  most  amicable 
relations  with  each  other.  Frenchmen  could  not  openly 
be  named  as  having  invaded  Spanish  territory,  which 
might  be  construed  as  a  formal  threat  against  the  French 
Government  in  the  face  of  its  solemn  protestations  that  it 
harboured  no  designs  upon  Florida.  It  was,  therefore, 
necessary  to  disguise  the  instructions  under  a  compre- 
hensive term  which  should  include  the  case  of  the  French 
colonists  without  attributing  their  irregular  action  to  the 
connivance  of  the  French  Crown,  and  Aviles  was  directed 
to  ascertain  "if  in  the  said  coast  or  land  there  were 
settlers  or  corsairs  or  other  nations  whatsoever  not  sub- 
ject to  Us,"  and  to  seek  "to  drive  them  out  by  what 
means  you  see  fit." 

In  return  for  these  vast  services,  which  Aviles  agreed 

'  Aviles  did  not  immediately  avail  himself  of  this  provision.  • 
'"Y  que  sea  gente  limpia  y  node  los  prohividos."     "  Capitulacion  y 
asiento  con  Pero  Menendez  de  Aviles  para  la  poblacion  y  conquista  de  la 
Florida,  Madrid,  20  de  Marzo  de  1565,"  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p. 
418. 


144  The  Spanish  Settlements 

to  undertake  entirely  at  his  own  expense  and  without  re- 
course either  to  the  King  or  his  successors,  Philip  gra- 
ciously awarded  him  an  aid  of  fifteen  thousand  ducats, 
which  Men^ndez  bound  himself  to  repay;  a  salary  of 
two  thousand  ducats  to  be  derived  from  the  rents  and 
products  of  the  land,  without  recourse  to  the  King  in 
the  event  of  any  failure  to  collect ;  a  grant  of  land  twenty- 
five  leagues  square,  with  the  title  of  Marquis  attached  to 
it,  and  two  fisheries,  the  one  of  pearls  and  the  other  of 
fish,  to  be  selected  by  himself.  He  was  allowed  to  have 
a  few  vessels  of  his  own  and  to  trade  with  certain  of  the 
West  India  Islands  which  were  carefully  specified,  and 
he  was  released  from  various  export  and  import  duties 
for  a  stated  period.  He  was  also  allowed  to  retain  all 
that  he  found  aboard  the  pirates  he  captured,  during  a 
term  of  five  years. 

He  and  his  successors  were  granted  in  perpetuity  the 
title  of  Adelantado  of  Florida,  and  he  was  appointed 
captain-general  of  the  fleet  under  his  command.  He 
was  invested  with  authority  to  appoint  a  lieutenant- 
governor  for  the  country  to  hold  ofifice  during  his  ab- 
sence; he  was  given  the  exclusive  control  of  his  fleet  for 
six  years,  so  that  none  of  his  vessels  could  be  detached 
from  his  service  under  any  pretence,  and  finally  he  was 
empowered  to  appoint  an  executor  to  carry  out  the  in- 
tentions of  the  asiento  in  the  event  of  his  own  death 
within  the  term  of  three  years  set  for  the  fulfilment  of 
its  conditions.' 

The  asiento,  which  in  most  respects  observes  the  cus- 
tomary formulae  employed  in  such  documents,  deserves 
our  attention  for  a  moment  in  view  of  the  influence  it 
exerted  upon  subsequent  events.  Its  most  remarkable 
provision  was  that  the  colonists  were  to  be  transferred, 

'  "  Capitulacion  y  asiento  con  Pero  Menendez  de  Aviles  para  la  pobla- 
cion  y  conquista  de  la  Florida,  Madrid,  20  de  Marzo  ae  1565,"  ibid.,  tomo 
ii.,  pp.  415-427. 


Departure  of  Aviles  for  Florida        145 

bound  hand  and  foot  in  absolute  dependence,  to 
Aviles.  The  trade  with  Florida  from  the  nearer  West 
India  ports  was  exclusively  subject  to  his  control,  and 
this  power  came  to  be  exerted  to  the  great  detriment  of 
the  colony,  and  to  the  repression  of  all  individual  initia- 
tive. His  salary  was  dependent  upon  the  productions  of 
the  soil,  and  as  the  latter  at  no  period  during  the  six- 
teenth and  seventeenth  centuries  ever  became  a  source  of 
revenue  either  to  the  colony  or  to  the  Crown,  but  as  the 
colony,  on  the  contrary,  proved  a  constant  source  of  ex- 
pense, so  that  even  flour  and  provisions  had  to  be  sup- 
plied from  abroad,  a  great  and  irresistible  temptation 
was  presented  to  eke  out  by  illegitimate  means  a  salary 
which  otherwise  could  never  be  collected. 

Finally,  the  importation  into  Florida  of  the  five  hun- 
dred negro  slaves  was  a  perquisite  of  Menendez,  and  on 
his  failure  to  bring  them  the  severe  labour  which  they 
were  intended  to  perform  would  fall  upon  the  few  white 
colonists,  or,  in  their  default,  upon  those  of  their  Indian 
neighbours  whom  the  Spaniards  might  be  able  to  impress. 
The  result  would  be  a  small  zone  of  the  weaker  natives, 
its  extent  limited  by  the  ability  of  the  colonists  to  hold 
them  in  subjection,  surrounded  by  the  countless  braver 
and  hostile  tribes  which  would  not  submit  to  slavery.  It 
is  true  that  the  written  law  was  tender  of  the  treatment 
of  the  Indians  and  hedged  them  in  every  conceivable  way 
from  the  ill-usage  of  the  colonists.  But  the  country  was 
greatly  isolated,  and  the  colonists,  like  many  before  and 
after  them,  became  in  this  particular  a  law  unto  them- 
selves, with  what  result  we  shall  see  in  due  time.  Two 
days  after  the  execution  of  the  asiento  the  various  titles 
and  privileges  which  the  King  had  bestowed  upon  Menen- 
dez in  pursuance  of  the  contract  were  duly  confirmed.' 

'"Real  Cedula  donando  al  Adelantado  Pero  Menendez  de  Aviles  25 
leguas  en  cuadro  de  territorio  en  la  Florida,  Madrid,  22  de  Marzo  de 
1565,"  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  351.     "  Real  Cedula  eximiendo  a  Pero  Menendez 


146  The  Spanish  Settlements 

No  one  perhaps  realised  better  than  Avil6s  himself  the 
importance  of  anticipating  the  arrival  of  the  French  rein- 
forcements and  of  striking  promptly.  So  he  went  in 
person  to  Madrid  and  asked  to  be  given  four  vessels 
already  equipped  with  which  to  carry  out  at  once  the 
reconnaissance,  in  place  of  submitting  to  the  delays 
and  annoyance  of  fitting  out  a  great  fleet.  But  the 
Turk  was  moving  on  Malta  and  there  were  but  few 
vessels  to  meet  him,  and  the  request  of  Men^ndez  was 
denied.  As  some  compensation  he  was  authorised  to 
collect  four  additional  vessels  and  five  hundred  men  in 
the  West  India  Islands.'  Menendez,  therefore,  was 
thrown  back  upon  the  original  plan  and  began  upon 
the  equipment  of  his  fleet.  Money  for  the  enterprise 
was  collected  from  his  friends.  One  of  these,  Pedro  del 
Castillo,  an  alderman  of  Cadiz,  embarked  his  entire 
fortune  in  the  adventure  and  also  raised  the  sum  of 
twenty  thousand  ducats  for  it."  Diego  Flores  de  Valdes, 
who  had  seen  fifteen  years'  service  under  Menendez  in 
most  of  his  daring  ventures  in  the  Indies  as  well  as  in  the 
Flanders  fleets,  sold  and  pawned  the  greater  part  of  his 
patrimony  to  further  the  undertaking  of  his  chief,  whom 
he  accompanied  to  Florida."  Menendez  himself  em- 
del  pago  de  derechos  de  fundicion  de  metales."  Same  date,  ibid.,  p.  354. 
"  Real  Cedula  concediendo  al  Adelantado  Pero  Menendez  de  Aviles  par- 
ticipacion  en  las  rentas,  minas  y  frutos  de  la  Florida."  Same  date,  ibid., 
p.  356.  "  Real  Cedula  concediendo  a  Pero  Menendez  dos  pesquerias  en  la 
Florida,  una  de  perlas  y  la  otra  de  pescado."  Same  date,  ibid.,  p.  358. 
"Titulo  de  Capitan  General,  expedido  al  Adelantado  Pero  Menendez  de 
Aviles,  de  la  armada  que  llevo  para  el  descubrimiento  de  la  Florida." 
Same  date,  z/^tV.,  p.  383.  "Titulo  de  Gobernador  y  Capitan  General  de 
la   Florida,  otorgado   a    Pero    Menendez  de  Aviles."      Same  date,    ibid., 

p.  385. 

'Meras,  "  Jornadas,"  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  pp.  56,  57. 

^Meras  in  ibid,,  tomo  i.,  p.  53  ;  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1565.  ibi<i; 
tomo  ii.,  p.  100. 

« Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Aug.  21, 1563,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  41  ;  Oct.  15,  1565,. 
ibid.,  p.  lOi. 


Departure  of  Aviles  for  Florida        147 

barked  all  of  his  fortune'  in  the  enterprise;  and  as  the 
entire  expense  of  it  was  borne  by  him,  excepting  that 
of  one  ship  and  two  hundred  and  ninety-nine  soldiers 
furnished  by  the  King,  he  is  said  by  Barcia  to  have 
expended  upon  it  nearly  a  million  ducats  in  less  than 
fourteen  months." 

With  his  customary  energy  and  promptness  Mcn^ndez 
had  assembled  a  fleet  of  ten  vessels  at  Cadiz  by  the  end 
of  June.  Most  of  them  ranged  from  sixty  to  seventy- 
five  tons,  except  the  caravel  San  Antonio ,  which  was  of 
one  hundred  and  fifty,  and  the  San  Pelayo,  his  flag-ship, 
of  over  nine  hundred  tons,  a  very  large  vessel  for  that 
day.  One  was  a  galley  called  the  Victoria,  propelled  by 
oars.  These  were  all  well  supplied  with  artillery  and  am- 
munition. The  company  consisted  of  fifteen  hundred 
souls,  eight  hundred  and  twenty  of  whom  were  soldiers. 
Many  of  the  latter  united  in  their  person  the  arts  of 
peace  with  their  warlike  occupation.  There  were  twenty- 
one  tailors  who  sailed  in  this  double  capacity,  fifteen 
carpenters,  and  ten  shoemakers ;  indeed  nearly  all  of  the 
trades  were  represented :  millers,  masons,  silversmiths, 
gardeners,  and  barbers,  a  hat-maker,  and  even  a  weaver 
of  silk  and  a  brewer,  in  all,  one  hundred  and  thirty-seven 
soldiers,  representing  among  them  thirty-eight  trades, 
besides  one  hundred  and  seventeen  tillers  of  the  soil. 
There  were  one  hundred  and  seventy  seamen  including 
eighteen  artillery  men,  and  in  the  San  Pelayo  sailed 
twenty-seven  families.  Seven  priests  accompanied  the 
colonists.'     Aviles  took  with  him   the  three  mutineers 

i"All  of  my  fortune,"  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  May  i8,  1565,  ibid.,  tomo 
ii.,  p.  64. 

''Barcia,  Ensayo  Cronologico,  Aiio  MDLXV.,  p.  69.  This  probably  in- 
cludes the  money  borrowed  from  his  friends  as  well  as  his  own  fortune. 

3  Barrientos,  ("  Vida  y  Hechos,"  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la 
Florida,  p.  35),  says  there  were  twelve  priests.  Mendoza,  in  his  "  Relacion" 
(in  Ruidi'az,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  437),  says  there  were  seven  priests. 
"  Inventario  y  relacion  de  los  navios     ...     que  lleva  el  Adelantado  Pero 


148  The  Spanish  Settlements 

from  Fort  Caroline,  whom  the  Cuban  authorities  had  sent 
prisoners  to  Spain,  as  related  in  a  previous  chapter.' 

So  great  was  the  demand  for  experienced  mariners 
among  the  various  fleets  sailing  for  the  Indies  that  only 
by  paying  much  higher  wages  than  they  did  was  Avil^s 
enabled  to  obtain  his  crews;  and  even  then  so  inadequate 
was  the  supply  of  native  sailors  that  he  wrote  Philip  it 
would  be  necessary  for  him  to  be  authorised  to  embark 
foreigners  in  his  service.''  Diego  de  Amaya,  an  experi- 
enced sailor,  accompanied   the  fleet  as  "piloto  mayor."  ' 

A  number  of  the  relatives  of  Aviles  joined  the  armada: 
among  these  were  his  brother,  Bartolom^,  who  had  al- 
ready seen  fifteen  years'  service  in  the  royal  navy  * ;  Gon- 
zalo  de  Solis  de  Meras,  his  brother-in-law,  to  whom  we  are 
indebted  for  the  history  of  the  Adelantado,  to  which  refer- 
ence has  so  frequently  been  made ;  Hernando  de  Miranda, 
who  was  married  to  Aviles's  daughter,  Doila  Catalina^; 
and  Pedro  Men^ndez  de  Valdez,  a  young  man  of  twenty- 
five,  relative  of  the  Archbishop  of  Seville,  and  who  was 
engaged   to   another   of  his  daughters.      So   eager  had 

Menendez  de  Aviles  en  su  armada  para  la  conquista  y  poblacion  de  la 
Florida"  .  .  .  June  28,  1565,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  558.  On  p.  561  it 
says  there  were  four  priests,  Meras  says  he  was  given  four  additional 
vessels  and  500  additional  men  at  the  King's  cost  {j,bid.^  tomo  i.,  p.  57), 
and  (p.  52)  that  there  were  2150  men  in  all,  probably  including  Las  Alas's 
fleet.  Barcia,  {Ensayo,  Ano  MDLXV,  p.  67),  says  the  500  additional  men 
were  not  furnished  him,  although  the  King  had  ordered  them  to  be  sent. 
On  p.  68  he  says  there  were  nineteen  vessels  and  he  gives  the  names  of 
thirteen  of  them.  This  probably  includes  the  fleet  of  Las  Alas.  Mendoza, 
in  his  "  Relacion"  (in  Ruidiaz,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  442),  says  there  were  ten 
vessels  in  the  fleet  with  which  Menendez  sailed  from  Cadiz. 

'Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Sept.  11,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomoii.,p.  75. 

-Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  May  iS,  1565,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  64.  He  says  that 
some  were  deterred  because  he  was  leaving  for  Florida  so  late,  and  in  the 
hurricane  season. 

2  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  May  18,  1565,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  65;  Sept.  11,  1565 
ibid.,  p.  83. 

*Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  July  27,  1563,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  37. 

^  Ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  ccxxvi. 


Departure  of  Aviles  for  Florida        149 

Valdez  been  to  accompany  the  expedition,  that,  against 
the  desire  of  his  prospective  father-in-law,  he  hid  himself 
aboard  the  fleet  until  after  it  had  sailed.'  Francisco 
Ldpez  de  Mendoza  Grajalas,  the  author  of  another  ac- 
count of  the  voyage,  went  as  chaplain  of  the  fleet,  and 
other  gentlemen,  drawn  from  the  south,  as  well  as  from 
Galicia,  Biscay,  and  his  native  Asturias,  sailed  with  it.^ 

Some  of  his  soldiers  as  well  as  his  ofificers  were  men  of 
experience,  who  had  fought  in  the  Italian  wars,  such, 
for  example,  as  Pedro  Menendez  Valdez,  just  mentioned, 
who  had  seen  five  or  six  years  of  service  and  had  been 
raised  in  the  galleys.*  The  asiento  had  authorised  him 
to  equip  a  second  fleet  in  the  Asturias.  The  man  whom 
Menendez  had  appointed  to  this  command  was  Esteban 
de  las  Alas,  from  his  native  town  of  Aviles,  and  before 
setting  sail  Men6ndez  ordered  him  to  join  the  armada 
at  the  Canaries  with  the  ships  at  his  disposition  without 
touching  at  Cadiz." 

He  set  sail  from  Cadiz,  June  29,  1565,  but  was  com- 
pelled to  put  back  into  port  by  a  violent  tempest.  While 
awaiting  the  return  of  fair  weather,  his  fleet  received  sev- 
eral accessions,  and  finally  he  again  set  out  on  the  28th  of 
July,  reaching  the  Canaries  without  further  adventure  on 
the  5th  of  the  ensuing  month.  He  remainf'd  there  three 
days  awaiting  the  arrival  of  Esteban  de  las  Alas  from 
Gijon.  On  his  failure  to  appear,  Aviles  left  the  islands  on 
the  8th,*  with  the  intention  of  going  directly  to  Dominica ; 

1  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Sept.  ii,  1565,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  82.  Mendoza, 
"  Relacion"  in  ibid.,  p.  462. 

^  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  34,  35. 
Barcia,  Ano  MDLXV.,  p.  69. 

2  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Sept.  ii,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  82. 
^"Asiento,"  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,   pp.  416,  419;  Barrientos  in  Garcia,   Dos 

Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  34,  35  ;  Vigil,  A'oticias,  p.  I20. 

*  Mendoza,  "Relacion,"  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  431. 
Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Aug.  13,  i^ts,  ibid.,  Y>.  70;  Barcia,  ^mjaw,  Ano 
MDLXV.,  p.  68  ;  Barrientos,  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la 
Florida,  p.  34. 


I50  The  Spanish  Settlements 

for  the  winter  was  now  approaching,  and  although  he 
had  first  planned  to  stop  at  Puerto  Rico  and  Cuba  for 
horses  and  more  vessels,  he  feared  that  he  could  not  draw 
from  the  islands  sufficient  supplies  for  so  prolonged  a 
campaign.'  The  night  of  his  leaving  the  Canaries  his 
flag-ship,  the  San  Pelayo,  and  another  vessel  became 
separated  from  the  remainder  of  the  fleet,  and  Men^ndez 
determined  to  continue  his  journey  alone.  Within  three 
hundred  and  fifty  leagues  of  Florida  he  was  assailed  by 
a  violent  storm,  which  carried  away  all  of  his  masts  and 
sails  excepting  the  mainmast;  and  some  of  the  artillery 
had  to  be  thrown  overboard  to  lighten  the  vessel.  Being  a 
seaworthy  boat  the  San  Pelayo  weathered  the  gale,  which 
lasted  two  nights  and  one  day,  but  was  compelled  to  put 
into  Puerto  Rico  for  repairs, ""  where  Aviles  arrived  on  the 
8th  of  August. 

The  balance  of  the  fleet  had  a  no  less  trying  experience. 
Thursday  the  28th,  arose  a  violent  storm,  accompanied 
by  thunder  and  lightnings  that  "sought  to  eat  us  up 
alive"  writes  the  chaplain.  The  seas  swept  entirely  over 
the  vessels,  which  had  to  be  lightened,  and  Mendoza  was 
all  night  long  confessing  and  consoling  his  companions. 
The  storm  continued  for  three  days.  On  Monday  the 
6th  of  August,  the  fleet  anchored  at  Dominica,  where  the 
crew  of  the  chaplain's  ship  captured  an  immense  turtle, 
which  it  took  five  men  to  cut  up. 

With  naive  and  graphic  egotism  Mendoza  wrote  the 
King  an  account  of  his  experiences  during  his  stay  at 
Dominica: 

"  I  called  an  Italian  lad  of  mine  and  ordered  him  to  take 
half  a  dozen  shirts  that  were  soiled  and  other  clothes,  and  I 
gave  him  a  little  piece  of  soap  to  wash  them  out  on  shore, 
which  he  did  very  well.     While  my  boy  remained  behind  with 

•Barrientos  in  ibid.,  pp.  35,  36. 

2  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Aug.  13,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  pp. 
70,  71  ;  Mendoza,  "  Relacion  "  in  ibid.,  p.  436. 


Departure  of  Aviles  for  Florida        151 

four  other  men  washing  their  clothes,  I  took  a  walk  in  the 
direction  of  some  rocks  on  the  seashore,  and  amused  myself 
gathering  shellfish  of  which  there  was  an  abundance;  raising 
my  eyes,  I  saw  three  naked  men  coming  down  the  side  of  a 
hill,  and  as  I  was  in  a  land  of  enemies,  I  felt  certain  that  they 
were  Caribs;  I  took  to  my  heels  as  fast  as  I  could,  and  ran  to 
my  party,  and  made  them  all  come  out  and  take  each  half  a 
dozen  knives  and  we  went  to  meet  them.  Drawing  near  to 
each  other  until  we  could  talk,  they  called  out  that  they  were 
of  our  people,  which  was  no  small  satisfaction  to  me  by  reason 
of  the  risk  myself  and  the  others  might  have  run." 

They  proved  to  be  the  survivors  of  a  party  of  five  sailors 
who  had  swum  ashore  from  the  ships  to  see  the  land,  two 
of  whom  had  been  drowned  on  the  way.  Having  taken 
in  wood  and  water,  Mendoza  and  his  company  again 
set  sail,  and  on  Friday,  July  loth,  reached  Puerto  Rico, 
where  they  found  the  flag-ship  and  the  other  small  vessel 
already  in  port.' 

Avil6s,  fearful  that  reinforcements  would  arrive  before 
him  and  strengthen  the  position  of  the  French  in  Florida, 
bent  all  his  energies  to  outsail  them.  His  purpose  was, 
if  possible,  to  seize  the  island  which  the  three  French 
prisoners  had  told  him  lay  at  the  mouth  of  the  St.  John's, 
possibly  Fort  George  Island,  and  to  fortify  it  so  that  Fort 
Caroline  would  be  cut  off  from  reinforcements  by  sea.' 
With  this  object  in  view  he  pressed  his  preparations 
forward  as  rapidly  as  possible.  Hernando  de  Miranda 
was  dispatched  to  Santo  Domingo,  where  he  was  to 
collect  the  horses  and  the  men,  which  the  King  had 
agreed  to  furnish,  and  take  them  to  Havana,  there  to 
be  joined  by  Esteban  de  las  Alas,  with  his  fleet,  for 
whom  he  left  the  necessary  directions  in  Puerto  Rico.' 

'Mendoza,  "  Relacion"  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  432-436. 
»  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,   Aug.  13,   1565,  zWaT.,  tomo  ii.,  p.    72;  Sept.   II, 
1565,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  75. 
3  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Reladones  de  la  Florida^  p.  37. 


152  The  Spanish  Settlements 

He  appointed  Juan  Ponce  de  Leon,  the  royal  accountant, 
and  governor  of  the  fort  at  Puerto  Rico,  to  be  his 
lieutenant,  as  it  was  the  place  of  rendezvous  of  all  of  the 
fleets  and  forces  destined  for  Florida.  He  added  another 
ship  to  his  squadron,  with  fifty  men  and  twenty  horses, 
and  the  Governor  gave  him  two  barks,  one  of  which  he 
took  with  him  to  unload  the  larger  vessels,  and  to  re- 
place the  ship  from  Puerto  Rico  which  was  to  be  sent 
back.  He  used  the  other  as  a  dispatch  boat  for  Santo 
Domingo  and  Havana.' 

"Over  thirty  men  deserted  and  hid  themselves  in  this  town," 
writes  Mendoza,  ' '  among  which  were  three  priests,  for  there 
were  seven  of  us,  and  could  not  be  found  dead  or  alive,  which 
my  lord  the  General  felt  very  greatly,  and  I  no  less,  for  it 
makes  hard  work  for  us.  The  fact  is  that  they  offered  me  in 
this  port  a  chaplaincy  with  a  dollar  of  alms  for  every  mass  said, 
which  would  not  fail  me  the  whole  year  round ;  I  did  not  do  it 
because  I  did  not  wish  that  to  be  said  of  me,  which  I  hear  said 
of  others,  and  because  it  is  a  town  where  one  cannot  prosper 
very  much,  and  in  order  to  see  if  by  continuing  the  journey 
Our  Lord  will  not  give  me  some  advantage  in  exchange  for  my 
labour."  ^ 

So  anxious  was  Menendez  to  reach  Florida  in  advance 
of  the  French,  that  he  determined  to  start  without  await- 
ing the  arrival  of  the  balance  of  his  Cadiz  fleet  which  had 
not  yet  reached  Puerto  Rico,  and  on  the  15th,  he  sailed 
with  only  five  vessels,  on  the  final  stage  of  his  journey, 
with  eight  hundred  souls,  five  hundred  of  which  were 

'  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Aug.  13,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p. 
73  ;  Mendoza,  "  Relacion"  in  ibid.,  p.  438. 

2  Mendoza  in  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  437.  Mendoza  relates  that  a  dispatch 
boat  sent  to  Santo  Domingo  was  captured  while  on  the  way  by  a  French 
vessel,  which,  after  taking  its  papers,  dismissed  it  with  the  charge  to  inform 
the  Spaniards  that  the  French  would  be  advised  of  their  arrival  before  the 
Spaniards  could  get  there  ;  ibid.,  p.  439.  Mendoza  thought  it  was  a  vessel 
of  Ribaut's  fleet,  ibid.,  p.  442,  and  Barcia  also,  Ensayo,  Ano  MDLXV.. 
p.  69. 


Departure  of  Aviles  for  Florida        153 

soldiers,  two  hundred  mariners  and  "the  other  hundred 
being  of  useless  people,"  as  he  called  them,  "married 
men,  women,  children  and  officials."  '  Arrived  off  Santo 
Domingo  August  17th,  he  called  a  council  of  his  captains, 
informed  them  of  his  intention  to  proceed,  and  urged  their 
acceptance  of  it  in  view  of  the  favourable  weather.'  The 
council  having  agreed  to  it,  the  bows  of  the  ships  were 
turned  to  the  north  notwithstanding  the  timidity  of  the 
pilots  in  the  dangerous  passages  amidst  the  reefs  and 
shoals,  and  the  seasickness  of  the  crews  in  the  rough 
waters  of  the  Gulf  Stream.' 

During  the  passage  the  various  officers  were  named, 
the  weapons  were  put  in  order  and  distributed,  the  sol- 
diers practised  daily  in  shooting  at  a  mark  for  a  prize, 
and  the  Christian  doctrine  and  litanies  were  recited 
with  prayers  and  supplications  to  the  Lord  for  victory.* 
While  in  the  Bahama  Channel  a  happy  omen  was  seen 
in  the  shape  of  a  brilliant  meteor.*  Just  before  making 
land  a  general  rejoicing  was  held  aboard  the  fleet,  flags 
were  unfurled,  drums  were  beaten,  guns  were  fired,  and  a 
double  ration  was  served  out.°    On  Sunday,  August  25th, ^ 

'  Mendoza,  "  Relacion"  in  Ruidi'az,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  447  ;  Aviles 
to  Philip  II.,  Sept.  11,  1565,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  75-  Deposition  of  Grauiel 
de  Riuera  in  "  Informacion  de  algunos  seruicios,"  etc.,  in  ibid.,  tomo  ii., 
p.  306  ;  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp. 

36.  37. 

'^  Mendoza  ("  Relacion"  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  442,  443) 
thought  that  Ribaut  was  perhaps  lying  in  wait  for  Menendez  on  the  way 
to  Havana  and  that  this  change  of  course  to  Florida  was  taken  in  order  to 
avoid  him. 

*  Mendoza,  "  Relacion,"  in  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  439-446. 

*  Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  69. 

*  Mendoza,  "  Relacion  "  in  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  445. 

«  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  ■p'p.  37-39' 
'Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Sept.   11,   1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p. 

75.  Mendoza,  "  Relacion"  in  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  445-447,  says  Aug.  28th, 
and  that  the  landfall  was  near  the  mouth  of  the  St.  John's.  Meras  in 
ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  69,  also  says  Aug.  28th,  and  that  the  landfall  was  near  St. 
Augustine. 


V 


154  The  Spanish  Settlements 

the  peninsula  was  made  off  Cape  Canaveral,  and  four  days 
were  spent  sailing  along  the  coast  in  search  of  the  French 
port.  Failing  to  discover  it,  Mendndez  at  last  sent  ashore 
to  learn  of  the  Indians  where  it  lay,  and  was  informed  by 
signs  that  it  was  twenty  leagues  to  the  north.  Coasting 
along  eight  leagues  farther  Men^ndez  came  upon  the 
harbour  of  the  River  of  Dolphins,  previously  visited  by 
Laudonniere,  into  which  he  entered  and  gave  it  the  name 
of  St.  Augustine,  having  discovered  it  on  the  festival  of 
that  saint,  the  28th  of  August,  and  here  the  fleet  re- 
mained for  several  days.' 

'  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  39,40; 
Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Sept.  11,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida  tomo  ii.,  pp.  75- 
77  ;  Meras  in  ibid,,  tomo  i.,  pp.  69-72. 


CHAPTER   IX 

THE   CAPTURE   OF   FORT   CAROLINE 

ON  Tuesday,  September  4th,'  Men^ndez  set  sail  from 
the  harbour  of  St.  Augustine  and,  coasting  north, 
at  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  came  upon  four  vessels 
lying  at  anchor  off  the  mouth  of  a  river.  These  were  the 
Trinity  and  three  other  of  Ribaut's  ships,  which  he  had 
left  at  the  mouth  of  the  St.  John's  because  they  were 
too  large  to  pass  the  bars  in  safety.  One  of  them  was 
flying  the  Admiral's  flag,  another  the  flag  of  the  Captain.' 
Menendez  recognised  at  once  that  the  French  reinforce- 
ments had  arrived  before  him,  and  called  a  council  of  his 
captains  to  consider  what  action  should  be  taken.  In  the 
opinion  of  the  council  it  was  deemed  advisable  to  return 
to  Santo  Domingo,  there  to  await  the  balance  of  the  fleet, 
which  had  been  dispersed  by  the  tempest,  and  the  arrival 
of  the  reinforcements  under  Esteban  de  las  Alas,  to  win- 
ter in  Havana,  and  to  return  to  Florida  in  March  of  the 
following  year.     But  Menendez  was  of  another  way  of 

'  Both  Aviles  (letter  to  Philip  IL,  Sept.  11,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida, 
tomoii.,  p.  76)  and  Laudonniere  (ZTiV^.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  104;  Hak., 
vol.  ii.,  p.  514),  give  the  date  September  4th.  Mendoza  ("  Relacion"  in 
Ruidiaz,  ibid.,  tome  ii.,  p.  447)  says  Wednesday,  September  5th,  and  Le 
Challeux  ("  Hist.  Memorable  "  in  Recueil  de  Pilces  stir  la  Floride,  p.  265) 
says  Monday,  September  3rd.  Le  Moyne,  Meras,  and  Barrientos  do  not 
mention  any  date. 

'  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  September  11,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii., 
p.  76  ;  Mendoza,  "  Relacion  "  in  ibid.,  p.  447. 

155 


156  The  Spanish  Settlements 

thinking.  His  presence  was  already  known  to  the  enemy, 
four  of  his  ships  were  so  crippled  by  the  gale  that  they 
could  not  make  good  time,  and  he  feared  that  if  the 
French  should  undertake  to  chase  his  fleet,  they  could 
outsail  it.  He  concluded  that  it  was  better  to  attack  at 
once,  and,  having  beaten  them,  to  return  to  St.  Augustine 
and  await  reinforcements.  His  advice  prevailed,  so  the 
Spaniards  proceeded  on  their  way.  When  within  half  a 
league  of  the  French  a  thunder-storm  passed  over  them, 
followed  by  a  calm,  and  they  were  compelled  to  lie  still 
until  ten  o'clock  in  the  evening,  when  a  land  breeze 
sprang  up,  and  they  again  got  under  way.  Menendez 
had  given  orders  to  approach  the  French  ships  bow  to 
bow,  and  then  to  wait  and  board  them  at  daybreak,  for 
he  feared  they  would  fire  their  own  vessels  and  thus 
endanger  his,  and  would  then  escape  to  land  in  their 
row-boats.' 

The  Frenchmen  soon  perceived  their  approach  and  be- 
gan firing  at  them,  but  their  aim  was  directed  too  high, 
and  the  shot  passed  harmlessly  between  the  masts  with- 
out doing  any  damage.^  Regardless  of  the  firing  and 
without  vouchsafing  any  reply  Menendez  kept  on  his 
course  until,  passing  right  in  their  midst,  he  drew  up  the 
bow  of  the  San  Pelayo  between  that  of  the  Trinity  and 
another  of  the  enemy's  ships.  Then  he  sounded  a  salute 
on  his  trumpets  and  the  French  replied.  When  this  was 
over  Menendez  asked,  "very  courteously, "  "Gentlemen, 
from  where  does  this  fleet  come?"  "From  France," 
answered  a  voice  from  the  Trinity.  "What  are  you  do- 
ing here?"     "Bringing  infantry,  artillery,  and  supplies 

'  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  41-44; 
Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  pp.  72-74;  Aviles  to  Philip  II., 
Sept.  II,  1565,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  76. 

^  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  45  ; 
Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  75.  Mr.  Parkman  in  \a%  Pioneers 
of  France  in  the  New  World,  Boston,  1893,  p.  112,  note,  discredits  the 
statement  that  the  French  opened  fire  on  the  Spaniards  as  they  approached. 


Capture  of  Fort  Caroline  157 

for  a  fort  which  the  King  of  France  has  in  this  country, 
and  for  others  which  he  is  going  to  make."  "Are  you 
CathoHcs  or  Lutherans  ?"  he  asked  next.  "Lutherans, 
and  our  General  is  Jean  Ribaut,"  came  the  response. 
Then  the  French  in  turn  addressed  the  same  questions 
to  the  Spaniards,  to  which  Men6ndez  himself  replied:  "I 
am  the  General ;  my  name  is  Pedro  Men^ndez  de  Avil^s. 
This  is  the  armada  of  the  King  of  Spain,  who  has  sent  me 
to  this  coast  and  country  to  burn  and  hang  the  Lutheran 
French  who  should  be  found  there,  and  in  the  morning  I 
will  board  your  ships  ;  and  if  I  find  any  Catholics  they  will 
be  well  treated."  '  In  the  dead  silence  which  prevailed 
while  the  parley  was  in  progress,  "a  stillness  such  as  I 
never  heard  since  I  came  to  the  world,"  writes  the  Span- 
ish chaplain,  those  aboard  his  ship  heard  a  boat  put  out 
from  one  of  the  Frenchmen,  carrying  a  message  to  their 
flag-ship  and  the  reply  of  the  French  commander,  "I  am 
the  Admiral,  I  will  die  first,"  from  which  they  inferred 
that  it  was  a  proposition  to  surrender.  When  the  con- 
versation was  ended  there  followed  an  exchange  of  abuse 
and  foul  words,  until  Avil6s,  exasperated  and  unable  to 
restrain  his  impatience,  ordered  his  crew  to  draw  their 
swords  and  to  pay  out  the  cable  so  as  to  board  at  once. 
The  sailors  showed  some  hesitation,  and  Men^ndez  sprang 
down  from  the  bridge  to  urge  them  on  and  found  that  the 
cable  was  caught  in  the  capstan,  which  caused  some  delay. 
But  the  Frenchmen  had  also  heard  the  signal  and,  taking 
advantage  of  the  momentary  pause,  cut  their  cables, 
passed  right  through  the  Spanish  fleet,  and  fled,  three 
vessels  turning  to  the  north  and  the  other  to  the  south, 
with  the  Spaniards  in  hot  pursuit.  Men^ndez  with  two 
of  his  ships  took  the  northerly  course,    but  the  three 

'  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Sept.  ii,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p. 
67  ;  Mendoza,  "  Relacion  "  in  ibid.,  p.  448  ;  Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  pp. 
76,  77  ;  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp. 
44.45. 


158  The  Spanish  Settlements 

French  galleons  outsailed  him,  and  at  dawn  he  gave  up 
the  chase,  and,  returning  to  the  mouth  of  the  St.  John's 
with  the  intention  of  pursuing  his  original  plan  of  seizing 
and  fortifying  it,  reached  it  at  ten  o'clock  in  the  morn- 
ing. On  attempting  its  entrance  he  discovered  three 
ships  up  the  river  and  at  the  point  of  the  land  two  com- 
panies of  infantry,  who  brought  their  artillery  to  bear 
upon  him.  So  he  abandoned  the  attempt  to  capture  the 
entrance  and  made  for  St.  Augustine.' 

The  three  Spanish  vessels  which  took  the  southerly 
course  in  pursuit  of  the  remaining  French  ship  continued 
all  night.  Men^ndez  had  ordered  them  to  rejoin  him  at 
the  mouth  of  the  St.  John's  in  the  morning,  and,  if  un- 
able to  do  so,  to  return  to  St.  Augustine.  But  a  storm 
arose  and  they  were  obliged  to  cast  anchor  off  the  coast, 
the  vessels  being  so  small  they  did  not  dare  to  take  to  the 
sea.  One  of  the  three  broke  away,  and  while  in  this  peril 
a  French  ship  was  sighted  and  they  were  in  terror  of  being 
boarded ;  but  she  did  not  attack  them,  although  she  hove 
to  within  a  league.  The  following  day,  Thursday,  Sep- 
tember 6th,  after  sighting  a  second  French  vessel  they 
made  for  a  harbour  near  at  hand,  which  proved  to  be  that 
of  St.  Augustine,  and  on  landing  found  that  the  other  two 
vessels  had  preceded  them,  having  also  arrived  the  same 
day  (September  6th).  The  harbour  was  near  the  village 
of  an  Indian  chief  named  Seloy,  who  received  them  with 
much  kindness.  The  Spaniards  at  once  went  to  work  to 
fortify  a  large  Indian  dwelling,  probably  a  communal 
house  of  the  natives,  which  lay  near  the  water's  edge. 
They  dug  a  ditch  around  it  and  threw  up  a  breastwork 
of  earth  and  fagots,  "these  two  good  captains  of  ours," 

^  Histoire  Notable,  Basanier,  pp.  104,  105;  Ifak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  514;  Le 
Challeux,  reprint  in  Gaffarel,  Hist,  de  la  Floride  Frati^aise,  p.  463  ;  Bar- 
rientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  45,46; 
Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  pp.  78,  79  ;  Aviles  to  Philip  II. » 
Sept.  II,  1565,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  77, 


Capture  of  Fort  Caroline  159 

Patiflo  and  San  Vincente,  "working  with  such  industry, 
that  with  only  the  nails  of  their  soldiers,  and  without 
other  tools,  they  made  a  fort  for  their  defence,"  says 
Mendoza.'  And  this  was  the  birth  of  St.  Augustine,  the 
oldest  city  in  the  United  States.  Its  ancient  site  can  no 
longer  be  determined,  but  it  is  known  to  have  been  such 
that  it  did  not  command  the  entrance  to  the  harbour, 
could  not  be  discovered  from  the  sea,  and  was  much  ex- 
posed to  the  attacks  of  the  Indians.  When,  in  May  of 
the  following  year,  the  settlement  was  moved  to  a  more 
advantageous  position,  the  first  location  received  the 
name  of  Old  St.  Augustine  from  the  Spaniards.^ 

Aviles  at  once  began  disembarking  his  troops,  landing 
two  hundred  of  them.  On  Friday,  the  7th,  he  sent  his 
three  smaller  ships  into  the  harbour,  and  three  hundred 
more  colonists  were  landed,  along  with  the  married  men, 
their  wives,  and  children,  and  most  of  the  artillery  and 


'  Mendoza,  "  Relacion"  in  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  449-451  ;  Aviles  to  Philip 
II.,  Sept.  II,  1565,  ibid.,  p.  81  ;  "  Informacion  de  algunos  servicios  presta- 
dos  por  el  Adelantado  Pedro  Menendez  de  Aviles,  Mexico,  3  de  Abril  de 
1595,"  in  ibid.,  p.  615. 

*Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  114, 
141  ;  Juan  Lopez  de  Velasco  in  his  Geografia  de  las  InJias,  i^yi-ijy4, 
Madrid,  1S94,  p.  160,  says  of  St.  Augustine,  "  fundole  primero  en  el  cabo 
de  una  isla  de  media  legua  de  ancho  y  cinco  de  largo  ;  y  pasose  el  ano  de 
72  a  la  parte  de  Tierrafirme,"  etc.  This  corresponds  substantially  to 
Anastasia  Island  or  perhaps  the  second  site  of  the  fort  on  the  promontory 
formed  by  the  sea  and  North  River  to  the  north  of  the  island,  for  "isla" 
does  not  necessarily  mean  an  island.  In  the  anonymous  "  Discurso  sobre 
la  poblacion  de  la  costa  de  la  Florida  e  inconvenientes  que  se  ofrecieren 
para  su  fortificacion  e  defensa "  (MS.  Direc.  de  Hidrog.,  Madrid,  Col. 
Navarrete,  tomo  xiv.,  Doc.  No.  47,  1577-1580),  it  is  said  "  Sancto  Agustin 
donde  primero  estubo  el  Fuerte  y  gente,  es  una  Islilla  pequena,  y  Sancto 
Agustin  donde  agora  esta  el  Fuerte  y  gente  es  otra  que  esta  junto  a  la 
primera,  donde  solia  estar  primero  el  Fuerte,  y  esta  dende  agora  esta  es  casi 
Isla,"  etc.  (see  note  p.  252,  in  this  volume).  Fairbanks,  who  was  not  aware 
of  these  changes  of  the  site  of  the  settlement,  says,  in  his  History  of  Florida 
(Philadelphia,  1871,  p.  133,)  "  The  old  town  of  St.  Augustine  is  built  upon 
the  precise  point  that  was  occupied  by  Menendez." 


i6o  The  Spanish  Settlements 

ammunition.'  On  Saturday,  Lady's  day,  September  8th, 
the  balance  of  the  colonists,  one  hundred  in  number,  and 
supplies  were  put  ashore.  Then  the  General  himself 
landed  amidst  the  waving  of  flags,  the  sounding  of 
trumpets  and  of  other  instruments  of  war,  and  the  salutes 
of  the  artillery.  The  chaplain,  Mendoza,  who  had  gone 
ashore  the  previous  day,  advanced  to  meet  him,  chanting 
the  Je  Deuvi  Laiidauius  and  carrying  a  cross  which  Aviles 
and  those  with  him  reverently  kissed,  falling  upon  their 
knees.  Then  Menendez  took  possession  in  the  King's 
name.*  The  mass  of  Our  Lady  was  solemnly  chanted, 
and  the  oath  was  administered  to  the  various  officials  in 
the  presence  of  a  large  concourse  of  friendly  Indians  who 
imitated  all  of  the  postures  of  the  Spaniards.  Gonzalo 
de  Villarroel  was  appointed  adjutant,  and  ten  captains 
were  also  named.  With  an  eye  to  the  growth  of  the 
colony  the  of^ces  of  Royal  Accountant,  Factor,  and 
Treasurer  were  assigned  to  Esteban  de  las  Alas,  Pedro 
Menendez  Marques,  nephew  of  the  Adelantado,  and 
Hernando  de  Miranda.  "For  many  years  they  have 
served  under  me,"  wrote  Aviles  to  the  King,  "and  since 
all  three  are  married  to  women  of  rank  it  may  be  that  on 
account  of  their  offices  and  through  love  for  me  they  may 
bring  their  wives  and  households,  which  may  draw  other 
married  people.  For  it  is  a  good  plan  to  begin  to  set- 
tle these  Florida  provinces  with  people  of  rank."  '  The 
ceremony  was  concluded  by  the  serving  out  of  food  to 
colonists  and  Indians  alike.  The  negro  slaves  were 
quartered  in  the  huts  of  the  Indian  village  and  the  work 
on  the  defences  was  proceeded  with.  While  this  was  in 
progress,  two  of  Ribaut's  ships,  which  the  Spaniards  had 

'  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Sept.  ii,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  pp. 
71,  8r. 

^  Mendoza,  "  Relacion  *'  in  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  451. 

^Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Sept.  11,  1565,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  82  ;  Dec.  5,  1565, 
ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  124. 


Capture  of  Fort  Caroline  i6i 

chased  on  the  night  of  September  4th,  made  a  demonstra- 
tion at  the  mouth  of  the  harbour,  offering  combat  to  the 
San  Pelayo  and  the  San  Salvador,  which  were  unable  to 
cross  the  bar  on  account  of  their  size,  and  lay  outside  in 
a  very  exposed  situation.  But  the  challenge  was  not  ac- 
cepted, and  after  watching  from  a  distance  the  landing 
of  the  troops,  the  Frenchmen  sailed  away  the  same  after- 
noon, and  returned  to  the  mouth  of  the  St.  John's.' 

Men^ndez  was  in  great  fear  lest  Ribaut  should  return, 
attack  his  fleet  while  he  was  unloading,  and  perhaps  cap- 
ture the  San  Pelayo,  which  carried  the  major  part  of  his 
supplies  and  ammunition ;  and  he  was  also  most  anxious 
to  send  two  of  his  sloops  back  to  Havana  for  reinforce- 
ments. For  these  reasons  the  unloading  was  pushed 
rapidly  forward.  In  the  meantime  he  strengthened  his 
position,  and  sought  what  information  he  could  obtain  of 
the  situation  of  the  French  fort  from  the  Indians.  They 
told  him  that  it  could  be  reached  from  the  head  of  the 
harbour  of  St.  Augustine,  without  going  by  sea,  indicat- 
ing probably  a  way  by  North  River  and  Pablo  Creek. 

On  September  nth  Avil^s  wrote  from  St.  Augustine 
his  report  to  the  King  of  the  progress  of  the  expedition. 
In  this  first  letter  from  the  soil  of  Florida,  Men^ndez  ex- 
hibited the  sound  judgment  which  characterised  him,  the 
result  of  a  wide  observation  and  experience,  by  seeking 
to  provide  against  those  difficulties  which  had  proved  the 
chief  obstacle  in  the  path  of  both  the  French  and  Spanish 
colonies  before  him. 

"  It  will  be  desirable  that  Your  Majesty  give  orders,  that  I 
be  provided  with  a  year's  supply  of  corn  for  each  horse  which 
I  shall  bring  to  these  provinces.  .  .  .  And  for  the  future, 
in  the  course  of  a  year  I  will  give  orders  to  sow  and  plant  com 

'  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Sept.  11,  1565,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  77,  78  ;  Meris 
in  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  79,  80;  Histoire  Notable,  Basanier,  pp.  105,  106; 
Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  514,  515. 


1 62  The  Spanish  Settlements 

so  that  they  shall  have  provender  here ;  for  by  no  means  would 
it  do  to  take  it  from  the  Indians,  in  order  not  to  make  enemies 
of  them;  on  the  contrary,  it  will  be  advisable  for  us  to  feed 
those  who  have  none,  in  order  to  win  their  love  and  friend- 
ship. Let  Your  Majesty  rest  assured,"  he  continues,  "  that  if 
I  had  a  million  more  or  less,  I  would  spend  it  all  upon  this 
undertaking,  because  it  is  of  such  great  service  to  God  Our 
Lord,  and  for  the  increase  of  our  Holy  Catholic  Faith  and 
the  service  of  Your  Majesty.  And  therefore  I  have  offered  to 
Our  Lord,  that  all  that  I  shall  find,  win,  and  acquire,  in  this 
world  shall  be  for  the  planting  of  the  Gospel  in  this  land,  and 
the  enlightenment  of  its  natives,  and  thus  I  pledge  myself  to 
Your  Majesty."  ' 


Every  age  and  every  nation  has  had  its  euphemism  for 
conquest  and  aggrandisement,  whether  it  be  the  service 
of  God  and  the  spiritual  w^elfare  of  the  conquered,  or  the 
interests  of  civilisation  and  the  material  advancement  of 
the  race.  It  becomes  the  Court  jargon,  the  caption  of 
bulls  and  encyclicals,  the  stock-in-trade  of  edicts  and 
proclamations,  until  by  force  of  repetition  it  rings  true 
even  to  those  who  coin  it.  How  far  Men^ndez  was 
amenable  to  this  fashionable  insincerity  it  is  difficult  to 
judge.  But  it  is  worthy  to  remark  that  when  in  the 
course  of  subsequent  events  his  mercy  was  appealed  to 
for  the  rescue  of  the  French  prisoners  who  fell  into  his 
hands,  it  was  extended  to  drummers,  fifers,  and  trumpet- 
ers, and  that  it  was  only  at  the  intercession  of  the  priest 
that  it  embraced  his  co-religionists.* 

'  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Sept.  ii,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  pp. 
80,  83. 

*  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Sept.  11,  1565,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  89,  103  ;  Men- 
doza,  "  Relacion  "  in  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  464,  465  ;  Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i., 
pp.  116,  126  ;  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida^ 
pp.  66,  69 ;  Relation  of  the  Dieppe  sailor  in  De  Bry,  Brevis  Narratio,  p. 
29,  quoted  p.  203,  in  this  volume;  Fourquevaux  to  Charles  IX.,  Feb.  23, 
1566,  Dipeches,  p.  62. 


Capture  of  Fort  Caroline  163 

In  two  days  the  ships  were  for  the  most  part  unloaded, 
yet  so  convinced  was  Men^ndez  that  Ribaut  would  return 
as  promptly  as  possible  that  the  San  Pelayo  did  not  wait 
to  discharge  her  entire  cargo,  but  set  sail  for  Hispaniola 
at  midnight,  September  loth,  with  the  San  Salvador, 
which  was  carrying  the  General's  dispatches.'  The  San 
Pelayo  took  with  her  some  interesting  passengers.  On 
leaving  Cadiz  Avil^s  had  been  informed  by  the  Seville 
Inquisition  that  there  were  "Lutherans"  in  his  fleet,  and, 
having  made  a  perquisition,  he  discovered  and  seized 
twenty-five  of  them,  whom  he  dispatched  in  the  two  ves- 
sels to  Santo  Domingo  or  Puerto  Rico,  to  be  returned  to 
Spain.  Through  one  of  those  singular  coincidences  by 
which  earthly  events  sometimes  compensate  each  other, 
it  so  happened  that  at  the  very  time  Avil^s  was  killing 
"Lutherans"  in  Florida,  the  "Lutherans"  aboard  the 
San  Pelayo,  convinced  of  the  fate  which  awaited  them  in 
Seville,  rose  against  their  captors.  With  an  equanimity 
equal  to  that  of  Men^ndez  himself,  they  killed  the  cap- 
tain, master,  and  all  the  Catholics  aboard,  and  made 
their  way  past  Spain,  France,  and  Flanders,  to  the  coast 
of  Denmark,  where  the  Sa7i  Pelayo  was  wrecked  and  the 
heretics  appear  finally  to  have  escaped."  Men6ndez  also 
sent  two  sloops  to  Havana  for  the  reinforcements  ex- 
pected to  arrive  with  Esteban  de  las  Alas,  and  for  horses. 
Upon  the  latter  he  especially  counted  in  his  campaign 

'  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  46,  47  ; 
Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  80;  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct. 
15.  is(>5,  il>id.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  84;  Vasalenque  in  "  Informacion  de  algunos 
servicios,"  etc.,  in  Hid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  615,  says  the  San  Pelayo  was  sent  to 
Havana. 

'  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  47  ; 
Barcia  {Etisayo,  Ano  MDCLXV.,  pp.  77,  84,85),  says  (p.  77)  that  there 
were  only  15  of  them.  Seville  was  not  only  the  rendezvous  of  many 
"  Lutherans"  from  abroad,  but  a  Protestant  community  had  existed  there 
for  some  time.  See  Beitrage  zur  Geschichte  des  Spanischen  Protestantismtts 
und  der  Inquisition  im  sechzehnten  Jahrhundert  von  Dr.  Ernst  Schafer, 
Glitersloh,  1902,  vol.  i.,  p.  345,  "  Die  Gemeinde  zu  Sevilla." 


1 64  The  Spanish  Settlements 

against  the  French,  as  he  had  lost  all  but  one  of  those  he 
had  shipped  in  Puerto  Rico. 

Meanwhile  the  French  at  Fort  Caroline  had  remained 
without  news  of  the  outcome  of  the  attack.  But  on  the 
reappearance  of  two  of  his  vessels  at  the  mouth  of  the 
St.  John's,  Ribaut  went  down  the  river  to  learn  what  had 
happened.  He  met  on  his  way  out  a  boat-load  of  men 
returning  from  one  of  the  ships,  who  told  him  of  their 
encounter  with  the  Spaniards,  and  informed  him  that 
they  had  seen  three  of  the  enemy's  ships  in  the  River  of 
Dolphins  and  two  more  in  the  roads,  where  the  Spaniards 
had  disembarked  and  were  fortifying  their  position.' 
Ribaut  returned  at  once  to  the  fort  and,  entering  the 
chamber  of  Laudonnifere,  who  lay  there  sick  with  the 
anxiety  brought  on  by  the  news  of  his  disgrace,  proposed 
in  his  presence  and  that  of  the  assembled  captains  and 
other  gentlemen,  to  embark  at  once  with  all  of  his  forces 
in  the  four  ships  which  lay  in  the  harbour,  for  the  Trinity 
had  not  yet  returned,  and  to  seek  the  Spanish  fleet. 
Laudonniere,  who  was  familiar  with  the  sudden  storms 
to  which  the  region  was  subject  during  September,  dis- 
approved of  his  plan,  pointing  out  the  danger  to  which 
the  French  ships  would  be  exposed  of  being  driven  out 
to  sea,  and  the  defenceless  condition  in  which  Fort  Caro- 
line would  be  left.  The  captains,  who  had  received  from 
a  neighbouring  chief  the  confirmation  of  the  landing  of 
the  Spaniards  and  of  the  defences  which  they  were  erect- 
ing, also  advised  against  Ribaut's  plan,  and  counselled 
him  at  least  to  await  the  return  of  the  Trinity  before 
putting  it  into  execution.  But  Ribaut  obstinately  per- 
sisted in  his  design,  showed  the  unwilling  Laudonniere 

'  Histoire  Notable,  Basanier,  pp.  105,  106  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  514,  515  ; 
Le  Moyne  says  all  four  French  ships  returned  the  following  morning,  and 
a  sailor  swam  ashore  with  a  letter  from  Captain  Cossette  informing  Laudon- 
niere that  it  was  a  Spanish  fleet,  and  giving  a  brief  account  of  the  escape  of 
the  French,  and  of  the  Spanish  landing  at  St.  Augustine  (De  Bry,  Brevis 
Narratio,  pp.  22,  23). 


Capture  of  Fort  Caroline  165 

Coligny's  instructions,  and  proceeded  to  carry  it  into 
effect.  Not  only  did  he  take  all  of  his  own  men  with 
him,  but  carried  off  thirty-eight  of  the  garrison  and 
Laudonnitire's  ensign,  leaving  behind  him  M.  du  Lys 
with  the  sick  and  disheartened  lieutenant  in  charge  of 
the  depleted  garrison.'  September  8th,  the  very  day 
that  Men^ndez  was  taking  solemn  possession  of  Florida 
in  the  name  of  Philip,  he  embarked  aboard  his  fleet,  but 
waited  two  days  in  the  harbour  until  he  had  prevailed 
upon  Captain  La  Grange  to  accompany  him,  although 
La  Grange  was  so  distrustful  of  the  enterprise  that  he 
wished  to  remain  with  Laudonni^re.  September  loth, 
Ribaut  sailed  away. 

It  was  said  that  on  the  departure  of  the  fleet  a  carousal 
was  held  on  board  the  vessels,  in  which  Ribaut  and  his 
captains  drank  two  whole  pipes  of  wine  in  mock  healths 
to  the  Spaniards.  "I  drink  to  the  head  of  Pedro  Menen- 
dez  and  those  with  him,"  cried  one.  "Cursed  Span- 
iards !  we  will  hang  them  from  the  yard  arms  of  their  own 
ships  as  well  as  from  ours,  so  that  they  will  not  come 
again  to  smell  out  this  country  of  ours!  "  cried  another 
in  a  way  most  displeasing  to  those  of  the  nobler  sort 
among  the  Frenchmen.' 

If  we  are  to  trust  to  the  muster-roll  of  the  dispirited 
Laudonniere,  the  garrison  which  Ribaut  left  behind  him 
to  defend  Fort  Caroline  was  ill-fitted  to  resist  an  attack 
of  the  well-fed  and  well-disciplined  Spanish  soldiery. 
Here  it  is  in  Laudonnifere's  own  words: 

[Of  Captain  Ribaut's  company]  "I  found  nine  or  tenne 
whereof  not  past  two  or  three  had  euer  drawen  sword  out  of 

'  Histoire  Notable,  Basanier,  pp.  io6,  107;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  515,  516; 
De  Bry,  Brevis  Narratio,  pp.  23,  24. 

'  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Aniiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  72  ; 
Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  128.  Meras  says  the  incident 
was  learned  from  the  French  women  and  children  captured  at  Fort  Caro- 
line. The  toast  began  with  "  Marranos  Espanoles,"  literally,  "Spaniards 
of  Jewish  blood  but  professing  Christianity." 


1 66  The  Spanish  Settlements 

the  scabbard ;  as  I  thinke.  .  .  .  Of  the  nine  there  were 
foure  but  yong  striplings,  which  serued  Captain  Ribault  and 
kept  his  dogs,  the  fift  was  [his]  cooke;  among  those  that  were 
without  the  fort  .  .  .  there  was  a  Carpenter  of  threescore 
yeeres  olde,  one  a  Beere-brewer,  one  olde  Crosse-bowe  maker, 
two  Shoomakers,  and  foure  or  fiue  men  that  had  their  wiues, 
a  player  on  the  [spinet],  two  seruants  of  Monsieur  de  Lys,  one 
of  Monsieur  de  Beauhaire,  one  of  Monsieur  de  la  Grange,  and 
about  fourescore  and  fiue  or  sixe  in  all,  counting  aswel  Lackeys 
as  women  and  children.  .  .  .  Those  that  were  left  me  of 
mine  owne  company  were  about  sixteene  or  seuenteene  that 
couldebeare  armes,  and  all  of  them  poore  and  leane;  the  rest 
were  sicke  and  maymed  in  the  conflict  which  my  Lieutenant 
had  against  Vtina."  ' 

The  total  number  of  colonists  remaining  in  the  fort  was 
about  two  hundred  and  forty.'' 

Three  days  passed  without  any  news  of  Ribaut,  and 
with  each  departing  day  the  anxiety  of  the  sick  Laudon- 
nifere  grew  upon  him.  Knowing  the  proximity  of  the 
Spaniards,  and  dreading  lest  they  should  make  a  sudden 
descent  upon  him,  he  resolved  to  make  what  shift  he 
could  for  his  own  defence.  Although  food  was  again  at 
a  low  ebb,  for  Ribaut  had  carried  off  two  of  his  boats 
with  the  meal  which  had  been  left  over  after  making  the 
biscuit  for  the  return  to  France,  and  although  Laudon- 
nifere  himself  was  reduced  to  the  rations  of  a  common 
soldier,  he  yet  commanded  the  allowance  to  be  increased 
in  order  to  inspirit  his  men.     He  also  set  to  work  to  re- 

^  Histoire  Notable,  Basanier.  p.  io8  ;  Hak.,vo\.  ii.,  p.  518.  Parkman 
in  his  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World,  Boston,  1893,  p.  117,  note  I, 
states  that  Hakluyt's  translation  is  incorrect.  The  bracketed  words  are 
those  which  occur  in  the  original  French  text,  incorrectly  translated  by 
Hakluyt. 

-  Le  Challeux  in  "  Histoire  Memorable,"  reprint  in  Gaffarel,  Histoire  de 
la  Floride  Fran(aise,  p.  465  ;  Le  Moyne  in  De  Bry,  Brevis  Narratio,  p. 
24,  says  that  about  150  persons  remained  in  the  fort,  of  whom  scarcely  20 
were  in  a  serviceable  condition. 


Capture  of  Fort  Caroline  167 

pair  the  palisade  which  had  been  torn  down  to  supply 
material  for  the  ships,  but  continued  storms  hindered 
the  work,  which  was  never  completed.  Two  watches 
were  set  to  relieve  each  other,  and  two  officers,  Monsieur 
Saint  Cler  and  Monsieur  de  la  Vigne,  were  named  to  go 
the  rounds  at  night  and  inspect  them,  for  which  purpose 
they  were  each  provided  with  a  lantern  on  account  of  the 
stormy  and  foggy  weather,  and  a  sand-glass  to  measure 
the  time  for  the  sentinels.  And  so  in  weary  watching  and 
waiting,  in  rain  and  discomfort,  in  uncertainty  and  anx- 
iety,— for  no  news  had  yet  come  from  Ribaut, — ten  days 
sped  by.' 

Ribaut  made  at  once  for  St.  Augustine "  with  two  hun- 
dred sailors  and  four  hundred  soldiers,  which  included  the 
flower  of  the  garrison  at  Fort  Caroline.  At  dawn  the 
next  day  he  came  upon  Men^ndez  in  the  very  act  of  at- 
tempting to  pass  the  bar  and  to  land  a  sloop  and  two 
boats  filled  with  men  and  artillery  from  the  San  Salvador 
which  had  sailed  at  midnight  with  the  Sa7i  Pclayo.  The 
tide  was  out  and  his  boats  so  loaded  that  only  by  a 
miracle  was  he  enabled  to  cross  it  with  his  sloop,  and 
escape;  for  the  French,  who  had  at  once  attempted  to 
prevent  his  landing  and  thus  to  capture  his  cannon  and 
the  supplies  he  had  on  board,  got  so  close  to  him, 
that  they  hailed  him,  and  summoned  him  to  surrender, 
promising  that  no  harm  should  befall  him.  As  soon  as 
Ribaut  perceived  that  the  boats  had  gotten  out  of  his 
reach,  he  gave  up  the  attempt  and  started  in  pursuit  of 
the  San  Salvador,  which  was  already  six  or  eight  leagues 
away.^ 

Two  days  later,  in  confirmation  of  Laudonni^re's  fore- 
bodings, so  violent  a  "norther"  arose  that  the  Indians 

'  Histoire  Notable,  Basanier,  pp.  107-109  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  517,  518. 
'  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  88. 
3  Mendoza,  "  Relacion"  in  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  452,  453  ;  Aviles  to  Philip 
II.,  Oct.  15,  1565,  ibid.,  p.  85  ;  Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  pp.  80,  81. 


i68  The  Spanish  Settlements 

themselves  declared  it  to  be  the  worst  they  had  ever  seen 
on  the  coast."  Men^ndez  at  once  realised  that  the  proper 
moment  had  presented  itself  for  an  attack  upon  the  fort. 
Calling  his  captains  together,  the  mass  of  the  Holy  Ghost 
was  said  to  bring  him  enlightenment  in  forming  his  plans, 
and  then  he  addressed  them : 

"  We  bear  upon  our  shoulders  a  very  heavy  charge,  full  of 
labour  and  danger,  and  were  it  only  in  the  service  of  our  lord 
the  King,  I  should  not  wonder  at  some  cowardly  weakness 
and  faint-heartedness  on  our  part  in  meeting  the  hardships 
that  come  upon  us;  but  the  charge  which  we  bear  is  of  the 
Lord  Our  God  and  of  our  King,  and  miserable  must  he  be 
counted  who  in  such  a  case  would  show  weakness  and  fail  to 
encourage  those  under  him,  ...  for  in  this  we  serve 
God  and  our  King,  and  the  guerdon  of  heaven  cannot  fail  us." 

He  then  set  before  them  the  advantage  which  the 
moment  presented  for  an  attack  upon  Fort  Caroline, 
with  its  defences  weakened  by  the  absence  of  Ribaut  who 
might  have  taken  the  best  part  of  its  garrison  with  him, 
and  Ribaut's  inability  to  return  against  the  contrary 
wind,  which  in  his  judgment  would  continue  for  some 
days.  His  plan  was  to  reach  the  fort  through  the  forest 
and  to  attack  it.  If  his  approach  was  discovered,  he  pro- 
posed, on  reaching  the  margin  of  the  woods  which 
surrounded  the  open  meadow  where  it  stood,  to  display 
the  banners  in  such  wise  as  to  lead  the  French  into  the 

>  Aviles,  in  his  letter  of  Oct.  15,  1565  {ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  85),  says  the 
storm  came  on  two  days  after  the  French  fleet  had  left.  Barrientos  (in  Dos 
Aniiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  48)  and  Meras  (in  Ruidiaz,  tomo  i., 
p.  81),  both  call  it  a  norther,  and  they  as  well  as  Mendoza  {ibid.,  tomo  ii., 
p.  453)  observe  that  it  followed  the  French  attack.  Laudonniere  {Histaire 
Notable,  Basanier,  p.  107  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  517)  says  the  storm  began  on 
the  same  day  that  Ribaut  set  sail.  It  is  highly  improbable  that  Ribaut 
would  have  attempted  this  attack  on  the  shallow  and  dangerous  Florida 
coast  in  the  midst  of  a  storm.     There  was  probably  a  succession  of  storms. 


Capture  of  Fort  Caroline  169 

belief  that  he  was  two  thousand  strong.  A  trumpeter 
should  then  be  sent  to  summon  them  to  surrender,  in 
which  case  the  garrison  should  be  sent  back  to  France, 
and,  if  they  did  not,  put  to  the  knife.  In  the  event  of 
failure  the  Spaniards  would  have  become  acquainted  with 
the  way,  and  could  await  at  St.  Augustine  the  arrival  of 
reinforcements  in  March.' 

Although  his  plan  failed  to  meet  with  general  approval 
at  first,  it  was  finally  agreed  upon  * ;  but  on  the  following 
day,  finding  that  the  soldiers  and  the  women  had  gotten 
wind  of  it,  and  that  some  dissatisfaction  was  beginning 
to  show  itself,  Avil^s  quietly  summoned  to  dine  with  him 
certain  of  the  captains  who  had  informed  him  of  the  dis- 
content and  had  urged  him  to  change  his  plan.  After 
chiding  them  for  their  indiscretion,  he  advised  silence  on 
such  matters  in  the  future,  "as  he  would  punish  a  venal 
sin  in  such  a  case  as  if  it  were  mortal,"  and  he  added 
that,  although  he  gave  them  leave  to  express  their  opinions 
in  council,  he  would  "chastise  the  captain  who  murmured 
after  a  decision  was  reached  by  depriving  him  of  his  com- 
mand and  excluding  him  from  the  council."  And  so  it 
came  about  that  Avil6s,  who  in  the  words  of  his  chaplain, 
"was  a  great  friend  of  his  own  opinion,"  was  able  to  write 
to  the  King  in  his  letter  of  October  15th,  that  his  captains 
had  approved  his  plan.^ 

Menendez's  preparations  were  made  promptly;  he 
placed  his  brother  Bartolome  in  charge  of  the  fort  at  St. 
Augustine,  in  case  of  the  return  of  the  French  fleet.  He 
then  selected  a  company  of  five  hundred  men,  three 
hundred  of  whom  were  arquebusmen  and  the  remainder 

'  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  48-51  ; 
Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  pp.  82-85. 

*  Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  85  ;  Mendoza,  "  Relacion"  in  ibid.,  tomo  ii., 
p.  454.  Aviles  says  briefly  in  his  letter  to  Philip  that  all  agreed  to  it 
(letter,  Oct.  15,  1565,  ibid.,  p.  85). 

^  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  85  ;  Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  pp.  85- 
88  ;   Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  51,  52. 


170  The  Spanish  Settlements 

pikesmen  and  targeteers.  On  September  i6th  '  the  force 
assembled  at  the  call  of  trumpets,  drums,  fifes,  and  the 
ringing  of  the  bells.  After  hearing  mass,  it  set  out,  each 
man  carrying  on  his  back  his  arms,  a  bottle  of  wine,  and 
six  pounds  of  biscuit,  in  which  Men6ndez  himself  set  the 
example,  for  the  servants  were  left  at  St.  Augustine." 
Two  Indian  chiefs,  whose  hostility  the  French  had  in- 
curred, and  who  had  visited  Fort  Caroline  six  days  be- 
fore, accompanied  the  party  to  show  the  way,  "angels 
sent  by  God,"  observes  Meras,'  and  Jean  Frangois,  one 
of  the  three  French  prisoners.''  A  picked  company  of 
twenty  Asturians  and  Basques  under  their  captain,  Martin 
de  Ochoa,  led  the  way  armed  with  axes  with  which  they 
blazed  a  path  through  the  forest  and  swamps  for  the  men 
behind  them,  and  Men^ndez  carried  a  compass  with  which 
to  assist  in  finding  the  direction,  for  it  was  completely  un- 
known to  him.^ 

The  point  of  land  on  which  Fort  Caroline  was  situated 
is  separated  from  the  seacoast  by  an  extensive  swamp 
through  which  flows  the  Pablo  Creek,  which  rises  but  a 
short  distance  from  the  head  of  North  River.  Around 
this  it  was  necessary  for  the  Spaniards  to  go,  for  owing 

'  Mendoza  ("  Relacion  "  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  454,  458), 
says  September  i6th,  and  Meras  (in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  89),  says  they  were 
four  days  on  the  way,  which  would  also  bring  the  start  on  the  l6th.  Aviles 
does  not  give  the  date  of  departure,  but  speaks  of  a  storm  on  the  1 8th 
(letter  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1565,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  86).  It  is,  however, 
to  be  noted  that  the  punctuation  of  this  paragraph  in  the  letter  is  in  all 
probability  that  of  the  editor. 

'Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1565,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  85. 

^  Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  89  ;  Mendoza,  "  Relacion"  in  ibid.,  tomo  ii., 
p,  454  ;  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  52. 

'^  Histoire  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  110;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  519;  Meras  in 
Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  84. 

^  Noriega  had  enquired  of  Meleneche,  one  of  the  three  Frenchmen  sent  to 
Seville,  how  Fort  Caroline  could  be  reached  by  land,  and  the  Frenchman 
had  described  an  approach  from  the  St.  John's  River  (Noriega  to  Philip  II., 
March  29,  1565,  MS.  Djrec.  de  Hidrog.,  Madrid,  Col.  Navarrete,  tomo 
xiv.,  doc.  33,  fol.  6). 


Capture  of  Fort  Caroline  171 

to  the  continued  rains  all  of  the  creeks  and  rivers  were 
full  and  the  lowlands  flooded.  At  no  time  was  the  water 
lower  than  up  to  their  knees.  No  boats  were  taken  along, 
so  the  soldiers  swam  the  various  creeks  and  streams, 
Aviles  taking  the  lead  with  a  pike  in  his  hand  at  the  very- 
first  one  they  encountered.  Those  who  could  not  swim 
were  carried  across  on  the  pikes.  It  was  extremely 
fatiguing  work,  "for  the  rains  continued  as  constant  and 
heavy  as  if  the  world  was  again  to  be  overwhelmed  with 
a  flood."  '  Their  clothes  became  soaked  and  heavy  with 
water,  their  food  as  well,  the  powder  wet,  and  the  cords 
of  the  arquebuses  worthless,  and  some  of  the  men  began 
to  grumble,  but  Menendez  pretended  not  to  hear.  The 
vanguard  selected  the  place  for  the  night  encampment, 
but  it  was  difficult  to  find  high  ground  on  account  of  the 
flood.  During  the  halts  a  fire  was  built,  but  when  within 
a  day's  march  of  Fort  Caroline,  even  this  was  forbidden, 
lest  it  betray  their  approach  to  the  enemy." 

Thus  the  Spaniards  pushed  on  for  two  days  through 
wood  and  thicket,  river  and  marsh,  with  not  even  a  trail 
to  follow.  On  the  evening  of  the  third  day,  September 
19th,  Menendez  reached  the  neighbourhood  of  the  fort. 
The  night  was  so  stormy  and  the  rain  fell  so  heavily,  that 
he  thought  he  could  approach  it  without  being  discovered, 
and  he  encamped  for  the  night  in  the  pine  grove  on  the 
edge  of  the  meadow  within  less  than  a  quarter  of  a  league 
from  it.  The  spot  he  had  chosen  was  marshy  and  com- 
fortless ;  in  places  the  water  stood  up  to  the  belts  of  the 
soldiers,  and  no  fire  could  be  lighted  for  fear  of  revealing 
their  presence  to  the  French." 

'  De  Bry,  Brevis  Narratio,  p.  24. 

"^  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  52,  53  ; 
Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  pp.  89,  90  ;  Mendoza,  "  Relacion" 
in  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  454,  458,  459. 

^  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  53,  54 ; 
Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  pp.  89,  90  ;  "  Informacion  de  algu- 
nos  servicios,"  etc.,  in  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  615. 


172  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Inside  Fort  Caroline  La  Vigne  was  keeping  watch  with 
his  company,  but  his  sentinels,  wet  and  worn  with  the 
heavy  rain,  so  moved  his  heart  to  pity,  that  with  the  ap- 
proach of  day  he  let  them  depart,  and  finally  went  him- 
self to  his  own  lodging.' 

With  the  break  of  day,  September  20th,  the  feast  of  St. 
Matthew,  Menendez  was  already  alert.  Before  dawn  he 
held  a  consultation  with  his  captains,  after  which  the  en- 
tire party  knelt  down  and  prayed  for  a  victory  over  their 
enemies.  Then  he  set  out  for  the  fort  over  the  narrow 
path  which  led  to  it  from  the  woods.  The  French  pris- 
oner, Jean  Frangois,  led  the  way,  his  hands  bound  behind 
him,  and  the  end  of  the  rope  held  by  Menendez  himself. 
So  intense  was  the  darkness  that  the  Spaniards  soon  lost 
the  path  in  crossing  a  marsh  with  water  up  to  their  knees, 
and  were  compelled  to  wait  until  daybreak  in  order  to 
find  the  way  again.  When  morning  came,  Menendez  set 
out  in  the  direction  of  the  fort,  and  on  reaching  a  slight 
elevation  Jean  announced  that  Fort  Caroline  lay  just  be- 
yond, down  on  the  river's  edge.  Then  the  camp  master, 
Pedro  Menendez  Valdez  and  the  Asturian,  Ochoa,  went 
forward  to  reconnoitre.  They  were  hailed  by  a  man  they 
took  to  be  a  sentinel.  "Who  goes  there?"  he  cried. 
"Frenchmen,"  they  answered,  and,  closing  with  him, 
Ochoa  struck  him  in  the  face  with  his  knife,  which  he  had 
not  even  unsheathed.  The  Frenchman  warded  off  the 
blow  with  his  sword,  but  in  stepping  back  to  avoid  a 
thrust  from  Valdez  he  tripped,  fell  backwards,  and 
began  shouting.  Then  Ochoa  stabbed  him  and  killed 
him.  Men6ndez,  hearing  the  shouting,  thought  that 
Valdez  and  Ochoa  were  being  slain,  and  cried  out 
"Santiago,  at  them!  God  help  us!  Victory!  the  French 
are  killed!  The  camp  master  is  inside  the  fort  and 
has  taken  it,"  and   the   entire  force   rushed    down   the 

'  Histoire  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  109  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  519. 


Capture  of  Fort  Caroline  173 

path.  On  the  way  two  Frenchmen  whom  they  met 
were  killed.' 

Some  of  the  Frenchmen  living  in  the  outhouses  set  up 
a  shout  on  seeing  two  of  their  number  killed,  at  which  a 
man  within  the  fort  opened  the  wicket  of  the  main  en- 
trance to  admit  the  fugitives.  The  camp  master  closed 
with  him  and  killed  him,  and  the  Spaniards  poured 
into  the  enclosure."  Laudonnifere's  trumpeter  had  just 
mounted  the  rampart,  and  seeing  the  Spaniards  coming 
towards  him  sounded  the  alarm.  The  French, — most  of 
whom  were  still  asleep  in  their  beds, — ^taken  entirely  by 
surprise,  came  running  out  of  their  quarters  into  the 
driving  rain,  some  half-dressed,  others  quite  naked,  or 
clad  only  in  their  night-shirts.  Among  the  first  was 
Laudonniere,  who  rushed  out  of  his  house  in  his  shirt,' 
his  sword  and  target  in  his  hands,  and  began  to  call  his 
soldiers  together.  But  the  enemy  had  been  too  quick 
for  them,  and  the  wet  and  muddy  court  was  soon  reeking 
with  the  blood  of  the  French,  cut  down  by  the  Spanish 
soldiers,  who  now  filled  it.  At  Laudonniere's  call,  some 
of  his  men  had  hastened  to  the  breach  on  the  south  side, 
where  lay  the  ammunition  and  the  artillery.  But  they 
were  met  by  a  party  of  Spaniards  who  repulsed  and  killed 
them,  and  who  finally  raised  their  standards  in  triumph 
upon  the  walls.  Another  party  of  Spaniards  entered  by 
a  similar  breach  on  the  west,  overwhelming  the  soldiers 
who  attempted  to  resist  them  there,  and  also  planted 
their  ensigns  on  the  rampart." 

Le  Challeux,  the  old  carpenter,  had  just  left  his  cabin 
on  his  way  to  his  work  with  his  chisel  in  his  hand,  when 

■  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Rclacioties  de  la  Florida,  pp.  53-55  ; 
Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  93-96. 

2  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  55,  56. 

'  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Jan.  30,  1566,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomoii.,  p.  145. 

■*  Histoire  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  109  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  519  ;  Le  Moyne  also 
says  that  the  fort  was  attacked  in  three  places  at  once  (De  Bry,  Brevis  Nar- 
ratio,  p.  24). 


174  The  Spanish  Settlements 

he  was  surprised  by  the  Spaniards.  Two  of  them  im- 
mediately set  upon  him  with  a  pike  and  partizan.  Al- 
though an  old,  grey-headed  man  of  sixty,  he  jumped  the 
rampart,  which  was  eight  or  nine  feet  high,  and  fled  to 
the  forest,  still  gripping  his  chisel  in  the  excitement  of 
the  escape.  As  he  crossed  the  meadow  and  neared  the 
edge  of  the  wood,  he  reached  an  elevation,  and  finding 
that  he  was  no  longer  pursued,  he  turned  to  look  back. 

"  And  as  from  that  point,  all  of  the  fort  and  even  the 
court  was  visible,  I  saw  there  a  horrible  killing  which  was 
being  made  of  our  people  and  three  ensigns  of  our  adversa- 
ries planted  upon  the  ramparts.  Losing  all  hope  of  seemg  our 
people  rally,  I  resigned  all  of  my  senses  to  the  Lord,  recom- 
mended myself  to  his  mercy,  grace,  and  favour,  and  plunged 
into  the  forest,  for  it  seemed  to  me  I  could  find  no  greater 
cruelty  among  the  wild  beasts  than  that  of  the  enemy,  which  I 
had  seen  overflow  upon  our  people."  ' 

Le  Moyne,  the  artist,  still  lame  in  one  leg  from  a  wound 
he  had  received  in  the  campaign  against  Outina,  was  of 
the  watch  which  had  just  turned  into  its  quarters.  Wet 
through  as  he  was,  he  laid  down  his  arquebus  and  threw 
himself  into  a  hammock  to  get  a  little  sleep.  But  the 
outcries  and  the  sound  of  blows  proceeding  from  the 
court  aroused  him,  and  as  he  rushed  to  the  door  to  see 
what  was  the  matter,  two  Spaniards  with  drawn  swords 
brushed  by  him  into  the  house.  He  quickly  saw  that 
the  court  had  been  turned  into  a  slaughter  pen  by  the 
Spaniards  who  now  held  it,  so  he  fled  back  at  once,  and 
made  for  one  of  the  embrasures.  Passing  over  the  dead 
bodies  of  five  or  six  of  his  fellow-soldiers,  he  pushed 
through  it,  leaped' down  into  the  ditch,  and  escaped  into 
the  neighbouring  wood.^ 

'  "  Histoire  Memorable,"  reprint  in  Gaffarel,  Histoire  de  la  Floride,  pp. 
465,  466. 

*  De  Bry,  Brevis  Nar ratio,  pp.  24,  25. 


Capture  of  Fort  Caroline  175 

Men6ndez  had  remained  outside  urging  his  troops  on 
to  the  attack,  but  when  he  saw  a  sufficient  number  of 
them  advance,  he  ran  to  the  front,  shouting  out  that 
under  pain  of  death  no  women  were  to  be  killed,  nor  any 
boys  of  less  than  fifteen  years  of  age.'  Aviles  had  headed 
the  attack  on  the  south-west  breach,  and  after  repulsing 
its  defenders,  he  came  upon  Laudonni^re,  who  was  run- 
ning to  their  assistance.  Jean  Francois,  the  renegade 
Frenchman,  pointed  him  out  to  the  Spaniards,  and  their 
pikemen  drove  him  back  into  the  court.  Seeing  that  the 
place  was  lost,  and  unable  to  stand  up  alone  against  his 
aggressors,  Laudonniere  turned  to  escape  through  his 
house.  The  Spaniards  pursued  him,  but  a  tent  standing 
in  the  way  distracted  their  attention,  and  while  they  were 
busy  cutting  its  cords,  he  escaped  by  the  western  breach. 
As  he  was  making  for  the  woods,  one  of  the  pikemen 
nearly  overtook  him  and  gave  him  a  thrust  with  his 
spear."  His  maid-servant,  who  also  made  her  escape,  re- 
ceived a  dagger-thrust  in  the  breast.' 

Meanwhile  the  trumpeters  were  announcing  a  victory 
from  their  stations  on  the  ramparts  beside  the  flags.  At 
this  what  French  remained  alive  entirely  lost  heart, 
and  while  the  main  body  of  the  Spaniards  were  going 
through  the  quarters,  killing  without  mercy  the  old,  the 
sick,  and  the  infirm,  quite  a  number  of  the  Frenchmen 
succeeded  in  getting  over  the  palisade  and  escaping." 
Some  of  the  fugitives  made  their  way  into  the  forest. 
Jacques  Ribaut  with  his  ship  the  Pearl,  and  another  vessel 
with  a  cargo  of  wine  and  supplies,  were  anchored  in  the 

•  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  56  ; 
Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  98. 

2  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1565,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  86;  Histoire 
Notable,  Basanier,  p.  no;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  520. 

^  De  Bry,  Brevis  JVarraiio,  p.  26  ;  Le  Challeux,  reprint  in  Gaffarel's 
Histoire  de  la  Floride,  p.  465. 

•*  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  56; 
Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  pp.  97,  98. 


176  The  Spanish  Settlements 

river  but  a  very  short  distance  from  the  fort '  and  rescued 
others  who  rowed  out  in  a  couple  of  boats ;  and  some  even 
swam  the  distance  to  the  ships. 

By  this  time  the  fort  was  virtually  won,  and  Men6ndez 
turned  his  attention  to  the  vessels  anchored  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood. A  number  of  women  and  children  had  been 
spared  owing  to  his  exertions,  and  his  very  first  thoughts 
turned  on  how  he  could  rid  himself  of  them.  His  de- 
cision was  promptly  reached.  A  trumpeter  with  a  flag 
of  peace  was  sent  to  summon  some  one  to  come  ashore 
from  the  ships  to  treat  of  conditions  of  surrender.  Re- 
ceiving no  response,  he  sent  Jean  Francois  to  the 
Pearl  with  the  proposal  that  the  French  should  have  a 
safe-conduct  to  return  to  France  with  the  women  and 
children  in  any  one  vessel  they  should  select,  provided 
they  would  surrender  their  remaining  ships  and  all  of 
their  armament.''  But  Jacques  Ribaut  would  listen  to 
no  such  terms,  and  on  his  indignant  refusal,  Le  Challeux 
tells  us  that  the  enraged  Spaniards,  who  had  gathered 
down  by  the  river-bank,  where  the  corpses  of  the  slain  had 
been  heaped  together,  tore  out  the  eyes  of  the  dead  with 
the  points  of  their  daggers  and  hurled  them  at  the  French 
ships  amidst  howls  and  insults."  Men^ndez  then  turned 
the  guns  of  the  captured  fort  against  Ribaut  and  suc- 

'  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1565  (Ruidi'az,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p. 
86),  says  there  were  three  ships,  but  he  afterwards  speaks  of  them  as  only 
two.  Le  Moyne  says  the  Pearl  of  Jacques  Ribaut  was  the  only  one  of 
Jean  Ribaut's  three  vessels  within  the  bar  at  the  time  which  was  taken  up  to 
the  fort  (De  Bry,  Brevis  Narratio,  p.  26);  and  this  is  confirmed  by  Aviles  in 
the  letter  just  cited  (p.  86),  where  he  says  that  two  of  the  seven  ships  from 
France  were  down  the  river. 

'  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Atttiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  57  ; 
Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  pp.  g8-ioi.  He  says  that  the  man 
sent  to  the  ship  was  the  sentinel  first  captured.  This  is  improbable,  as  he 
is  said  to  have  been  killed  in  the  first  attack.  Aviles,  in  his  letter  of  Oct. 
15.  1565  (ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  86),  mentions  no  such  conditions  ;  Le  Challeux, 
reprint  in  Gaffarel,  p.  468. 

^  "  Histoire  Memorable,"  reprint  in  Gaffarel,  Hist,  de  la  Floride,  p.  468. 


Capture  of  Fort  Caroline  177 

ceeded  in  sinking  one  of  the  vessels  in  shallow  water, 
where  she  could  be  recovered  without  damage  to  her 
cargo.' 

Jacques  Ribaut  received  the  crew  of  the  sinking  ship 
into  the  Pearl,  and  then  dropped  a  league  down  the 
river  to  where  stood  two  more  of  the  ships  which  had 
arrived  from  France,  and  which  had  not  even  been  un- 
loaded. Hearing  from  the  carpenter,  Jean  de  Hais,  who 
had  escaped  in  a  small  boat,  of  the  taking  of  the  fort, 
Jacques  Ribaut  concluded  to  remain  a  little  longer  in  the 
river  to  see  if  he  might  save  any  of  his  unfortunate 
compatriots.' 

So  successful  had  been  the  attack,  that  the  victory  was 
complete  within  an  hour '  without  loss  to  the  Spaniards 
of  a  single  man,  and  only  one  was  wounded.  Of  the  two 
hundred  and  forty  French  in  the  fort,  one  hundred  and 
thirty-two  were  killed  outright,  including  the  two  Eng- 
lish hostages  left  by  Hawkins."  About  half  a  dozen 
drummers  and  trumpeters  were  held  as  prisoners,  of 
which  number  was  Jean  Memyn,  who  has  left  us  a  short 
account  of  his  experiences ' ;  fifty  women  and  children 
were  captured,  and  the  balance  of  the  garrison  got  away 

'  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  86. 
There  can  be  hardly  any  doubt  but  that  the  incomplete  sentence  in  Men- 
doza's  "  Relacion"  (ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  460):  "  Tiraronla  un  tiro  de  los  que 
ellos  \i.  £.,  the  French]  tenian  en  su  fuerte  y  hecharonla  a  fondo,  pero  esta 
en  parte  donde  .  .  .  ni  lo  que  en  el  esta  se  perdera,"  has  the  signifi- 
cance given  it  in  the  text.  This  may  account  for  Le  Challeux's  saying  that 
no  harm  was  done  the  ship  by  the  Spanish  shot,  the  rain  having  affected 
the  cannon  ;  "  Histoire  Memorable,"  reprint  in  Gaffarel,  Hist,  de  la  Floride, 
p.  468. 

^  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p. 
86 ;  Barrientos,  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  57 ; 
Histoire  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  Ill  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  520,  521. 

3  Mendoza,  "  Relacion  "  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  459.  Vasa- 
lenque  says  two  hours.  "  Informacion  de  algunos  servicios,"  etc.,  in  ibid., 
tomo  ii.,  p.  615. 

4  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1565,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  90. 
*  See  Appendix  M,  The  Deposition  of  Jean  Memyn. 


178  The  Spanish  Settlements 

as  has  been  related.'  In  a  work  written  in  France  some 
seven  years  later,  and  first  published  in  1586,"  it  is  related 
that  Avil^s  hanged  some  of  his  prisoners  on  trees  and 
placed  above  them  the  Spanish  inscription,  "I  do  this 
not  to  Frenchmen,  but  to  Lutherans."  '  The  story  found 
ready  acceptance  among  the  French  of  that  period,  and 
was  eagerly  believed  and  repeated  subsequently  by  his- 
torians, both  native  and  foreign,^  but  it  is  unsupported  by 
the  testimony  of  a  single  witness,  and  bears  all  the  ear- 
marks of  an  apocryphal  origin. 

'  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  pp. 
86,  87.  Le  Challeux  (reprint  in  Gaffarel's  Histoire  de  la  Floride,  p.  465} 
says  all  of  the  women  and  children  were  killed.  Mendoza  in  his  "  Rela- 
cion"  (Ruidiaz,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  459),  says  that  142  were  killed.  Vasa- 
lenque,  who  was  in  the  attack  on  the  Spanish  side,  testifies  thirty  years  later 
that  600  French  were  killed  !  ("  Informacion  de  algunos  servicios,"  etc.,  in 
ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  615).  Aviles  in  the  letter  just  cited  {ibid.,  p.  80)  says  132 
men  were  killed  in  the  attack  and  10  more  on  the  next  day,  and  50  or  6a 
escaped.  Fourquevaux,  in  his  letter  to  Charles  IX.,  of  Feb.  22,  1566 
{Ddpeches,  p.  61),  says  30  women  and  18  children  were  saved. 

■^  La  Reprise  de  la  Floride,  Larroque,  p.  23,  note  i. 

^  Larroque,  ibid.,  p.  61. 

^Lescarbot,  Histoire  de  la  Nouvelle  France,  Paris,  MDCXI.,  liv.  i.,  p. 
127  ;  Charlevoix,  Histoire  et  Description  generale  de  la  Nouvelle  France, 
Nyon  Fils,  Paris,  1744,  vol.  i.,  p.  81  ;  Bancroft,  History  of  the  United 
States,  15th  ed.,  Boston,  1855,  vol.  i.,  p.  71  ;  Gaffarel,  Histoire  de  la 
Flo7-ide,  p.  229  ;  Parkman  {Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World,  1S95,  p. 
127)  very  candidly  gives  his  own  opinion  on  the  subject :  "  Though  no  eye- 
witness attests  it,  there  is  reason  to  think  it  true."  Shea  omits  the  incident 
entirely  in  his  The  Catholic  Church  in  Colonial  Days,  and  discredits  it  in  his 
"Ancient  Florida"  {Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist.  Am.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  272),  as  does 
Barcia  {Ensayo,  Ano  MDLXVIII.,  p.  136).  To  an  impartial  judgment  the 
doubt  as  to  the  credibility  of  the  story  of  the  alleged  inscription  amounts 
almost  to  a  certainty,  although  based  entirely  upon  negative  evidence.  One 
asks,  Why  was  it  not  mentioned  by  Jean  Memyn,  who  remained  for  some 
time  after  the  event  at  Fort  Caroline  ?  Why  does  not  Aviles  refer  to  it  in 
his  letters  to  Philip?  Why  is  it  not  spoken  of  in  the  "Informacion  de 
algunos  servicios,"  or  by  Mendoza,  who  would  heartily  have  approved  of  it  ? 
"What  interest  or  object  had  the  contemporary  Spanish  accounts  in  suppress- 
ing an  incident,  which,  in  their  estimation,  could  only  redound  to  the  credit, 
of  the  Adelantado?  And  why  did  Aviles  hang  the  Huguenots  at  Fort 
Caroline  and  not  at  Matanzas  ? 


Capture  of  Fort  Caroline  1 79 

Throughout  the  attack  the  storm  had  continued  and 
the  rain  had  poured  down,  so  that  it  was  no  small  com- 
fort to  the  bedraggled  soldiers,  weary  with  the  difficult 
march  and  the  excitement  of  the  fight,  when  Jean  Fran- 
gois  pointed  out  to  them  the  storehouse,  where  they  all 
obtained  dry  clothes,  and  where  a  ration  of  bread  and 
wine  with  lard  and  pork  was  served  out  to  each  of  them. 
Most  of  the  food  stores  were  looted  by  the  soldiers. 
Men^ndez  found  five  or  six  thousand  ducats'  worth  of 
silver,  largely  ore,  part  of  it  brought  by  the  Indians  from 
the  Appalachian  Mountains,'  and  part  collected  by  Lau- 
donniere  from  Outina,  from  whom  he  had  also  obtained 
some  gold  and  pearls."  Most  of  the  artillery  and  ammu- 
nition brought  over  by  Ribaut  had  not  been  landed,  and 
as  Laudonni^re  had  traded  his  with  Hawkins  for  the  ship 
but  little  was  captured.'  To  the  horror  of  the  Spaniards 
not  a  cross  nor  an  image  could  be  discovered  about  the 
fort,  but  they  found  six  good  strong-boxes  "filled  with 
books  well  bound  and  gilded,  all  pertaining  to  their  evil 
sect."  Packs  of  playing-cards  were  also  discovered  with 
pictures  of  the  Host  and  Chalice  on  their  backs,  and 
saints  carrying  crosses  in  mockery  of  holy  things."  The 
books  were  at  once  ordered  to  be  burned,  a  fate  which 
was  probably  shared  by  the  playing-cards.  Men^ndez 
further  captured  eight  ships,  one  of  which  was  a  galley 
in  the  dockyard  ;  of  the  remaining  seven,  five  were  French, 
including  the  vessel  sunk  in  the  attack,  the  other  two  were 
those  captured  off  Yaguana,  already  mentioned,  whose 
cargoes  of  hides  and  sugar  Hawkins  had  taken  with  him.* 

•  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  90. 

^  De  Bry,  Brevis  Narratio,  pp.  9,  12. 

3  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1665,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  90. 

■*  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  57; 
Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  iii  ;  Mendoza,  "  Relacion  "  in 
ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  460. 

5  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1565,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p,  91.  See  Appen- 
dix N,  The  Captured  French  Vessels. 


i8o  The  Spanish  Settlements 

In  the  afternoon  Men^ndez  assembled  his  captains,  and 
after  pointing  out  how  grateful  they  should  be  to  God  for 
the  victory,  called  the  roll  of  his  men,  and  found  only 
four  hundred  present,  many  having  already  started  on 
their  way  back  to  St.  Augustine.  Menendez  was  himself 
anxious  to  return  at  once,  for  he  was  in  constant  dread 
of  a  descent  of  the  French  fleet  upon  his  settlement 
there.  He  also  wished  to  attempt  the  capture  of  Jacques 
Ribaut's  ships  before  they  had  left  the  St.  John's,  and 
to  get  ready  a  vessel  to  transport  the  women  and  children 
of  the  French  to  Santo  Domingo,  and  from  there  to 
Seville,  for  the  fate  of  the  latter  weighed  heavily  upon 
his  mind.  "It  is  with  the  greatest  sorrow  that  I  see  them 
in  company  with  my  people,  on  account  of  their  evil 
sect,"  he  wrote  the  King,  "and  yet  I  feared  that  Our 
Lord  would  punish  me,  if  I  acted  towards  them  with 
cruelty."  ' 

He  appointed  Gonzalo  de  Villarroel  harbour  master  and 
governor  of  the  district  and  gave  the  fort,  which  he  had 
named  San  Mateo,  into  his  charge,  having  captured  it  on 
the  feast  of  St.  Matthew.  The  camp  master,  Valdez,  who 
had  proved  very  daring  in  the  attack  and  a  garrison  of 
three  hundred  men  were  left  to  defend  the  fort,  and  the 
arms  of  France  were  torn  down  from  over  the  main  en- 
trance and  replaced  by  the  royal  arms  surmounted  by  a 
cross  supported  above  the  crown  by  two  angels.  The 
device  was  painted  by  two  Flemish  soldiers  in  his  little 
army.  Then  two  crosses  were  erected  inside  the  fort, 
and  a  location  was  selected  for  a  church  to  be  dedicated 
to  St.  Matthew. 

When  Men6ndez  came  to  look  about  him  for  an  escort 
he  found  his  soldiers  so  utterly  exhausted  with  the  march, 
the  wet,  the  mire,  the  sleepless  nights,  and  the  battle,  that 
not  a  man  was  to  be  found  willing  to  accompany  him. 

'  Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  pp.  105,  106;  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15, 
1565,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  87. 


Capture  of  Fort  Caroline  i8i 

He  therefore  determined  to  remain  over  night  and  then 
to  proceed  to  St.  Augustine  in  advance  of  the  main  body 
of  his  men  with  a  picked  company  of  thirty-five  of  those 
who  were  least  fatigued.' 

The  fate  of  the  fugitives  from  Fort  Caroline  was  various 
and  eventful.  When  Laudonniere  reached  the  forest,  he 
found  there  a  party  of  men  who  had  escaped  like  him- 
self, and  three  or  four  of  whom  were  badly  wounded.  A 
consultation  was  held  as  to  what  steps  should  be  taken, 
for  it  was  impossible  to  remain  where  they  were  for  any 
length  of  time,  without  food,  and  exposed  at  every  mo- 
ment to  an  attack  from  the  Spaniards.  Some  of  the 
party  determined  to  take  refuge  among  the  natives,  and 
set  out  for  a  neighbouring  Indian  village.^  These  were 
subsequently  ransomed  by  Menendez  and  returned  by 
him  to  France.'  Laudonniere  then  pushed  on  through 
the  woods,  where  his  party  was  increased  the  following 
day  by  that  of  the  artist,  Jacques  Le  Moyne. 

Wandering  along  one  of  the  forest  paths  with  which  he 
was  familiar,  Le  Moyne  had  come  upon  four  other  fugi- 
tives like  himself.  After  consultation  together  the  party 
broke  up,  Le  Moyne  going  in  the  direction  of  the  sea  to 
find  Ribaut's  boats,  and  the  others  making  for  an  Indian 
settlement.  Setting  out  alone,  Le  Moyne  soon  encoun- 
tered a  soldier,  a  tailor  by  trade,  who  had  been  at  work 
on  a  suit  of  clothes  for  Ottigny.  The  two  joined  com- 
pany, and  were  all  day  pushing  through  the  woods. 
Then  came  the  swamps  with  their  heavy  growth  of  reeds, 
the  laborious  struggle  all  night  long  to  get  through  them, 
the  continuing  rain,  and  the  rising  of  the  tide  until  the 
water  reached  to  the  waists  of  the  fugitives.  When 
morning  broke  and  the  sea  was  not  yet  sighted,  the  poor 

'  Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  pp.  102-104  ;  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas 
Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  58. 

^  Histoire  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  no;  Hak,,  vol.  ii.,  p.  520. 

^  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  59 ; 
Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  105. 


1 82  The  Spanish  Settlements 

tailor  gave  up  in  despair,  and  determined  to  return  to 
the  Spaniards,  hoping  that  his  gentle  trade  would  arouse 
their  compassion,  and  Le  Moyne,  after  vainly  trying  to 
dissuade  him,  finally  agreed  to  go  with  him.  Back 
through  the  forest  they  plodded  painfully  until  in  sight 
of  Fort  Caroline,  when  the  noise  of  the  uproar  and  re- 
joicings which  arose  from  the  victorious  Spaniards  im- 
pressed Le  Moyne  so  deeply  that  he  again  pleaded  with 
his  companion  to  remain  with  him.  But  the  tailor  was 
determined  to  make  the  attempt  and,  writes  Le  Moyne, 

"  he  embraced  me,  saying,  '  I  will  go;  so  farewell.'  In  order 
to  see  what  should  happen  to  him,  I  got  up  to  a  height  near 
by  and  watched.  As  he  came  down  from  the  high  ground, 
the  Spaniards  saw  him,  and  sent  out  a  party.  As  they  came 
upon  him,  he  fell  on  his  knees  to  beg  for  his  hfe.  They, 
however,  in  a  fury,  cut  him  to  pieces,  and  carried  off  the  dis- 
membered fragments  of  his  body  on  the  points  of  their  spears 
and  pikes."  ' 

What  little  hope  Le  Moyne  himself  may  have  entertained 
of  receiving  mercy  from  the  victors,  was  now  utterly 
abandoned,  and  again  hiding  himself  in  the  forest,  he  re- 
traced his  steps,  encountering  on  the  way  other  fugitives 
like  himself,  and  the  poor  maid-servant ;  and  finally,  while 
still  in  the  forest,  came  upon  the  party  of  Laudonnifere.'* 
Laudonnifere  had  taken  the  direction  of  the  sea  in  the 
evident  hope  of  finding  the  vessels  Ribaut  had  sent  inside 
the  bar.     After  a  while  the  marshes  were  reached, 

"  where,"  he  writes,  "  being  able  to  go  no  farther  by  reason 
of  my  sicknesse  which  I  had,  I  sent  two  of  my  men  which 
were  with  me,  which  could  swim  well,  vnto  the  ships  to  aduer- 
tise  them  of  that  which  had  happened,  and  to  send  them  word 
to  come  and  helpe  me.     They  were  not  able  that  day  to  get 

'  De  Bry,  Brevis  Narraiio,  p.  26 ;  English  translation  by  Fred.  B.  Per- 
kins in  Narrative  of  Le  Moyne,  Boston,  1875,  P-  I9> 

'  De  Bry,  Brevis  Narratio,  pp.  24-26. 


Capture  of  Fort  Caroline  183 

vnto  the  ships  to  certifie  them  thereof:  so  I  was  constrained 
to  stand  in  the  water  vp  to  the  shoulders  all  of  that  night  long, 
with  one  of  my  men  which  would  neuer  forsake  me."  ' 

And  now  through  the  water  and  the  tall  reeds  came 
the  old  carpenter,  Le  Challeux,  with  another  party  of 
refugees.  After  his  escape  from  the  fort  he  wandered  for 
half  an  hour  through  the  forest  until  he  heard  a  sound  of 
weeping  and  groaning,  and  drawing  near  to  it  discovered 
a  party  of  men,  among  whom  was  M.  Robert ;  and  farther 
along  he  came  upon  another  company.  Deliberating  as 
to  what  should  be  done,  some  of  the  fugitives  decided  to 
surrender  themselves  to  the  mercy  of  the  Spaniards,  and 
on  leaving  the  forest  for  that  purpose  they  were  seized 
and  killed,  and  their  bodies  thrown  onto  the  heap  of  the 
dead,  on  the  river-bank.  Le  Challeux  and  six  others  of 
the  company  decided  to  make  their  way  to  the  coast  in 
the  hope  of  being  rescued  by  the  ships  which  had  re- 
mained below  in  the  river.  On  reaching  the  summit  of 
a  high  mound  they  finally  discovered  the  sea,  which  still 
lay  a  great  distance  off,  and  on  descending  from  the  hill 
they  entirely  lost  sight  of  it.  Pursuing  the  direction  in 
which  they  had  seen  the  ocean,  they  plunged  onwards 
through  bushes  and  thickets,  which  tore  and  cut  their 
hands,  waded  marshes  where  the  sharp  leaves  of  the 
grasses  and  reeds  pricked  their  feet  and  cut  their  legs 
until  the  blood  ran,  and  where  the  water  reached  to 
their  waists,  until  they  came  to  a  stream  so  swift  that 
none  dared  swim  it.  Le  Challeux  cut  a  pole  with  the 
chisel  which  he  still  carried  in  his  hand.  Floating  it 
upon  the  water  the  end  next  the  bank  was  held  steady 
while  a  comrade  clung  to  it  as  he  made  his  way  to  the 
centre  of  the  stream,  and  when  he  had  reached  the 
end  and  his  head  disappeared  under  the  swift  current,  a 
vigorous  push  sent  him  across  into  the  shallow  water, 

'  "A  Notable  Historic, "  in  Hak.,  ii.,  p.  520;  Basanier,  p.  110. 


i84  The  Spanish  Settlements 

where  he  scrambled  to  his  feet  with  the  aid  of  the  reeds 
and  grasses.  They  passed  the  night  in  a  grove  of  trees  in 
view  of  the  sea,  and  the  following  morning,  as  they  were 
painfully  struggling  through  a  large  morass,  they  ob- 
served some  men  half  hidden  by  the  reeds,  whom  they 
took  to  be  a  party  of  Spaniards  come  down  to  cut  them 
off.  But  closer  observation  showed  that  they  were 
naked,  and  terrified  like  themselves,  and  when  they  re- 
cognised their  leader,  Laudonnifere,  and  others  of  their 
companions,  they  joined  them.  The  entire  company 
now  consisted  of  twenty-six. 

Two  men  were  now  sent  to  the  top  of  the  highest  trees 
from  which  they  discovered  one  of  the  smaller  of  the 
French  ships,  that  of  Captain  Maillard,  which  presently 
sent  a  boat  to  their  rescue.  The  boat  next  went  to  the 
relief  of  Laudonnifere,  who  was  so  sick  and  weak  that  he 
had  to  be  carried  to  it.  Before  returning  to  the  ship,  the 
remainder  of  the  company  were  gathered  up  from  among 
the  reeds  and  rushes,  the  men,  exhausted  with  hunger, 
anxiety,  and  fatigue,  having  to  be  assisted  into  the  boat 
by  the  sailors.' 

A  consultation  was  now  held  between  Jacques  Ribaut 
and  Captain  Maillard,  and  the  decision  was  reached  to  re- 
turn to  France.  But  in  their  weakened  state,  with  their 
arms  and  supplies  gone  and  the  better  part  of  their  crews 
absent  with  Jean  Ribaut,'  the  escaped  Frenchmen  were 
unable  to  navigate  all  three  of  the  vessels ;  they  therefore 
selected  the  two  best  and  sank  the  other.  The  armament 
of  the  vessel  bought  from  Hawkins  was  divided  between 
the  two  captains  and  she  was  abandoned.  Thursday, 
September  25th,  the  prows  of  the  two  ships  were  turned 
for  France,  but  they  parted  company  the  following  day. 
Jacques  Ribaut  with  Le  Challeux  and  his  party,  after  an 

'  Histoire  Notable,  Basanier,  pp.  no,  ill ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  520,  521  ; 
Le  Challeux,  reprint  in  Gaffarel,  pp.  467-471. 
*  De  Bry,  Brevis  Narratio,  p.  27. 


Capture  of  Fort  Caroline  185 

adventure  on  the  way  with  a  Spanish  vessel,  ultimately 
reached  La  Rochelle.'  The  other  vessel,  with  Laudon- 
n'lhre  aboard,  was  driven  by  foul  weather  into  Swansea 
Bay  in  South  Wales,  where  he  again  fell  very  ill.  Part 
of  his  men  he  sent  to  France  with  the  boat.  With  the 
remainder  he  went  to  London,  where  he  saw  M.  de  Foix, 
the  French  ambassador,  and  from  there  he  proceeded  to 
Paris.  Finding  that  the  King  had  gone  to  Moulins,  he 
finally  set  out  for  it  with  part  of  his  company  to  make  his 
report,  and  reached  there  about  the  middle  of  March  of 
the  following  year." 

'  "  Histoire  Memorable,"  Le  Challeux,  reprint  in  Gaffarel,  Jlisi.  de  la 
Floride,  p.  472.  Alava  to  Philip  II.,  Dec.  21,  1565,  MS.  Arch.  Nat., 
Paris,  K,  1504  (88),  mentions  the  arrival  of  Jacques  Ribaut  in  Normandy. 

*  Histoire  Notable,  Basanier,  pp.  112-114;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  521-523. 


CHAPTER   X 

THE    FATE   OF    RIBAUT'S    FLEET 

THE  morning  following  the  capture  of  Fort  Caroline 
Men^ndez  set  out  on  his  return  to  St,  Augustine. 
But  he  first  sent  the  camp  master  with  a  party  of  fifty 
men  to  look  for  those  who  had  escaped  over  the  palisade, 
and  to  reconnoitre  the  French  vessels  which  were  still 
lying  in  the  river,  and  whom  he  suspected  of  remaining 
there  in  order  to  rescue  their  compatriots.  Twenty 
fugitives  were  found  in  the  woods,  where  they  were  all 
shot  down,  and  towards  evening  the  camp  master  re- 
turned to  Fort  Caroline,  having  found  no  more  French- 
men. 

The  return  to  St.  Augustine  proved  still  more  arduous 
and  dangerous  than  the  journey  out.  After  marching 
through  the  forest  for  some  time  Men^ndez  reached  a 
hummock  by  which  he  had  passed  before,  but  on  at- 
tempting to  proceed  beyond  it  he  found  the  country 
overflowed.  Nothing  daunted  by  this,  he  continued  the 
advance,  the  water  continually  increasing  in  depth,  until 
he  was  at  last  forced  to  retrace  his  steps.  But  the  di- 
rection had  been  lost :  in  vain  he  searched  for  a  little  dry 
ground  where  he  could  camp  for  the  night ;  everywhere 
under  the  tall  palmettos  stretched  the  waste  of  waters. 
Then  Menendez  sent  the  most  agile  of  his  companions 
up  one  of  the  highest  trees  to  look  for  dry  land.  The 
soldier's  answer  brought  no  comfort ;  even  from  the  sum- 
I86 


The  Fate  of  Ribaut's  Fleet  187 

mit  of  the  tall  trees  no  dry  land  was  visible.  Then  Me- 
n^ndez  ordered  him  to  find  the  direction  of  the  setting 
sun,  but  the  cloud-banks  were  so  heavy  that  it  was  im- 
possible to  determine  even  that.  Wearily  the  party 
waited  for  the  weather  to  clear,  and  towards  the  after- 
noon  the  clouds  parted  sufficiently  for  Men^ndez  to 
recover  his  direction  and  push  forward.  On  went  the 
Spaniards,  crossing  the  deeper  and  larger  streams  on  the 
trunks  of  trees,  which  they  felled  in  such  wise  as  to  afford 
them  a  bridge.  Again  a  tall  palmetto  was  climbed,  and 
at  last  the  trail  found  by  which  they  had  come.  They 
encamped  that  night  on  a  bit  of  dry  ground,  where  a 
roaring  fire  was  built  to  dry  their  soaking  garments,  but 
all  in  vain,  as  the  heavy  rain  began  again.' 

Three  days  after  Ment^ndez's  departure  from  St.  Augus- 
tine, September  19th,  a  force  of  twenty  men  was  sent  to 
his  relief  with  supplies  of  bread  and  wine  and  cheese,  but 
the  settlement  remained  without  further  news  of  him. 
On  Saturday  "we  clergy,  wishing  to  eat  a  little  fish," 
writes  Mendoza,  the  fishermen  went  down  to  the  beach 
to  cast  their  nets,  where  they  discovered  a  man  whom  they 
seized  and  conducted  to  the  fort.  He  proved  to  be  a 
member  of  the  crew  of  one  of  Jean  Ribaut's  four  ships 
and  was  in  great  terror  of  being  hung.  But  the  chaplain 
examined  him,  and  finding  that  he  was  "a  Christian,"  of 
which  he  gave  evidence  by  reciting  the  prayers,  he  was 
promised  his  life  if  he  told  the  truth.  His  story  was  that 
in  the  storm  that  arose  after  the  French  demonstration 
in  front  of  St.  Augustine  their  frigate  had  been  cast  away 
at  the  mouth  of  a  river  four  leagues  to  the  south  of  St. 
Augustine  and  five  of  the  crew  were  drowned.  The  next 
morning  the  survivors  had  been  set  upon  by  the  natives 
and  three  more  had  been  killed  with  clubs.  Then  he  and 
a  companion  had  fled  along  the  shore,  walking  in  the  sea 

'  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  58-61 ; 
Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  pp.  I04-I0». 


i88  The  Spanish  Settlements 

with  only  their  heads  above  the  water  in  order  to  escape 
the  observation  of  the  Indians. 

Bartolom^  Menendez  sent  at  once  a  party  to  float  the 
frigate  off  and  bring  it  up  to  St.  Augustine,  for  on  that 
low  and  sandy  beach,  shelvy  and  devoid  of  rocks,  ves- 
sels are  frequently  driven  high  up  on  the  land.'  But 
when  the  Spaniards  approached  the  scene  of  the  wreck, 
the  Indians,  who  had  already  slaughtered  the  balance  of 
the  crew,  drove  them  away.  A  second  attempt  proved 
more  successful  and  the  vessel  was  brought  up  to  St. 
Augustine,  to  the  great  delight  of  the  Spaniards.' 

The  continued  absence  of  news  from  the  expedition 
against  Fort  Caroline  had  begun  to  cast  a  gloom  over  the 
Spaniards  at  St.  Augustine.  San  Vincente,  one  of  the 
captains  who  had  remained  behind,  prophesied  that  Av- 
iles  would  never  come  back,  and  that  the  entire  party 
would  be  killed.'  This  impression  was  confirmed  by  the 
return  of  a  hundred  men,  made  desperate  by  the  hard- 
ships of  the  march,  and  who  brought  with  them  their 
version  of  the  difficulty  of  the  attempt.  On  the  after- 
noon of  Monday,  the  24th,  just  after  the  successful  rescue 
of  the  French  frigate,  the  settlers  saw  a  man  coming 
towards  them,  shouting  at  the  top  of  his  lungs.  The 
chaplain  went  out  to  meet  him,  and  the  man  threw  his 
arms  around  him,  crying,  "Victory,  victory!  the  harbour 
of  the  French  is  ours!  "  '  He  proved  to  be  the  soldier 
who  had  guided  Menendez  by  climbing  the  trees.  When 
within  a  league  of  St.  Augustine  he  had  obtained  per- 
mission to  run  forward  and  announce  the  victory.  "I 
promised  him  his  reward  for  the  good  news  and  gave 
him  the  best  I  could,"  writes  Mendoza,  "and  having 
learned  the  news  I  ran  to  my  house  as  fast  as  I  could  and 

'  Fairbanks,  History  of  Florida,  Philadelphia,  1871,  p.  I2I. 

^  Mendoza,  "  Relacion  "  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  455-457. 

*  Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  91. 

*  Mendoza,  "  Relacion"  in  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  457,  458. 


I 


The  Fate  of  Ribaut's  Fleet  189 

took  a  new  cassock,  the  very  best  I  had,  and  a  surplice, 
and  I  took  a  crucifix  in  my  hands,  and  went  forward  to 
receive  Men(5ndez  before  he  reached  the  door."  The 
chaplain  was  accompanied  by  the  clergy,  each  carrying  a 
cross,  and  by  the  women  and  children,  laughing  and  weep- 
ing with  joy,  all  chanting  the  Tc  Dcum  Laudamtis.^ 

The  General  was  well  deserving  their  homage,  for  he 
had  shown  a  determination,  an  intrepidity,  and  an  en- 
durance that  had  successfully  encountered  and  overcome 
the  very  forces  of  nature.  In  the  face  of  every  difficulty, 
the  incipient  discontent  of  the  soldiers,  and  an  undercur- 
rent of  disapproval  on  the  part  of  his  captains,  he  had 
triumphed  in  the  execution  of  those  plans  of  his  own,  to 
which  he  was  so  wedded.  The  chaplain  in  an  exuberance 
of  pious  joy  exclaims  : 

"  So  great  is  his  zeal  and  Christianity,  that  all  these  labours 
are  but  repose  for  his  mind,  for  it  veritably  seems  to  me  that 
no  earthly  man  could  have  the  strength  to  endure  what  he  has; 
but  the  fire  and  longing  which  possess  him  to  serve  our  Lord 
in  humbling  and  destroying  that  Lutheran  sect,  enemy  of  our 
old  Catholic  faith,  cause  him  not  to  feel  the  fatigue  so  greatly. ' ' ' 

On  reaching  St.  Augustine  Men^ndez  at  once  armed 
two  boats  to  send  to  the  mouth  of  the  St.  John's  after 
Jacques  Ribaut,  to  prevent  his  uniting  with  his  father 
or  returning  to  France  with  the  news  of  the  Spanish  at- 
tack; but,  learning  that  Jacques  had  sailed,  he  abandoned 
his  plan  and  dispatched  a  single  vessel  with  supplies  to 
Fort  San  Mateo.' 

September  28th  some  Indians  brought  to  the  settle- 

'  Ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  460  ;  Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  109  ;  Barrientos  in 
Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  61,  62. 

*  Mendoza,  "  Relacion"  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  461. 

3  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  62 ; 
Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  109;  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct. 
15,  1565,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  87. 


iQo  The  Spanish  Settlements 

ment  the  information  that  a  number  of  Frenchmen  had 
been  cast  ashore  on  an  island  six  leagues  from  St. 
Augustine,'  where  they  were  imprisoned  by  the  river, 
which  they  could  not  cross.  They  proved  to  be  the 
crews  of  two  more  of  the  French  fleet  which  had  left  Fort 
Caroline  September  loth.  Failing  to  find  the  Spaniards 
at  sea,  Ribaut  had  not  dared  to  land  and  attack  St. 
Augustine,  and  so  had  resolved  to  return  to  Fort  Caro- 
line, when  his  vessels  were  caught  in  the  storm  before 
mentioned,  the  ships  dispersed,  and  two  of  them  wrecked 
along  the  shore  between  Matanzas  and  Mosquito  Inlet.* 
Part  of  the  crews  had  been  drowned  in  attempting  to 
land,  the  Indians  had  captured  fifty  of  them  alive  and 
had  killed  others,  so  that  out  of  four  hundred  there  re- 
mained only  one  hundred  and  forty.  Following  along 
the  shore  in  the  direction  of  Fort  Caroline,  the  easiest 
and  most  natural  course  to  pursue,  the  survivors  had 
soon  found  their  further  advance  barred  by  the  inlet,  and 
by  the  lagoon  or  "river  "  to  the  west  of  them. 

On  receipt  of  the  news  Men6ndez  sent  Diego  Flores  in 
advance  with  forty  soldiers  to  reconnoitre  the  French 
position ;  he  himself  with  the  chaplain,  some  officers,  and 
twenty  soldiers  rejoined  Flores  at  about  midnight,  and 
pushed  forward  to  the  side  of  the  inlet  opposite  to  their 
encampment.  The  following  morning,  having  concealed 
his  men  in  the  thicket,  Men6ndez  dressed  himself  in  a 
French  costume  with  a  cape  over  his  shoulder,  and,  carry- 

'  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1565,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  87.  Meras  (in 
ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  no),  and  Barrientos  (in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de 
la  Florida,  p.  62),  say  four  leagues. 

''Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  88 ; 
Le  Challeux,  "  Histoire  Memorable,"  reprint  in  Gaffarel,  Hist,  de  la 
Floride,  p.  473.  Vasalenque  ("  Informacion  de  algunos  servicios"  in 
Ruidiaz,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  616)  says:  "  En  un  rio  que  se  llama  Matanfas." 
Gaffarel  (p.  222),  "  sans  doute  la  lagune  de  Matanzas."  Fairbanks  (/Tzj/, 
of  Florida,  p.  121)  says  :  "  They  were  driven  ashore  between  Matanzas  and 
Mosquito  Inlet." 


The  Fate  of  Ribaut's  Fleet  191 

ing  a  short  lance  in  his  hand,'  went  out  and  showed  him- 
self on  the  river-bank,  accompanied  by  one  of  his  French 
prisoners,  in  order  to  convince  the  castaways  by  his  bold- 
ness that  he  was  well  supported.  The  Frenchmen  soon 
observed  him,  and  one  of  their  number  swam  over  to 
where  he  was  standing.  Throwing  himself  at  his  feet 
the  Frenchman  explained  who  they  were  and  besought 
the  General  to  grant  him  and  his  comrades  a  safe- 
conduct  to  Fort  Caroline,  as  they  were  not  at  war  with 
Spaniards. 

"  I  answered  him  that  we  had  taken  their  fort  and  killed  all 
the  people  in  it,"  writes  Menendez  to  the  King,  "because 
they  had  built  it  there  without  Your  Majesty's  permission,  and 
were  disseminating  the  Lutheran  religion  in  these,  Your  Ma- 
jesty's provinces.  And  that  I,  as  Captain-General  of  these 
provinces,  was  waging  a  war  of  fire  and  blood  against  all 
who  came  to  settle  these  parts  and  plant  in  them  their  evil 
Lutheran  sect;  for  I  was  come  at  Your  Majesty's  command  to 
plant  the  Gospel  in  these  parts  to  enlighten  the  natives  in  those 
things  which  the  Holy  Mother  Church  of  Rome  teaches  and 
believes,  for  the  salvation  of  their  souls.  For  this  reason  I 
would  not  grant  them  a  safe  passage,  but  would  sooner  follow 
them  by  sea  and  land  until  I  had  taken  their  lives."  * 

The  Frenchman  returned  to  his  companions  and  re- 
lated his  interview.  A  party  of  five,  consisting  of  four 
gentlemen  and  a  captain,  was  next  sent  over  to  find  what 
terms  they  could  get  from  Menendez,  who  received  them 
as  before,  with  his  soldiers  still  in  ambush,  and  himself 
attended  by  only  ten  persons.  After  he  had  convinced 
them  of  the  capture  of  Fort  Caroline  by  showing  them 

1  Mendoza  ("  Relacion  "  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  464)  says  he 
wore  a  naval  dress.  Parkman  {Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  IVorld, 
Boston,  1893,  p.  134)  says  in  the  dress  of  a  French  sailor. 

'^  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  8g. 


192  The  Spanish  Settlements 

some  of  the  spoil  he  had  taken,  and  some  prisoners  he 
had  spared,  the  spokesman  of  the  company  asked  for  a 
ship  and  sailors  with  which  to  return  to  France.  Men6n- 
dez  replied  that  he  would  willingly  have  given  them  one 
had  they  been  Catholics,  and  had  he  any  vessels  left ;  but 
that  his  own  ships  had  sailed  with  artillery  for  Fort  San 
Mateo  and  with  the  captured  women  and  children  for 
Santo  Domingo,  and  a  third  was  retained  to  carry  dis- 
patches to  Spain.  Neither  would  he  yield  to  a  request 
that  their  lives  be  spared  until  the  arrival  of  a  ship,  which 
■would  carry  them  back  to  their  country.  To  all  of  their 
demands  he  had  but  one  reply  to  give:  "Surrender  your 
arms  and  place  yourselves  at  my  mercy,  that  I  may  do 
with  you  as  Our  Lord  may  command  me."  "And  from 
this  I  did  not  depart,  nor  will  I,  unless  God  Our  Lord 
inspire  me  otherwise,"  he  adds  in  his  letter.'  The  gentle- 
men carried  back  to  their  comrades  the  terms  he  had  pro- 
posed, and  two  hours  later  Ribaut's  lieutenant,  "a 
very  cunning  man  in  these  matters,"  writes  Men^ndez, 
returned  and  offered  to  surrender  their  arms  and  to  give 
him  five  thousand  ducats  if  he  would  spare  their  lives. 
Men^ndez  indignantly  replied  that  the  sum  was  large 
enough  for  a  poor  soldier  such  as  he,  if  in  his  heart  he 
were  capable  of  such  weakness  and  cupidity,  but  when 
generosity  and  mercy  were  to  be  shown  they  should  be 
actuated  by  no  interest  whatever.  Again  the  envoy  re- 
turned to  his  companions,  and  in  half  an  hour  came  the 
acceptance  of  the  ambiguous  conditions. 

The  story  of  the  attempted  bribery,  if  true,  and  there 
is  little  reason  to  doubt  it,  but  too  plainly  indicates  how 
little  room  there  was  for  question  among  those  unfor- 
tunate Frenchmen  as  to  the  nature  of  the  divine  inspira- 
tion in  such  a  foe  of  France  and  of  heresy  as  was  the  cool 
and  determined  soldier  before  them.  "They  came  and 
surrendered  their  arms  to  me,  and  I  had  their  hands  tied 
1  See  Appendix  O,  The  Oath  of  Aviles. 


The  Fate  of  Ribaut's  Fleet  193 

behind  them,  and  put  them  all  excepting  ten  to  the 
knife,"  laconically  writes  this  servant  of  God  and  the 
King. 

Both  of  his  biographers  give  a  much  more  detailed  ac- 
count of  the  occurrence,  evidently  taken  from  a  common 
source.  The  Frenchmen  first  sent  over  in  a  boat  their 
banners,  their  arquebuses  and  pistols,  swords  and  tar- 
gets, and  some  helmets  and  breast-pieces.  Then  twenty 
Spaniards  crossed  in  the  boat  and  brought  the  now  un- 
armed Frenchmen  over  the  lagoon  in  parties  of  ten. 
They  were  subjected  to  no  ill-treatment  as  they  were 
ferried  over,  the  Spaniards  not  wishing  to  arouse  any  sus- 
picions among  those  who  had  not  yet  crossed.  Mendn- 
dez  himself  withdrew  some  distance  from  the  shore  to  the 
rear  of  a  sand  hill,  where  he  was  concealed  from  the  view 
of  the  prisoners  who  were  crossing  in  the  boat.  In  com- 
panies of  ten  the  Frenchmen  were  conducted  to  him  be- 
hind the  sand  hill  and  out  of  sight  of  their  companions, 
and  to  each  party  he  addressed  the  same  ominous  request : 
"Gentlemen,  I  have  but  a  few  soldiers  with  me,  and  you 
are  many,  and  it  would  be  an  easy  matter  for  you  to  over- 
power us  and  avenge  yourselves  upon  us  for  your  people 
which  we  killed  in  the  fort ;  for  this  reason  it  is  necessary 
that  you  should  march  to  my  camp  four  leagues  from 
here  with  your  hands  tied  behind  your  backs."  The 
Frenchmen  consented,  for  they  were  unarmed  and  could 
offer  no  further  resistance,  and  their  hands  were  bound 
behind  them  with  cords  of  the  arquebuses  and  with  the 
matches  of  the  soldiers,  probably  taken  from  the  very 
arms  they  had  surrendered.'  Then  Mendoza,  the  chap- 
lain, "being  a  priest  and  having  the  bowels  of  a  man," 
asked  Menendez  to  grant  him  the  lives  of  those  who 
should  prove  to  be  "Christians."  Ten  Roman  Catholics 
were  found,  who,  but  for  the  compassion  of  this  poor 
egotistical  and  bigoted  priest,  would  have  suffered  the 

'  Both  Barrientos  and  Meras  say  208  Frenchmen  were  thus  tied. 


194  The  Spanish  Settlements 

last  penalty  along  with  the  heretics."  These  were  sent 
by  boat  to  St  Augustine.  The  remainder  confessed  that 
they  were  Lutherans.  They  were  given  something  to 
eat  and  drink,  and  then  ordered  to  set  out  on  the  march. 
At  the  distance  of  a  gun-shot  from  the  hill  behind  which 
these  preparations  were  in  progress,  Men6ndez  himself 
had  drawn  with  his  spear  a  line  in  the  sand,  across  the 
path  they  were  to  follow.  Then  he  ordered  the  captain 
of  the  vanguard  which  escorted  the  prisoners  that  on 
reaching  the  place  indicated  by  the  line  he  was  to  cut 
off  the  heads  of  all  of  them;  he  also  commanded  the 
captain  of  the  rearguard  to  do  the  same.  It  was  Satur- 
day, the  29th  of  September,  the  feast  of  St.  Michael, 
patron  and  prince  of  the  Church  militant,  conqueror  of 
the  hosts  of  hell,  out  of  whose  nethermost  depths  was 
reckoned  to  have  sprung  the  heresy  these  French  pirates 
had  brought  with  them.  The  sun  had  already  set,  and 
the  night  was  falling  when,  near  the  banks  of  the  placid 
lagoon,  the  Frenchmen  came  abreast  of  the  mark  drawn 
in  the  sand,  and  the  orders  of  the  Spanish  General  were 
executed."  That  same  night  Avil^s  returned  to  St. 
Augustine,  which  he  reached  at  dawn. 

On  the  loth  of  October  the  distressing  news  reached 
the  garrison  at  St.  Augustine  that  eight  days  after  its 
capture  Fort  San  Mateo  had  burned  down,  with  the  loss 
of  all  the  provisions  which  were  stored  there.  It  was 
accidentally  set  on  fire  by  the  candle  of  a  mulatto  servant 
of  one  of  the  captains ;  but  for  all  that,  suspicions  arose 
that  it  might  be  the  result  of  certain  jealousies  between 
the  master  of  the  mulatto  and  another  officer  stationed 

'  Mendoza,  "  Relacion  "  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  465.  Else- 
where on  the  same  page  he  says  that  14  or  15  were  saved.  Aviles  in  the 
letter  already  cited  {}bid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  89),  says  10. 

2  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  62-66 ; 
Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  pp.  110-117  ;  Mendoza,  "Rela- 
cion" in  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  465  ;  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1565,  ibid.y 
tomo  ii.,  pp.  87-89. 


The  Fate  of  Ribaut's  Fleet  195 

there.  Men^ndez  promptly  sent  food  from  his  own  store 
to  San  Mateo.' 

Within  an  hour  of  receiving  this  alarming  report  some 
Indians  brought  word  that  Jean  Ribaut  with  two  hun- 
dred men  was  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  place  where 
the  two  French  ships  had  been  wrecked.  They  were  in 
much  suffering,  for  the  Trinity  had  gone  to  pieces  farther 
down  the  shore,  and  their  provisions  had  all  been  lost. 
They  had  been  reduced  to  living  on  roots  and  grasses 
and  to  drinking  the  impure  water  collected  in  the  holes 
and  pools  along  their  route.  Like  the  first  party,  whose 
fate  has  just  been  related,  their  only  hope  lay  in  a  return 
to  Fort  Caroline.  Le  Challeux  tells  us  that  they  had 
saved  a  small  boat  from  the  wreck ;  this  they  caulked  with 
their  shirts,  and  thirteen  of  the  company  had  set  out  in 
her  for  Fort  Caroline  in  search  of  assistance,  and  had  not 
returned.'  As  Ribaut  and  his  companions  made  their 
way  northward  in  the  direction  of  the  fort,  they  eventually 
found  themselves  in  the  same  predicament  as  the  previous 
party,  cut  off  by  Matanzas  Inlet  and  river  from  the  main- 
land, and  unable  to  cross. 

On  receipt  of  the  news  Avil^s  repeated  the  tactics  of 
his  previous  exploit,  and  sent  a  party  of  soldiers  by  land, 
following  himself  the  same  day  in  two  boats  with  addi- 
tional troops,  one  hundred  and  fifty  in  all.  He  reached 
his  destination  on  the  shore  of  the  Matanzas  River  at 
night, ^  and   the    following   morning,    October   nth,   he 

1  Mefas  mibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  127;  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1565, 
ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  loi,  102;  Vasalenque,  "  Informacion  de  algunos  ser- 
vicios,"  etc.,  in  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  6i6. 

2  Le  Challeux,  "  Histoire  Memorable,"  reprint  in  Gaffarel,  Hist,  de  la 
Floride,  p.  474. 

^Vasalenque  ("Informacion  de  algunos  servicios,"  etc.,  in  Ruidi'az,  La 
Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  616)  says:  "  llegados  al  proprio  rio  de  Matan9as." 
Ribaut  must  have  been  wrecked  north  of  Mosquito  Inlet  in  order  to  reach 
Matanzas.  Fairbanks,  History  of  St.  Augustine,  New  York,  1858,  p.  64, 
note.      On    Mexia's   map   of    1605    (MS.    Arch.    Gen.   de  Indias,    Sevilla, 


196  The  Spanish  Settlements 

discovered  the  French  across  the  water  where  they  had 
constructed  a  raft  with  which  to  attempt  a  crossing.  At 
the  sight  of  the  Spaniards,  the  French  displayed  their  ban- 
ners, sounded  their  fifes  and  drums,  and  offered  them 
battle,  but  Menendez  took  no  notice  of  the  demonstra- 
tion.' Commanding  his  own  men,  whom  he  had  again 
disposed  to  produce  an  impression  of  numbers,  to  sit 
down  and  breakfast,  he  turned  to  walk  up  and  down  the 
shore  with  two  of  his  captains  in  full  sight  of  the  French. 
Then  Ribaut  called  a  halt,  sounded  a  trumpet-call,  and 
displayed  a  white  flag,  to  which  Menendez  replied  in 
the  same  fashion.  The  Spaniards  having  refused  to  cross 
at  the  invitation  of  Ribaut,  a  French  sailor  swam  over  to 
them,  and  came  back  immediately  in  an  Indian  canoe, 
bringing  the  request  that  Ribaut  send  over  some  one 
authorised  to  state  what  he  wanted.  The  sailor  returned 
again  with  a  French  gentleman,  who  announced  that  he 
was  Sergeant  Major  of  Ribaut,  Viceroy  and  Captain- 
General  of  Florida  for  the  King  of  France.  His  com- 
mander had  been  wrecked  on  the  coast  with  three 
hundred  and  fifty  of  his  people,  and  had  sent  to  ask  for 
boats  with  which  to  reach  his  fort,  and  to  enquire  if  they 
were  Spaniards,  and  who  was  their  captain. 

"We  are  Spaniards,"  answered  Avil^s.     "I  to  whom 

Patronato,  est.  I,  caj.  i,  leg.  1/19,  ramo  29),  the  name  of  Barreta  de  Ribao  is 
given  to  an  inlet  into  the  Matanzas  River  south  of  Matanzas  Inlet,  which 
appears  at  that  time  to  have  connected  it  with  the  sea.  Velasco  (in  his 
Geograffia,  i^j  1-1^^4,  p.  167),  says  the  river  was  called  Matanzas  "  porque 
junto  a  el,  a  la  parte  del  norte,  en  la  mesma  costa,  murieron  los  ffanceses 
luteranos  que  estaban  con  Juan  Ribau."  The  "  Relacion  escrita  por  el 
Tesorero  Joan  Menendez  Marques,"  June  6,  1606  (in  Ruidi'az,  ibid.,  tomo 
ii.,  501).  mentions  "la  barra  y  barrera  de  Juan  Ribao  y  Matan9as,  cinco 
leguas  deste  puerto  [of  St.  Augustine],  en  la  buelta  del  Sur  .  .  .  y  alli 
mataron  al  dicho  Juan  Ribao  y  a  la  mayor  parte  de  los  franceses,  de  que 
resulto  quedar  a  la  barra  el  nombre  de  Matanzas." 

1  Vasalenque  says  the  Spaniards  made  a  similar  demonstration.  "  In- 
formacion  de  algunos  servicios,"  etc.,  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida^  tomo  ii.,  p. 
616. 


The  Fate  of  Ribaut's  Fleet  197 

you  are  speaking  am  the  Captain,  and  my  name  is  Pedro 
Menendez.  Tell  your  General  that  I  have  captured  your 
fort,  and  killed  your  French  there,  as  well  as  those  who 
had  escaped  from  the  wreck  of  your  fleet."  And  there- 
upon he  offered  Ribaut  the  identical  terms  which  he  had 
extended  to  the  first  party  and  grimly  led  the  French 
officer  to  where,  a  few  rods  beyond,  lay  the  dead  bodies 
of  the  shipwrecked  and  defenceless  men  he  had  so  wan- 
tonly massacred  but  twelve  days  before.  When  the 
Frenchman  viewed  the  heaped-up  corpses  of  his  familiars 
and  friends,  not  a  muscle  quivered  in  his  face,  and  he 
quietly  asked  Menendez  to  send  a  gentleman  to  Ribaut 
to  inform  him  of  what  had  occurred;  and  he  even  re- 
quested Menendez  to  go  in  person  to  treat  about  securi- 
ties, as  his  General  was  greatly  fatigued.  "Go  yourself, 
brother,  in  God's  name,  to  convey  my  answer;  and  if  your 
General  wishes  to  talk  with  me,  I  give  him  my  word  that 
he  can  come  in  safety  with  five  or  six  of  his  companions, " 
replied  Menendez. 

In  the  afternoon  Ribaut  crossed  over  with  eight  gentle- 
men and  was  entertained  by  Avil6s.  The  French  accepted 
some  wine  and  preserves ;  more  they  would  not  take,  for 
their  hearts  were  heavy  at  learning  the  fate  of  their  com- 
panions. Then  Ribaut,  pointing  to  where  lay  the  bodies 
of  his  comrades,  which  were  visible  from  where  he  stood, 
said  that  they  might  have  been  tricked  into  the  belief  that 
Fort  Caroline  was  taken,  referring  to  a  story  he  had 
learned  from  a  barber  who  had  survived  the  first  massacre 
by  feigning  death  when  he  was  struck  down,  and  had  then 
escaped  to  him.  But  Ribaut  was  soon  convinced  of  his 
mistake,  for  he  was  allowed  to  converse  privately  with 
two  Frenchmen  captured  at  Fort  Caroline.  Then  he 
turned  to  Menendez  and  said  :  "What  has  happened  to  me 
may  happen  to  you.  Since  our  Kings  are  brothers  and 
friends,  do  you  also  play  the  part  of  a  friend  and  give  me 
ships  with  which  to  return  to  France. ' '     But  the  Spaniard 


198  The  Spanish  Settlements 

was  inexorable,  and  Ribaut  returned  to  his  compan- 
ions to  acquaint  them  with  the  results  of  the  interview. 
Within  three  hours  he  was  back  again.  Some  of  his 
people  were  willing  to  trust  to  the  mercy  of  Men^ndez, 
he  said,  but  others  were  not,  and  he  offered  one  hundred 
thousand  ducats  on  the  part  of  his  companions  to  secure 
their  lives ' ;  but  Avil^s  stood  firm  in  his  determination. 
As  the  evening  was  falling  Ribaut  again  withdrew  across 
the  lagoon,  saying  he  would  bring  the  final  decision  in 
the  morning. 

Between  the  terrible  alternatives  of  death  by  starvation 
or  at  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards,  the  night  brought  no 
better  counsel  to  the  castaways  than  that  of  trusting  to 
the  mercy  of  their  fellow-men.  When  morning  came 
Ribaut  returned  with  six  of  his  captains,  and  surrendered 
his  own  person  and  arms,  the  royal  standard  which  he 
bore,  and  his  seal  of  office.  His  captains  did  the  same, 
and  Ribaut  declared  that  about  seventy  of  his  people 
were  willing  to  submit,  among  whom  were  many  noble- 
men, gentlemen  of  high  connections,  and  four  Germans. 
The  remainder  of  the  company  had  withdrawn  and  had 
even  attempted  to  kill  their  leader.  Then  the  same 
gruesome  ceremony  was  rehearsed  as  on  the  previous 
occasion,  Diego  Flores  de  Valdes  ferried  the  French- 
men over  in  parties  of  ten,  which  were  successively  con- 
ducted behind  the  same  sand  hill,  where  their  hands  were 
tied  behind  them.  The  same  lying  excuse  was  made 
that  they  could  not  be  trusted  to  march  unbound  to  the 
camp.  When  the  hands  of  all  had  been  bound  except 
those  of  Ribaut,  who  was  for  a  time  left  free,  the  ominous 
question  was  put:  "Are  you  Catholics  or  Lutherans,  and 
are  there  any  who  wish  to  confess?"  Ribaut  answered 
that  they  were  all  of  the  new  Lutheran  religion.  Then 
he  repeated  the  passage  from  Genesis,  "From  earth  we 

'  See  also  the  deposition  of  Grauiel  de  Riuera  in  "  Informacion  de  algunos 
servicios,"  etc.,  in  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  603,  to  the  same  effect. 


The  Fate  of  Ribaut's  Fleet  199 

come,  and  unto  earth  must  we  return  "  ";  and  observed 
that  twenty  years  more  or  less  were  of  little  account ; 
that  Men^ndez  could  do  with  them  as  he  chose,  and  he 
sang  the  psalm  Domine,  vicnicnto  nici."^  Avil^s  pardoned 
the  drummers,  fifers,  trumpeters,  and  four  others  who 
said  they  were  Catholics,  some  seventeen  in  all.'  Then 
he  ordered  that  the  remainder  should  be  marched  in  the 
same  order  to  the  same  line  in  the  sand,  where  they  were 
in  turn  deliberately  massacred. 

Aviles  had  confided  Ribaut  to  his  brother-in-law,  and 
biographer,  Solis  de  Merds,  and  to  San  Vincente,  with 
directions  to  kill  him.  Ribaut  was  wearing  a  telt  hat  and 
on  Vincente's  asking  for  it  Ribaut  gave  it  to  him.  Then 
the  Spaniard  said:  "You  know  how  captains  must  obey 
their  generals  and  execute  their  commands.  We  must 
bind  your  hands."  When  this  had  been  done  and  the 
three  had  proceeded  a  little  distance  along  the  way,  Vin- 
cente gave  him  a  blow  in  the  stomach  with  his  dagger, 
and  Meras  thrust  him  through  the  breast  with  a  pike 
which  he  carried,  and  then  they  cut  off  his  head.* 

1  Probably  Genesis  iii.,  19. 

*  Meras,  who  relates  the  incident  (Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  126), 
«ays :  "empezo  a  decir  el  %2\vi\o  Domine,  memento  met."  As  Meras  was 
one  of  his  murderers  the  statement  must  be  accepted.  But  there  is  no 
psalm  beginning  with  these  words.  Parkman  {Pioneers  of  France  in  the 
New  World,  Boston,  1893,  p.  143)  quotes  from  Histoire  Gin^rale  des  Voy- 
ages, xiv.,  p.  446,  where  it  is  suggested  that  Meras  probably  intended  to 
say  Domine,  memento  David,  which  is  Psalm  131  of  the  Vulgate  and  132  of 
the  King  James  Version,  and  the  quotation  further  suggests  that  Ribaut  re- 
peated it  in  French.  But  it  is  difficult  to  see  what  particular  bearing  the 
132nd  Psalm  could  have  on  the  circumstances  attending  his  assassination, 
except,  perhaps,  a  very  obscure  reference  to  his  planting  of  the  Reformed 
religion  in  the  New  World. 

'This  is  the  number  given  by  Barrientos  ("  Hechos,"  in  Garcia,  Dos 
Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  69);  Meras  (Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo 
i. ,  p.  126)  says  the  pipers,  drummers,  and  trumpeters,  with  four  Catholics,  six- 
teen in  all.  Aviles  himself  (letter  Oct.  15,  1565,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  103)  says 
iive  only,  two  lads  of  eighteen  years  of  age,  a  piper,  drummer,  and  trumpeter. 

^  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  66-70  ; 
Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  pp.   1 19-126  ;  Aviles  to  Philip  II., 


2CX3  The  Spanish  Settlements 

"I  put  Jean  Ribaut  and  all  the  rest  of  them  to  the  knife," 
Aviles  wrote  Philip  four  days  later,  "judging  it  to  be  neces- 
sary to  the  service  of  the  Lord  Our  God,  and  of  Your  Majesty. 
And  I  think  it  a  very  great  fortune  that  this  man  be  dead;  for 
the  King  of  France  could  accomplish  more  with  him  and  fifty 
thousand  ducats,  than  with  other  men  and  five  hundred  thou- 
sand ducats ;  and  he  could  do  more  in  one  year,  than  another 
in  ten;  for  he  was  the  most  experienced  sailor  and  corsair 
known,  very  skilful  in  this  navigation  of  the  Indies  and  of  the 
Florida  Coast."  ' 

There  was  one  remarkable  escape  from  this  massacre, 
that  of  a  sailor  from  Dieppe,  whose  name  has  been  omit- 
ted from  the  records.  According  to  his  own  account,  as 
related  by  Le  Moyne, 

•*  he  was  among  those  who  were  pinioned  for  slaughter,  and 
was  knocked  in  the  head  with  the  rest,  but,  instead  of  being 
killed,  was  only  stunned;  and  the  three  others  with  whom  he 
was  tied  falling  above  him,  he  was  left  for  dead  along  with 
them.  The  Spaniards  got  together  a  great  pile  of  wood  to 
burn  the  corpses;  but,  as  it  grew  late,  they  put  it  off  until  the 
next  day.  The  sailor,  coming  to  his  senses  among  the  dead 
bodies  in  the  night,  bethought  himself  of  a  knife  which  he 
wore  in  a  wooden  sheath,  and  contrived  to  work  himself  about 
until  little  by  little  he  got  the  knife  out  and  cut  the  ropes  that 
bound  him.  He  then  rose  up  and  silently  departed,  journey- 
ing all  the  rest  of  the  night.  After  travelling  three  days  with- 
out stopping,  he  came  to  a  certain  Indian  chief,     ,     .     .     with 

Oct.  15,  1565,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  102,  103.  Le  Challeux  in  "  Histoire 
Memorable"  (reprint  in  Gaflarel,  Hist,  de  la  Floride,  p.  476)  says  he  was 
first  stabbed  from  behind,  as  does  also  the  "  Requeste  au  Roy"  (ibid.,  p, 
478).  There  is  a  curious  confirmation  of  the  conversation  between  Ribaut 
and  one  of  his  murderers  in  the  story  of  the  Dieppe  sailor  reported  by  Le 
Moyne  (De  Bry,  Brevis  Narratio,  p.  29).  See  p.  203  in  this  volume. 
Fourquevaux,  in  his  letter  to  Charles  IX.,  of  Aug.  11,  1566  [Depeches, 
p.  104),  says  :  "  Tout  le  demeurant  fut  incontinent  mis  en  pieces  jusques  au 
nombre  de  873  "  ! 

1  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida  tomo  ii.,  p.  103. 


The  Fate  of  Ribaut's  Fleet  201 

whom  he  remained  hidden  eight  months  before  he  was  be- 
trayed to  the  Spaniards."  ' 

After  serving  as  a  slave  for  a  year  in  the  fort  at  St. 
Augustine,  and  then  being  sent  to  Cuba,  where  he  was 
chained  to  another  Frenchman,  the  two  unfortunates  were 
finally  sold  together  and  put  on  board  a  ship  bound  for 
Portugal.  On  her  way  she  was  captured  by  a  French 
vessel,  and  the  two  Frenchmen,  still  in  chains,  finally 
obtained  their  liberty. 

The  Dieppe  sailor  gave  his  own  account  of  the  final 
massacre  of  the  French  to  Le  Moyne,  and  as  it  is  a  type 
of  the  version  which  was  generally  accepted  and  believed 
in  by  the  French  it  deserves  our  consideration.  Follow- 
ing his  shipwreck  Ribaut  determined  to  make  for  Fort 
Caroline,  and  after  enduring  many  hardships  he  finally 
reached  a  point  in  its  neighbourhood,  as  the  sailor  sup- 
posed, but  really  at  Matanzas  Inlet.  Here  he  encamped, 
and  sending  one  Vasseur  with  six  men  in  an  Indian  canoe 
to  reconnoitre,  they  presently  returned  with  the  distress- 
ing information  that  the  Spanish  flag  was  floating  above 
Fort  Caroline.'  Ribaut  at  once  recognised  how  desperate 
was  his  situation,  with  his  men  in  danger  of  perishing  by 
starvation  and  exposure,  and  sent  two  of  his  ofificers  to 
sound  the  Spaniards,  who  the  narrator  supposed  were 
at  Fort  Caroline,  across  the  river. 

•  De  Bry,  Brevis  Narratio,  p.  29 ;  English  translation  of  Fred.  B.  Per- 
kins  in  Narrative  of  Le  Moyne,  Boston,  1875,  p.  22.  Barcia  {Ensayo,  Ano 
MDLXVII.,  pp.  129,  130,  135)  relates  a  similar  story  of  an  escaped  French- 
man named  Pedro  Breu,  subsequently  taken  by  Aviles,  and  not  recounted 
by  Meras  or  Barrientos. 

"^  See  Le  Challeux's  similiar  statement  that  Ribaut  sent  a  reconnoissance 
to  Fort  Caroline,  "  Histoire  Memorable,"  reprint  in  Gaffarel,  Hist,  de  la 
Floride,  p.  474  and  p,  195,  in  this  volume.  Barcia  {Ensayo,  Ano  MDLXV., 
p.  84)  says  the  party  did  not  return  to  Ribaut,  but  escaped  to  Orista  or 
Santa  Elena  on  finding  that  Fort  Caroline  had  fallen.  He  appears  to  iden- 
tify the  party  with  the  Frenchmen  heard  of  by  Aviles  on  his  first  visit  to 
Guale.     See  p.  245  in  this  volume. 


202  The  Spanish  Settlements 

"  They  went  in  a  canoe  with  five  or  six  soldiers,  and,  accord- 
ing to  orders,  showed  themselves  a  good  distance  off.  The 
Spaniards  on  seeing  them,  came  in  a  boat  to  the  other  bank  of 
the  river,  and  held  a  parley  with  our  men.  The  French  asked 
what  had  become  of  the  men  left  in  the  Fort?  The  Spaniards 
replied  that  their  commander,  who  was  a  humane  and  clement 
person,  had  sent  them  all  to  France  in  a  large  ship  abundantly 
supplied,  and  that  they  might  say  to  Ribaut  that  he  and  his 
men  should  be  used  equally  well." 

The  French  returned  with  this  message,  to  which  Ribaut 
too  hastily  gave  credence.  Urged  on  by  the  majority  of 
his  men  to  secure  terms  of  surrender,  although  there  were 
some  who  questioned  its  wisdom,  he  sent  La  Caille  to  the 
Spanish  commander,  with  the  orders  that 

"  if  the  latter  should  seem  inclined  to  clemency,  to  ask  in  the 
name  of  the  Lieutenant  of  the  King  of  France,  for  a  safe-con- 
duct, and  to  announce,  that,  if  the  Spanish  leader  would  make 
oath  to  spare  all  their  lives,  they  would  come  in  and  throw 
themselves  at  his  feet.  .  .  .  Coming  to  the  fort  he  [La 
Caille]  was  taken  before  the  Commander,  and,  throwing  him- 
self at  his  feet,  delivered  his  message.  Having  heard  La  Caille 
through,  he  not  only  pledged  his  faith  to  La  Caille  in  the  terms 
suggested,  and  confirmed  the  pledge  with  many  signs  of  the 
cross,  and  by  kissing  the  Evangelists,  but  made  oath  in  the 
presence  of  all  his  men,  and  drew  up  a  writing  sealed  with  his 
seal,  repeating  the  oath,  and  promising  that  he  would  without 
fraud,  faithfully,  and  like  a  gentleman  and  a  man  of  honesty, 
preserve  the  lives  of  Ribaud  and  his  men.  All  of  this  was 
handsomely  written  out,  and  given  to  La  Caille." 

The  assurance  thus  solemnly  given 

"  was  joyfully  received  by  some,  while  others  did  not  entertain 
any  great  expectations  from  it.  Ribaud,  however,  having 
made  an  excellent  speech  to  his  people,  and  all  having  joined 
in  offering  prayer  to  God,  gave  orders  to  proceed,  and  with 


The  Fate  of  Ribaut's  Fleet  203 

all  his  company  came  down  to  the  bank  of  the  river  near  the 
fort.  Upon  being  seen  by  the  Spanish  sentinels,  they  were 
taken  over  in  boats.  Ribaud  himself,  and  D'Ottigny,  Lau- 
donniere's  Lieutenant,  were  first  led  into  the  fort  by  them- 
selves; the  rest  were  halted  about  a  bowshot  from  the  fort, 
and  all  were  tied  up  in  fours  back  to  back;  from  which,  and 
other  indications,  they  quickly  perceived  that  their  lives  were 
lost.  Ribaud  asked  to  see  the  Governor,  to  remind  him  of  his 
promise;  but  he  spoke  to  deaf  ears.  D'Ottigny,  hearing  the 
despairing  cries  of  his  men,  appealed  to  the  oath  which  had 
been  taken,  but  they  laughed  at  him.  As  Ribaud  insisted  on 
his  application,  a  Spanish  soldier  finally  came  in,  and  asked 
in  French  if  he  were  the  commander,  Ribaud.  The  answer 
was  '  Yes.'  The  man  asked  again  if  Ribaud  did  not  expect, 
when  he  gave  an  order  to  his  soldiers,  that  they  would  obey ; 
to  which  he  again  said  '  Yes. '  '  I  propose  to  obey  the  orders 
of  ray  commander  also,'  replied  the  Spaniard;  '  I  am  ordered 
to  kill  you,'  and  with  that  he  thrust  a  dagger  into  his  breast; 
and  he  killed  D'Ottigny  in  the  same  way.  When  this  was 
done,  men  were  detailed  to  kill  all  the  rest  who  had  been  tied 
up,  by  knocking  them  in  the  head  with  clubs  and  axes ;  which 
they  proceeded  to  do  without  delay,  calling  them  meanwhile 
Lutherans,  and  enemies  to  God  and  the  Virgin  Mary.  In  this 
manner  they  were  all  most  cruelly  murdered  in  violation  of  an 
oath,  except  a  drummer  from  Dieppe  named  Dronet,  a  fifer, 
[the  narrator],  and  a  fiddler  named  Masselin,  who  was  kept 
alive  to  play  for  dancing."  ' 

That  same  night  Aviles  returned  to  St.  Augustine ;  and 
when  the  event  became  known,  there  were  some,  even  in 
that  isolated  garrison,  living  in  constant  dread  of  a  de- 
scent by  the  French,  who  accounted  him  cruel,  an  opin- 
ion which  his  brother-in-law,  Meras,  the  very  man  who 
helped  to  kill  Ribaut,  does  not  hesitate  to  record.  And 
when  the  news  eventually  reached  Spain,  even  there  a 
vague   rumour  was  afloat   that   there   were   those  who 

'  Le  Moyne  in  Brevis  Narratio,  pp.  27-29  ;  English  translation  of  Fred, 
B.  Perkins  in  Narrative  of  Le  Moyne,  pp.  20-22. 


204  The  Spanish  Settlements 

condemned  Avil^s  for  perpetrating  the  massacre  against 
his  given  word."  Others  among  the  settlers  thought  that 
he  had  acted  as  a  good  captain,  because,  with  their  small 
store  of  provisions,  they  considered  that  there  would  have 
been  an  imminent  danger  of  their  perishing  by  hunger  had 
their  numbers  been  increased  by  the  Frenchmen,  even 
had  they  been  Catholics.'  Don  Bartolome  Barrientos, 
Professor  at  the  University  of  Salamanca,  whose  history 
was  completed  two  years  after  the  event,  expresses  still 
another  phase  of  Spanish  contemporary  opinion : 

"  He  acted  as  an  excellent  inquisitor;  for  when  asked  if  they 
were  Catholics  or  Lutherans,  they  dared  to  proclaim  them- 
selves publicly  as  Lutherans,  without  fear  of  God  or  shame 
before  men;  and  thus  he  gave  them  that  death  which  their  in- 
solence deserved.  And  even  in  that  he  was  very  merciful  in 
granting  them  a  noble  and  honourable  death,  by  cutting  off 
their  heads,  when  he  could  legally  have  burnt  them  alive. 
.  .  .  He  killed  them,  I  think,  rather  by  divine  inspiration, 
than  through  any  counsel  of  the  human  understanding,  for  he 
had  no  wish  that  his  own  people  by  touching  pitch,  should  be 
defiled  by  it.'" 

Another  curious  side  light  upon  the  aspect  in  which 
these  massacres  presented  themselves  to  those  who  were 
in  frequent  and  long  continued  intercourse  with  Menen- 
dez,  is  furnished  by  an  enquiry  into  his  service  to  the 
King,  accompanying  a  request  for  relief  made  in  1595, 
and  addressed  to  the  Crown  by  one  of  his  sons-in-law. 
Five  out  of  seven  of  the  deponents  in  the  enquiry  men- 
tion Aviles's  conquest  of  Florida  and  add  in  the  most 
matter-of-fact  way  that  he  killed  all  of  the  French  there. 
The  striking  feature  in  the  statements  is  the  entire  ab- 

'  Fourquevaux  to  Charles  IX.,  July  5,  1566,  D^piches,  p.  94. 
"^  Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.   127  ;  Barrientos  in  Garcia, 
Dos  Antigtias  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  70. 

'  "  Heches  "  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  72. 


The  Fate  of  Ribaut's  Fleet  205 

sence  of  all  sectarian  bitterness,  and  the  evident  inference 
that  the  killing  was  an  action  to  be  recorded  to  his  credit 
along  with  the  conquest  of  the  country.' 

The  motives  which  prompted  Aviles  in  these  deeds  of 
blood  must  not  be  too  rashly  attributed  exclusively  to 
religious  fanaticism,  or  to  race  hatred.  The  position 
subsequently  taken  by  the  Spanish  Government  in  its 
relations  with  France  to  justify  the  crime  turned  on  the 
large  number  of  the  French  and  the  fewness  of  the  Span- 
iards; the  scarcity  of  provisions,  and  the  absence  of  ships 
with  which  to  transport  them  as  prisoners.  These  rea- 
sons do  not  appear  in  the  brief  accounts  contained  in 
Men^ndez's  letter  of  October  15,  1565,  but  some  of  them 
are  explicitly  stated  by  Barrientos,  and  even  Mr.  Park- 
man  *  feels  constrained  to  admit  the  danger  to  which  the 
Spaniards  would  have  been  exposed  by  the  preponderance 
in  numbers  of  the  French  had  they  been  spared.  It  is 
quite  probable  that  Men^ndez  clearly  perceived  the  great 
risk  he  would  run  in  granting  the  Frenchmen  their  lives 
and  in  retaining  so  large  a  body  of  prisoners  in  the  midst 
of  his  colonists;  that  it  would  be  a  severe  strain  upon  his 
supply  of  provisions  and  seriously  hamper  the  dividing 
up  of  his  troops  into  small  garrisons  for  the  forts  which 
he  contemplated  erecting  at  different  points  along  the 
coast.  In  arriving  at  his  sanguinary  solution  of  the  diffi- 
culty, he  probably  thanked  God  that  they  were  "Luther- 
ans," and  that  in  fulfilling  the  counsels  of  prudence  he 
could  also  execute  the  divine  will  upon  heretics.^ 

'  See  "  Informacion  de  algunos  servicios  prestados  por  el  Adelantado 
Pedro  Menendez  de  Aviles,  Mexico,  3  de  Abril  de  1595."  in  Ruidiaz,  La 
Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  590.  Testimony  of  Sebastian  de  Arguelles,  pp.  594, 
59S  ;  of  Grauiel  de  Riuera,  pp.  601.  603  ;  of  Augustin  Espinola,  pp.  607, 
608;  of  Gonzalo  Menendez  de  Valdes,  pp.  611,  612;  of  Antonio  Garcia 
Vasalenque,  pp.  614-617. 

*  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World,  Boston,  1893,  p.  150. 

^  See  Appendix  Q,  The  Situation  of  Aviles  at  the  Time  of  the  Massacre. 
In  connection  with  these  massacres  by  Menendez  Professor  E.  G.  Bourne 


i 


2o6  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Philip's  comment  on  the  event  was  characteristic.  On 
the  back  of  a  dispatch  from  Aviles  in  Havana,  of  October 
12,  1565,  there  appears  in  his  well-known  handwriting: 
"As  to  those  he  has  killed  he  has  done  well,  and  as  to 
those  he  has  saved,  they  shall  be  sent  to  the  galleys." 
In  the  letter  of  May  12,  1566,  written  in  accordance  with 
these  instructions,  and  conveying  Philip's  approval,  he 
said: 

"And  as  for  the  judgment  you  have  executed  upon  the 
Lutheran  corsairs,  who  have  sought  to  occupy  and  fortify  that 
country,  to  sow  in  it  their  evil  sect,  and  to  continue  from  there 
the  robberies  and  injuries  which  they  have  committed  and  are 
still  committing,  wholly  contrary  to  the  service  of  God  and  of 
me,  we  believe  that  you  have  acted  with  entire  justification 
and  prudence,  and  we  hold  that  we  have  been  well  served."  ' 

In  his  official  utterances  in  justification  of  the  massacre 
Philip  laid  perhaps  a  greater  stress  upon  the  contamina- 
tion which  heresy  might  have  wrought  among  the  natives 
than  upon  the  invasion  of  his  dominions.  But  in  con- 
sidering the  various  motives  which  may  have  prompted 
his  approval  of  the  ghastly  massacre,  one  should  not 
forget  that  when,  seventeen  years  later,  measures  were 
under  way  in  England  for  the  sending  of  a  Roman  Catho- 
lic colony  to  Florida,  Philip's  ambassador,  Mendoza,  in- 
formed the  leaders  that  in  the  event  of  such  an  undertaking 

in  his  "  Spain  in  America"  {The  American  Nation,  A  History,  vol.  iii.,  p. 
186),  very  appositely  calls  attention  to  the  massacre  of  the  English  at  Am- 
boyna  by  the  Dutch  in  1623,  and  to  Cromwrell's  massacre  of  the  Irish  at 
Drogheda  in  1649.  Cromwell,  who  in  his  own  words  believed  himself  to 
be  executing  the  "  righteous  judgement  of  God,"  relates  in  his  dispatch  that 
"when  they  submitted,  their  officers  were  knocked  on  the  head  [and],  every 
tenth  man  of  the  soldiers  killed." 

'  Parkman,  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World,  Boston,  1893,  p.  150  ; 
Philip  II.  to  Aviles,  May  12,  1566,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  362. 
The  letter  is  also  given  in  Barcia,  Ensayo,  Ano  MDLXVL,  p.  116. 


The  Fate  of  Ribaut's  Fleet  207 

*'they  would  at  once  have  their  heads  cut  off,  as  was  done 
to  the  French,  who  went  with  Jean  Ribaut."  ' 

On  his  return  to  St.  Augustine  Avil^s  wrote  to  the 
King  a  somewhat  cursory  account  of  the  preceding  events 
and  summarised  the  results  in  the  following  language: 

"  The  other  people  with  Ribaut,  some  seventy  or  eighty  in  all, 
took  to  the  forest,  refusing  to  surrender  unless  I  grant  them 
their  lives.  These  and  twenty  others  who  escaped  from  the 
fort,  and  fifty  who  were  captured  by  the  Indians,  from  the 
ships  which  were  wrecked,  in  all  one  hundred  and  fifty  per- 
sons, rather  less  than  more,  are  [all]  the  French  alive  to-day 
in  Florida,  dispersed  and  flying  through  the  forest,  and  captive 
with  the  Indians.  And  since  they  are  Lutherans  and  in  order 
that  so  evil  a  sect  shall  not  remain  alive  in  these  parts,  I  will 
conduct  myself  in  such  wise,  and  will  so  incite  my  friends,  the 
Indians,  on  their  part,  that  in  five  or  six  weeks  very  few  if  any 
will  remain  alive.  And  of  a  thousand  French  with  an  armada 
of  twelve  sail  who  had  landed  when  I  reached  these  provinces, 
only  two  vessels  have  escaped,  and  those  very  miserable  ones, 
with  some  forty  or  fifty  persons  in  them."  " 

And  so  it  was  that  Avil^s  purged  Florida  of  the  French 
and  of  heresy. 

'  "  Copia  de  carta  descifrada  de  Don  Bernardino  de  Mendoza,  Londres 
a  II  de  Julio  de  1582,"  Correspondencia  de  Felipe  II.,  etc.,  tomo  v.,  p.  397. 
English  translation  in  Spanish  State  Papers,  1580-1586,  III.,  Elizabeth,  p. 
349- 

''Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1565,  'R.M.idiia.z,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p. 
103. 


BOOK  II 
THE  SPANISH  COLONY 


209 


Sf  S-mons  Sound  Cnlr^at  dt  <: 
JekyI  I  <JiJ'a>«na«  or  a»"tn»i 
Sr  Andrews  Sound Bnfom  dt  lhi"'*"ai 

CumbtrlBnd  1    T/iroi^iurv    4«»  (^dro 

land  Sound  fnr^  dp  Sc'a 


FLORIDA 

1562-1574 

Compiled  by 
"WbodbuTy  Lorwery 

Spamah.  andPreTicK  names  are  in.  red. 


BOOK  II 
THE  SPANISH  COLONY 


CHAPTER  I 

THE    AYS    EXPEDITION.      AVILl^S   AT   HAVANA 

FOR  the  moment  the  cool  judgment  of  Avil^s  seemed 
almost  carried  away  by  his  success,  and  he  dreamed 
dreams  of  extending  the  empire  of  his  master  over  the 
entire  northern  continent.  In  the  same  letter  which 
conveyed  the  announcement  of  the  two  massacres,  he 
wrote  Philip  II. : 

"  Considering  these  lands  to  be  of  so  great  an  extent  and 
the  climate  so  good,  and  the  injury  and  disturbance  which 
enemies  and  corsairs  can  cause  them  every  day,  and  how  they 
can  possess  themselves  of  the  countries  to  the  North  of  here, 
near  Newfoundland,  where  they  are  masters  by  violence,  and 
can  easily  maintain  themselves,  the  following  is  what  should 
be  done  in  every  particular."  ' 

First  of  all,  he  proposed  to  run  down  the  coast  of  the 
peninsula  and  visit  the  Florida  Keys  in  search  of  a  suit- 
able harbour  where  he  could  construct  a  fort  to  protect 
the  seaboard  from  enterprises  such  as  he  had  attributed  to 

'  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  93. 
211 


212  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Ribaut  in  conjunction  with  the  English/  Having  garri- 
soned it  with  reinforcements  from  Havana,  he  expected 
to  be  back  at  St.  Augustine  and  San  Mateo  by  the  be- 
ginning of  April.  He  then  proposed  to  ascend  the  coast 
as  far  as  Chesapeake  Bay,  which  he  called  the  Bay  of 
Santa  Maria  in  37°,  constructing  a  fort  there  and  another 
at  Santa  Elena. 

He  had  formed  a  notion  that  an  arm  of  the  sea  ex- 
tended in  a  south-westerly  direction  from  Newfoundland 
and  terminated  at  the  foot  of  a  range  of  mountains  eighty 
leagues  inland  to  the  north  of  the  Chesapeake,  and  that 
one  of  the  north-western  branches  of  the  bay,  possibly 
the  Potomac,  was  the  much-sought-for  passage  to  the 
Pacific.  For  this  reason  he  dwelt  upon  the  great  im- 
portance of  controlling  the  bay,  which  in  his  mind  not 
only  defended  the  approach  to  Mexico,  but  also  com- 
manded the  pathway  of  commerce  with  China  and  the 
Moluccas."  Prudential  reasons  also  entered  into  this 
part  of  his  plan,  and  he  was  in  haste  to  put  it  into  effect 
for  fear  of  the  return  of  Jacques  Ribaut  the  following 
year.'  He  also  proposed  to  establish  a  fort  and  garrison 
in  the  Bay  of  Juan  Ponce  which  he  vaguely  confounded 
with  Appalachee  Bay,  and  to  found  a  settlement  at  Co^a 
in  38°  or  39°  "at  the  foot  of  the  mountains  which  come 

'  See  p.  96  in  this  volume. 

'  It  is  difficult  to  understand  from  Menendez's  letter  what  was  the  par- 
ticular conformation  he  attributed  to  North  America.  Possibly  he  enter- 
tained the  idea  that  it  tapered  to  a  narrow  neck  in  the  vicinity  of  Chesapeake 
Bay,  connecting  the  more  northerly  portion  with  a  somewhat  similar  exten- 
sion of  the  continent  to  the  south,  such  as  we  see  in  the  Vesconte  Maiollo 
map  of  1527,  and  in  the  Novcb  Insula  of  Ptolemy's  Geographia  Universalis 
of  1540.  "  It  seems  clear,"  writes  Mr.  Parkman,  "  that  Menendez  believed 
that  Chesapeake  Bay  communicated  with  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  thence  with 
Newfoundland  on  the  one  hand,  and  the  South  Sea  on  the  oX^xqx'" {Pioneers 
of  France  in  the  New  World,  p.  149,  note). 

»  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  pp. 
93-95,  100,  loi  ;  Dec.  5,  1565,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  121 ;  Dec.  25,  1565,  z^'</., 
tomo  ii.,  pp.  131,  132. 


The  Ays  Expedition  213 

from  the  mines  of  Zacatecas  and  San  Martin,"  on  account 
of  its  advantageous  situation  on  the  way  to  these  mines.' 
He  pictured  to  the  King  the  many  and  great  profits 
that  would  accrue  to  Spain  from  the  abundant  wine  of 
the  country,  the  sugar  plantations,  the  herds  of  cattle, 
the  pitch  and  tar  and  ship  timber,  the  salt  and  wheat,  the 
fruits  and  waters,  the  quantities  of  rice  and  pearls,  and 
even  the  silk  from  the  interior,  until,  carried  away  by 
the  vision  he  had  himself  conjured  into  existence,  he 
exclaimed : 

"  And  I  assure  Your  Majesty  that  in  the  future  Florida  will 
be  of  little  expense,  and  will  pay  Your  Majesty  much  money, 
and  will  be  of  more  value  to  Spain  than  New  Spain  or  even 
Peru,  and  it  may, be  said  that  this  country  is  but  a  suburb  of 
Spain,  for  it  does  not  take  more  than  forty  days'  sailing  to 
come  here,  and  usually  as  many  more  to  return."  " 

It  was  an  alluring  picture  which  Aviles  had  drawn  for  his 
master's  eye,  and  intended  perhaps  rather  to  arouse  the 
cupidity  of  his  sovereign  and  induce  him  to  assist  the 
enterprise  in  a  more  liberal  spirit  than  he  had  as  yet 
shown  than  due  to  any  illusions  lurking  in  the  hard  head 
of  the  Adelantado.  This  rhapsody  was  interrupted  by 
the  two  massacres  and  the  burning  of  San  Mateo,  only 
to  be  resumed  again,  and  it  was  sent  to  Spain  by  the  hand 
of  Diego  Flores  de  Valdes,  who  probably  arrived  there 
in  December.^ 

But  more  immediate  considerations  were  pressing  hard 

1  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct,  15,  1565,  idid.,  tomoii.,  pp.  98,  99;  Dec.  25, 
1565,  idid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  133. 

'Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1565,  idid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  99,  104.  In  his 
letter  of  Dec.  5,  1565,  i/'id.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  121,  he  says  40  or  50  days  from 
Spain  to  Florida. 

3  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1565,  iMd.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  loi.  Diego 
Flores  de  Valdes  was  expected  to  arrive  in  Spain  by  the  end  of  November 
(same  to  same,  Dec.  5,  1565,  idid.,  p.  105).  He  was  certainly  there  by 
February,  1566,  see  Philip  II.  to  Alava,  Feb.  23,  1566,  MS.  Arch.  Nat., 
Paris,  K,  1505  (75),  fol.  2. 


214  The  Spanish  Settlements 

upon  Avil6s.  Shortly  after  his  arrival  he  had  informed 
the  King  that  his  supply  of  biscuit  could  be  made  to  last 
him  through  January,'  and  the  capture  of  Fort  Caroline 
had  greatly  increased  his  store  of  meal ;  but  a  month  later 
he  found  that  the  biscuit  he  had  brought  with  him  was 
already  spoiling.  Although  many  of  the  soldiers  volun- 
tarily decreased  the  amount  of  their  rations,"  the  de- 
terioration of  the  bread,  coupled  with  the  burning  of  the 
fort,  was  rapidly  reducing  his  colony  to  such  straits, 
that  he  informed  Philip  "unless  we  are  succoured  very 
shortly  we  shall  be  in  actual  need,  and  many  will  depart 
this  world  from  starvation."  * 

Three  weeks  had  barely  passed  since  the  final  massacre 
when  word  was  brought  by  the  Indians  that  the  seventy 
or  eighty  Frenchmen  belonging  to  Ribaut's  company, 
who  had  refused  to  surrender,  were  constructing  a  fort 
thirty  leagues  distant  from  St.  Augustine  in  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Cape  Canaveral,  where  the  Trinity  had  been 
wrecked,  and  were  also  building  a  vessel  which  they  in- 
tended to  send  to  France  for  succour.  Again  Menendez 
determined  to  act  promptly.  He  sent  to  San  Mateo 
for  reinforcements,  and  while  awaiting  their  arrival  he 
appointed  his  brother  Bartolom^  Governor  of  St.  Augus- 
tine, directed  the  number  of  hours  that  should  be  spent 
each  day  upon  the  fortifications  which  he  had  marked  out, 
the  proper  distribution  of  the  work  among  the  troops,  and 
provided  for  the  criminal  jurisdiction  among  his  colonists. 

On  the  23rd  of  August  his  reinforcements  arrived  from 
San  Mateo,  and  November  2nd  *  he  set  out  for  the  fort  of 
the  French.     He  embarked  a  force  of  one  hundred  men 

'  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Sept,  11,  1565,  Ruidi'az,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  79. 

'Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  178. 

3  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Oct.  15,  1565,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  104.  Barrientcs 
in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  74. 

<  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Dec.  5,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  106  ; 
Barrientos  (in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  75)  and 
Meras  (Ruidiaz,  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  129)  say  he  started  August  26th. 


The  Ays  Expedition  215 

aboard  of  three  light  boats  which  he  furnished  with  pro- 
visions for  forty  days,  while  he  himself  marched  by  land 
at  the  head  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  more,  guided  by  the 
Indians.  At  night  the  men  in  the  boats  landed  and  the 
entire  force  encamped  together.  On  November  4th,'  All 
Saints'  Day,  at  dawn,  the  Spaniards  came  upon  the  fort, 
approaching  it  by  water  as  well  as  by  land,  but  the 
French  discovered  them  in  time  to  abandon  it  and  escape 
into  the  forest.  The  Spaniards  secured  six  guns,  which 
had  been  saved  from  the  wreck  of  the  Trinity,  some 
powder,  and,  best  of  all,  some  provisions,  for  the  soldiers 
had  been  put  upon  half  rations  on  setting  out  from  St. 
Augustine.  Avil^s  caused  the  boat  to  be  burnt,  as  well  as 
the  fort,  which  was  constructed  of  wood,  buried  the  guns, 
which  were  too  heavy  to  transport  in  his  boats,  and  sent  a 
French  trumpeter,  whose  life  he  had  spared, to  summon  the 
fugitives  to  surrender,  promising  to  grant  them  their  lives. 
The  poor  shipwrecked  Frenchmen,  pushed  to  the  last 
extremity,  with  no  other  alternative  before  them  but 
captivity  and  death  at  the  hands  of  the  savages,  notwith- 
standing the  fate  which  had  befallen  their  comrades, 
trusted  themselves  to  the  promises  of  the  General,  and 
came  in,  laying  down  their  arms.  Their  captain  alone, 
with  three  or  four  others,  refused  to  yield,  sending  word 
that  they  preferred  to  be  devoured  by  the  Indians  rather 
than  to  surrender  to  Spaniards.  Then  followed  a  curious 
illustration  of  the  character  of  the  man  with  whom  they 
had  to  deal.  Aviles  received  the  prisoners,  who  proved 
to  be  from  Navarre,  servants  of  the  Prince  of  Conde, 
with  great  kindness.  He  seated  the  noblemen  at  his  own 
table  and  gave  them  clothing,  while  the  sailors  messed 
with  his  sailors  and  the  soldiers  with  his  soldiers.'     The 

1  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  76. 

'Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Dec.  5,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  pp. 
105, 106  ;  Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  pp.  128-131  ;  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos 
Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  73-75' 


2i6  The  Spanish  Settlements 

same  afternoon  he  continued  fifteen  leagues  along  the 
coast  to  the  south  of  the  village  of  the  Ays  Indians, 
situated  on  Indian  River  between  the  St.  Sebastian  River 
and  Indian  Inlet,  possibly  at  that  time  on  the  northern 
end  of  Hutchinson's  Island  south  of  the  inlet.' 

It  was  an  arduous  march,  but  "the  Spanish  Nation," 
says  Barrientos,  "is  like  sorrel  horses,  who  though  lean 
and  famished  show  mettle  until  they  fall  in  their  tracks."  ' 
The  rations  were  now  reduced  to  half  a  pound  of  bread 
daily,  one-third  of  the  usual  allowance,  which  the  seventy 
Frenchmen  shared  equally  with  the  Spaniards.  This 
scanty  fare  was  eked  out  with  the  hearts  of  the  pal- 
mettos, prickly  pears,  and  cocoa-plums.  The  start  was 
made  at  two  o'clock  in  the  morning  and  the  march  con- 
tinued until  daybreak,  when  a  halt  was  called,  and  the 
meagre  breakfast  was  eaten.  Two  hours  later  the  march 
began  again  and  continued  until  sunset,  with  another 
interval  of  rest  from  half-past  eleven  or  twelve  until  two. 
The  sand  was  frequent  and  heavy  and  the  sun  hot.  Avil6s 
led  the  vanguard  with  eight  of  the  strongest  of  his  com- 
pany. But  the  men,  weary  and  hungry,  lagged  behind, 
and  one  of  the  soldiers  who  had  been  among  the  first  to 
enter  Fort  Caroline  when  the  assault  was  given,  died  from 
sheer  exhaustion.  The  boats  went  around  to  seek  the 
mouth  of  the  inlet. 

The  Ays  chief  received  the  Spaniards  with  much  kind- 
ness, kissing  them  on  the  mouth,  which  says  Barrientos, 
was  their  greatest  sign  of  friendship.  His  face  was  deco- 
rated with  various  colours,  and  he  as  well  as  all  of  his 
chief  men  wore  frontlets  of  gold,  probably  obtained  from 
the  vessels  wrecked  along  the  coast.  Men^ndez  ordered 
his  men  to  respect  the  property  of  the  natives,  and  pre- 
sented them  with  little  gifts  of  knives  and  mirrors  and 

*  See  Appendix  R,  Ays. 

'  "  Vida  y  Hechos,"  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida^  p. 
76. 


The  Ays  Expedition  217 

scissors.  The  Spaniards  remained  four  days  at  Ays,  and 
Avil^s  went  down  the  lagoon  to  look  for  a  suitable  place 
to  settle,  but  failed  to  find  one.  The  provisions  of  the 
explorers  had  now  become  so  reduced  that  starvation 
was  pressing  upon  them,  and  the  General  determined  to 
go  in  person  to  Havana  to  seek  succour  for  his  various 
settlements.  Before  his  departure  he  encamped  two 
hundred  of  his  party  under  Juan  Velez  de  Medrano  at  a 
place  on  the  lagoon  three  leagues  distant  from  Ays,  where 
there  was  abundance  of  fish,  in  order  to  remove  his  men 
from  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Indian  village  and  thus 
avoid  the  possibility  of  any  conflict  between  them  and 
the  natives  during  his  absence,  and  he  left  them  supplies 
for  fifteen  days.' 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  month  he  set  sail  for  Havana 
in  his  two  open  boats  with  fifty  men  and  twenty  of  the 
French  prisoners.^  It  was  a  bold  and  dangerous  under- 
taking. Impelled  only  by  the  wind  and  by  oars  in  the 
hands  of  weary  and  famishing  men,  he  had  to  stem  the 
swift-flowing  currents  of  the  Gulf  Stream,  which  reaches 
its  greatest  velocity  in  this  neighbourhood.  He  had  ob- 
served in  his  previous  journeys  the  existence  of  back  cur- 
rents along  the  Florida  shore,^  and  availing  himself  of 
these  he  followed  down  the  coast,  discovering  on  his  way 
the  two  inlets  at  Gilbert's  Bar  and  Jupiter,  and  in  three 
days  reached  Cuba.  During  the  crossing  a  storm  arose, 
and  Avil^s  shared  the  tiller  with  one  of  the  Frenchmen. 
On   leaving   Ays   his    compass   had  been   broken,   and, 

'  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Dec.  5,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  pp. 
106, 107  ;  Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  pp.  132-136  ;  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos 
Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  76,  78. 

^  Both  Barrientos  (in  ibid.,  p.  78)  and  Meras  (Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo 
i.,  p.  130)  say  20  Frenchmen.  Aviles  does  not  refer  to  them  in  his  letter 
of  Dec.  5,  1565,  but  in  his  letter  to  Philip  II.,  of  Jan.  30,  1566  {ibid., 
tomo  ii.,  p.  143)  he  also  says  70  men  in  all. 

3  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Dec.  5,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii., 
p.  107. 


2i8  The  Spanish  Settlements 

missing  Havana  during  the  night,  he  made  the  harbour  of 
Bayahonda,  fifteen  leagues  beyond. 

On  landing,  the  entire  company  kneeled  down  to  render 
thanks  for  their  deliverance,  and  then  Avil6s 

"  called  the  Frenchmen  and  charged  them  to  behold  the  power 
and  the  goodness  of  God,  and  if  they  were  Lutherans  to  repent 
and  turn  Catholics;  and  [he  observed]  that  whatever  their  re- 
ligion might  be,  he  was  bound  to  treat  them  well  because  they 
had  surrendered  on  his  word:  and  that  he  would  give  them 
liberty  to  return  to  France  in  the  first  ships  leaving  for  Spain: 
that  he  told  them  this  because  of  his  desire  that  they  should 
save  themselves.  There  were  some  of  them, ' '  continues  Bar- 
rientos,  "  who  weeping,  beat  their  breasts  beseeching  Our  Lord 
for  mercy;  and  said  that  they  had  been  bad  Christians  and 
Lutherans,  and  that  they  had  repented,  and  from  then  on 
would  abandon  their  evil  sect,  would  confess  themselves  and 
commune,  for  they  wished  to  keep  that  [faith]  which  the  Holy 
Mother  Church  of  Rome  held  and  beheved.  The  Adelan- 
tado  gave  them  all  presents  and  bade  them  not  to  trouble 
about  their  work,  and  that  he  would  care  for  them  as  if  they 
were  his  brothers."  * 

Re-embarking,  Avil6s  shortly  reached  Havana,  where  he 
was  joyfully  received  by  Diego  de  Amaya,  the  com- 
mander of  the  second  boat,  who  had  arrived  two  days  be- 
fore him,  and  had  given  him  up  for  lost.  He  found  there 
Pedro  Men^ndez  Marques,  with  two  hundred  men  and 
three  vessels  of  the  Asturian  fleet,  from  which  Marques 
had  become  separated  in  a  storm." 

The  squadron  which  had  been  fitted  out  in  Biscay  and 
the  Asturias  to  join  Avil^s  at  the  Canaries  consisted  of 

'  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  80; 
Meras  (Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  138)  tells  the  same  story  in  identi- 
cally the  same  language. 

^Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Dec.  5,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  io8  ; 
Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  137  ;  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Re~ 
lactones  de  la  Florida,  p.  80. 


The  Ays  Expedition  219 

three  vessels  from  the  seaport  of  Avil^s  with  two  hundred 
and  fifty-seven  soldiers  and  sailors,  and  two  additional 
ships  from  Gijon  with  seventy-eight  persons,  among 
which  were  eleven  Franciscan  friars  and  one  lay  brother, 
a  friar  of  the  Order  of  Mercy,  a  priest,  and  eight  Jesuits/ 
Esteban  de  las  Alas,  who  three  years  before  had  com- 
manded the  fleet  arriving  from  New  Spain,"  went  as 
General,  and  Pedro  Men^ndez  Marquds,  nephew  of  the 
Adelantado,  was  Admiral.  So  eager  was  the  adventur- 
ous population  in  that  country  of  seamen  to  embark  in 
the  enterprise,  its  zeal  fired  by  the  report  that  the 
heretics  were  to  be  driven  out  of  the  King's  dominions, 
that  a  number  of  vessels  from  Santander  and  other  ports 
along  the  coast  had  joined  it,  and  it  was  not  found  neces- 
sary to  take  out  the  licence  for  the  five  hundred  negro 
slaves/ 

The  fleet  set  sail  about  the  end  of  May  and,  on 
reaching  the  Canaries,  found  that  Avil^s  had  already  left. 
During  the  passage  many  of  the  accompanying  vessels 
appear  to  have  put  back,  or  to  have  been  lost  on  account 
of  stormy  weather/  But  Las  Alas  continued  the  journey 
with  the  five  ships  and  appears  to  have  touched  at  Puerto 
Rico.  On  his  way  to  Santo  Domingo,  in  pursuance  of 
the  orders  he  had  found  awaiting  him  at  the  Canaries,  he 
captured  off  the  northern  end  of  Hispaniola  two  Portu- 
guese prizes,^  of  which  Las  Alas  secured  the  one  of  least 

'  Meras  in  Ruidi'az,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  63  ;  Barcia  {Ensayo,  Ano 
MDLXV.,  p.  69)  merely  copies  from  Meras. 

*  Duro,  Armada  Espanola,  tomo  i.,  p.  465. 

'Meras  in  Ruidi'az,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  63  ;  Barrientos  in  Garcia, 
Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  35  ;  Barcia  {Ensayo,  Ano 
MDLXV.,  p.  69)  merely  copies  from  Meras. 

^  Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  63. 

*  As  typical  of  the  atrocities  to  which  seafaring  men  were  exposed  in  those 
days  Aviles  writes  the  King  that  he  had  set  these  Portuguese  to  row  the 
boats,  although  all  of  the  Spaniards  whom  the  Portuguese  captured  in  the 
Moluccas  were  sewed  up  in  the  sails  and  thrown  alive  into  the  sea.  Letter 
of  Dec.  5,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  H2. 


220  The  Spanish  Settlements 

value  and  Marques  the  other.  Before  reaching  Santo 
Domingo  a  storm  separated  them,  and  Marqu6s  proceeded 
to  Havana  with  his  prize,  where,  as  already  related,  Me- 
n^ndez  found  him.' 

When  Avilds  entered  the  harbour  of  Havana,  his  arrival 
had  been  announced  to  the  governor,  Garcia  Osorio.  His 
own  vessels  had  hailed  him  with  salvos  of  artillery  and 
the  blowing  of  trumpets.  Osorio  also  came  down  to  the 
quay  to  receive  him,  with  a  drummer  and  piper  and  an 
escort  flying  a  flag  and  bearing  torches,  but  he  did  not 
remain.  His  treasurer,  Juan  de  Hinestrosa,  however, 
welcomed  the  General  and  conducted  him  and  his  people 
to  his  own  house,  where  they  were  entertained  with  great 
hospitality.  It  was  an  unpropitious  star  for  the  Florida 
colony  which  had  brought  the  Adelantado  to  Havana  at 
this  moment,  for  the  Governor  had  just  committed  a  very 
arbitrary  and  high-handed  offence  against  Juan  de  la 
Parra,  a  captain  of  the  fleet  of  New  Spain,  subject  to  the 
orders  of  Aviles.  Some  three  months  before,  La  Parra, 
while  on  his  way  to  Havana,  had  captured  a  Portuguese 
prize.  Within  an  hour  of  his  arrival  the  Governor  had 
forcibly  seized  it,  mutilating  the  pilot  in  charge,  to  which 
La  Parra  had  quietly  submitted;  but  as  the  latter  had 
been  unable  to  withhold  some  expressions  of  anger  at  the 
unwarrantable  proceeding,  Osorio  had  also  seized  him  and 
confined  him  in  a  dark  prison,  where  he  had  been  lan- 
guishing for  three  months,  chained  to  the  walls  of  his 
dungeon.  All  of  this  Avil6s  learned  from  Hinestrosa, 
who  had  also  warned  him  that  the  Governor  had  for- 
bidden the  subject  to  be  broached. 

The  day  following  his  arrival  Aviles  met  the  Governor 
on  leaving  church  after  mass,  and  later  in  the  day  called 
on  him,  informed  him  of  the  straits  to  which  his  Florida 
colony  was  reduced,  and  exhibited  his  two  royal  c^dulas  * 

'  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Dec.  s,  1565,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  iii. 
*  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Jan.  30,  1566,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  150. 


The  Ays  Expedition  221 

which  ordered  Osorio  to  furnish  him  with  a  vessel,  five 
hundred  soldiers,  and  twenty  horses  for  the  conquest  of 
the  country.  The  General  modestly  stated  that  he  did 
not  require  the  ship  and  soldiers  called  for  by  the  royal 
cedulas  and  would  be  content  with  one-fifth  of  the  amount 
which  the  armament  would  cost.  As  an  alternative,  in 
case  Osorio  was  unwilling  to  lend  this  sum,  he  asked  for 
the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  the  Portuguese  prize,  amount- 
ing to  some  ten  or  eleven  thousand  ducats;  added  that 
even  four  thousand  ducats  would  be  sufficient,  which  he 
also  offered  to  secure,  and  ended  by  asking  Osorio  to  sur- 
render La  Parra  to  his  jurisdiction.  At  this  the  Gov- 
ernor became  enraged,  and  flatly  refused  to  give  up  the 
man  or  loan  the  money.' 

It  was  a  serious  situation  for  the  anxious  Adelantado, 
for  Cuba  was  the  centre  to  which  his  ships  were  con- 
stantly plying  in  search  of  supplies  for  his  Florida  colony; 
and  he  feared  the  treatment  to  which  his  captains  and 
officials  would  be  exposed  at  the  hands  of  one  who  could 
be  so  arbitrary  with  their  commander.  But  his  tact  was 
equal  to  his  courage.  Clearly  appreciating  the  import- 
ance of  retaining  at  least  the  semblance  of  good  terms 
with  the  Governor,  and  the  necessity  of  committing  no 
act  of  violence  which  could  expose  him  to  contempt  of 
Osorio's  legitimate  authority,  he  controlled  his  temper, 
courteously  doffed  his  hat,''  and  left  his  presence.  "I 
assure  Your  Majesty,"  wrote  Aviles,  "that  I  secured  a 
greater  victory  in  submitting  patiently  and  quietly  to  his 
bad  treatment  than  that  which  I  gained  over  the  French 
in  Florida."'     Aviles  was  now  thrown    upon    his   own 

'  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Dec.  5,  1565,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  113-118.  Meras 
in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  pp.  141-143.  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Rela- 
ciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  81,  82. 

'  Barrientos,  ibid.,  p.  82.     Meras  in  Ruidfaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  143. 

^  "  Real  Carta  de  complacencia  otorgada  a  Pero  Menendez  por  los  servi- 
cios  prestados  en  la  conquista  de  la  Florida,  Madrid,  May  12,  1566." 
Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  364,  sets  out  the  action  of  the  King  on 


222  The  Spanish  Settlements 

resources,  and  as  the  necessity  of  revictualling  his  starving 
colonies  was  pressing,  he  sold  the  prize  captured  by 
Marques,  and  with  the  proceeds  loaded  two  vessels  with 
sufficient  provisions  to  last  until  January,  one  of  which, 
in  command  of  Diego  de  Amaya,  was  sent  to  the  relief  of 
the  colonists  at  St.  Augustine.' 

The  air  at  Havana  was  full  of  rumours  of  English, 
French,  and  Portuguese  pirates  infesting  the  neighbour- 
ing islands,  and  while  awaiting  the  month  of  March  to 
return  to  Florida,  and  possibly  also  in  order  to  keep  his 
men  out  of  mischief  in  view  of  the  attitude  of  the  Gov- 
ernor of  Cuba,  Avil6s  determined  to  go  and  fight  them. 
In  the  latter  part  of  November  he  set  sail  with  the  three 
vessels  of  his  nephew  and  the  ship  of  the  unfortunate 
Juan  de  la  Parra.  The  very  day  of  his  departure  he 
overtook  a  ship  which,  mistaking  him  and  his  fleet  for 
corsairs,  put  into  the  harbour  of  Matanzas,  where  her 
crew  abandoned  her  and  made  for  the  land.  On  search- 
ing her  she  proved  to  be  a  royal  dispatch  boat,  and  hav- 
ing recalled  the  crew,  he  learned  that  they  were  bringing 
him  advices  from  Spain  to  prepare  nine  months'  supplies 
of  meat  and  fish  for  a  reinforcement  of  eighteen  hundred 
men  who  were  to  sail  for  Florida^  in  command  of  Sancho 
de  Arciniega.^     Convinced  that  these  reinforcements  were 

the  case  of  La  Parra.  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Dec.  5,  1565,  ibid.,  tome  ii., 
p.  118. 

'Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Dec.  5,  1565,  ibid.,  tomo  ii,,  p.  iii. 

''Avilez  to  Philip  II.,  Dec.  5,  1565,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  109;  Meras  in 
ibid.,  tomo  i.,  pp.  146,  147  ;  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antigtias  Relaciones 
de  la  Florida,  pp.  82-84.- 

'  "  Nombramiento  de  Capitan  General  de  la  Armada  destinada  para  yr 
a  la  Provincia  de  la  Florida  al  socorro  del  General  Pero  Menendez  de 
Aviles,  hecho  por  Su  Magestad  al  Capitan  Sancho  de  Arciniega.  Aiio 
1565."  MS.  Direc.  de  Hidrog.,  Madrid,  Col.  Navarrete,  tomo  xiv.,  No.  38. 
See  also  "  Relacion  de  la  entrada  y  de  la  conquista  que  por  mandado  de 
Pero  Menendez  de  Aviles  hizo  en  1565  \sic\  en  el  interior  de  la  Florida  el 
Capitan  Juan  Pardo,  escrita  por  el  mismo."  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo 
ii.,  p.  465. 


The  Ays  Expedition  223 

sent  in  view  of  a  threatened  attack  of  a  French  fleet, 
AviMs  immediately  abandoned  his  designs  against  the 
pirates  and  returned  to  Havana  to  forward  the  necessary 
material  to  Florida  in  anticipation  of  Arciniega's  arrival.' 
He  had  already  dispatched  his  brother-in-law,  Merds, 
with  a  ship  to  Campeche  to  procure  corn,  chickens,  shoes, 
and  other  necessary  articles  for  Florida,  with  directions 
to  proceed  from  there  to  New  Spain,  where  he  was  to 
borrow  money,  enlist  soldiers,  and  obtain  some  Dominican 
friars  to  convert  the  natives;  and  he  now  sent  an  addi- 
tional vessel  to  Campeche  for  more  provisions/  On  De- 
cember 19th  his  nephew,  Pedro  Men^ndez  Marques,  had 
sailed  for  Spain  bearing  dispatches/ 

Osorio  continued  to  subject  him  to  a  variety  of  petty 
annoyances.  Aviles  had  wished  to  impress  into  his  own 
service  the  dispatch  boat  which  had  brought  the  an- 
nouncement of  the  prospective  sailing  of  Arciniega's 
fleet :  this  the  Governor  had  refused  to  allow.  Then 
Aviles  fell  ill,  and  during  the  ten  days  he  lay  in  bed  forty 
of  his  men  deserted,  and  Osorio  lent  him  no  assistance  to 
recover  them.  The  Governor  impeded  the  departure  of 
vessels  going  for  provisions,  and,  according  to  the  letter 
which  Avil6s  wrote  the  King  giving  an  account  of  the  in- 
cident, he  even  sought  to  induce  Hinestrosa  to  turn  him 
out  of  his  house,  while  he  was  still  ill,  with  the  object  of 
driving  him  out  of  the  town  and  compassing  his  death." 

Esteban  de  las  Alas  arrived  early  in  January  of  1566. 
After  separating  from  Marques  he  had  encountered  Gon- 
zalo  de  Pefialosa,  who  had  left  Santo  Domingo  on  the 
28th  of  September  with  the  armament  furnished  by  the 

'Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Dec.  5,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida^  tomo  ii.,  pp. 
no,  119. 

*  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  83,  84. 

*  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Jan.  30,  1566,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida^  tomo  ii.,  p. 
142. 

■•  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Dec.  25,  1565,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  135-140.  Same 
to  same,  ibid.,  Jan.  30,  1566,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  150,  151. 


224  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Audiencia  of  Santo  Domingo,  and  had  captured  a  prize 
on  his  way.  Together  they  had  put  into  Yaguana  for 
water  and  provisions,  where  they  spent  two  weeks,  cap- 
turing another  prize  during  their  detention.  Proceeding 
to  Havana  by  the  Old  Bahama  Channel,  they  encoun- 
tered a  series  of  misfortunes.  Delayed  by  the  weather  at 
various  points  along  their  route,  they  lost  one  ship  in  a 
storm,  and  at  a  harbour  on  the  Cuban  coast  one  hundred 
and  ten  men  by  desertion.  Finally,  at  Sauana,  Penalosa 
received  the  news  of  the  capture  of  Fort  Caroline  and, 
summoned  to  Havana  with  the  remainder  of  his  force,  he 
delivered  his  dispatches  to  Aviles  and  found  there  his  two 
vessels,  which  had  preceded  him  in  company  with  Las 
Alas.  His  presence  being  no  longer  required,  Penalosa 
attempted  to  return  to  Santo  Domingo  in  his  own  vessels; 
but  Aviles  impressed  both  of' them  for  the  Florida  service 
and  also  took  possession  of  one  of  his  guns  and  Osorio  of 
the  other,  and  he  was  compelled  to  wait  two  months  in 
Havana,  before  he  secured  a  ship  in  which  to  depart.' 

The  two  vessels  which  had  gone  to  Florida  had  now 
returned.  That  in  command  of  Gonzalo  Gallego  had 
been  absent  but  fifteen  days.  It  found  the  Ays  colony  in 
a  deplorable  condition.  Driven  by  starvation  the  settlers 
had  divided  up  into  small  parties  in  search  of  food.  The 
cacique  of  Ays  had  risen  against  them  in  company  with 
the  neighbouring  Indians.  In  their  extremity  they  had 
moved  twenty  leagues  farther  down  the  lagoon  to  the 
neighbourhood  of  Gilbert's  Bar  and  St.  Lucie  River, 
where  they  had  found  more  abundant  food,  fish  and 
mulberries,  and  friendly  Indians.     During  the  four  days 

'  *»  Relacion  del  viaje  que  hizo  a  la  Florida  en  1566  [sic]  el  Capitan 
Gonzalo  de  Penalosa  en  socorro  del  General  Pero  Menendez  de  Aviles." 
Ruidi'az,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  473-476.  The  date  is  incorrect;  it 
should  be  1565.  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Dec.  25,  1565.  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p. 
128.  Same  to  same,  Jan.  30,  1566,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  152.  Meras  in 
ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  149.  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de 
la  Florida,  p.  85. 


The  Ays  Expedition  225 

previous  to  Gallego's  arrival  they  had  subsisted  solely 
upon  palmettos,  grasses,  and  water,  and  they  had  named 
the  place  Santa  Lucia.' 

Amaya^  had  also  reached  St.  Augustine  in  safety,  un- 
loaded his  supplies  including  some  eighty  sows,  and 
then  proceeded  to  San  Mateo.  Arriving  there  at  the 
end  of  December,  and  overtaken  by  a  storm,  he  lost  his 
vessel  on  the  bar,  but  by  good  fortune  saved  a  small 
part  of  the  provisions.  He  returned  to  Cuba  in  one 
of  the  two  brigantines  in  which  Avil6s  had  planned 
to  make  his  summer  reconnaissance  along  the  coast 
to  the  north,  reaching  Havana  on  the  28th  of  Jan- 
uary.' The  story  which  he  brought  with  him  was  not 
encouraging.  Over  one  hundred  of  the  colonists  at  St. 
Augustine  and  San  Mateo  had  died,  for  they  were  almost 
naked  and  had  suffered  greatly  from  the  cold.  The  officers 
in  charge  reported  that  discontent  was  stirring,  and  that 
many  of  the  settlers  were  speaking  ill  of  the  country  and 
were  anxious  to  abandon  it.  Indeed  scarcely  five  days 
had  elapsed  after  the  departure  of  Avil6s  before  the  spirit 
of  insubordination  began  to  assert  itself,  and  with  the 
opening  of  November  its  promoters  were  secretly  hatch- 
ing plans  and  exchanging  letters  between  the  two  forts, 
which  were  to  bear  fruit  in  broil  and  tumult.^  It  would  be 
a  serious  matter  for  Avil^s  should  their  evil  report  get 
abroad,  for  it  would  discourage  immigration  and  make  a 
speedy  end  of  the  fortune  which  he  had  embarked  in  the 
enterprise.     With  his  fear  of  the  consequences  the  harsh 

'  Barrientos  in  ibid.,  pp.  96,  97;  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Dec.  5,  1565; 
Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  iii  ;  same  to  same,  Jan.  30,  1566,  ibid., 
tomo  ii.,  p.  144,  where  Aviles  uses  the  term  "  aca  "  for  the  direction  in 
which  Santa  Lucia  lay.     See  Appendix  S,  Santa  Lucia. 

^  Aviles  calls  him  indifferently  Diego  de  Maya  and  Amaya ;  Meras  and 
Barrientos  call  him  Maya. 

3  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Jan.  30,  1566,  Ruidiaz,  tomo  ii.,  p.  144;  Barri- 
entos in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida^  p.  98, 

*  Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  176. 
**.-iS. 


2  26  The  Spanish  Settlements 

nature  of  the  soldier  reappeared,  and  he  wrote  the  King 
requesting  that  the  justices  of  the  Indies  be  authorised 
to  seize  all  persons  going  to  or  coming  from  Florida 
without  his  licence,  sending  them  prisoners  to  him  in 
Florida,  where  they  were  to  serve  perpetually  at  the  oars, 
like  galley  slaves.' 

The  report  had  also  reached  him  that  the  French  had 
fortified  Guale  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Port  Royal, 
where  the  Indians  were  numerous  and  friendly  to  them '; 
and  Aviles  concluded  that  the  garrison  must  consist  of 
the  crews  of  the  two  ships  which  had  escaped  with  Lau- 
donnifere  and  Jacques  Ribaut,  for  he  was  still  unaware  of 
their  return  to  France.  In  these  gloomy  tidings  there 
was  but  one  ray  of  light.  It  was  said  that  over  one 
thousand  ducats'  worth  of  gold  and  silver  had  already 
been  collected  from  the  natives.  Menendez,  however, 
concluded  not  to  return  immediately  to  Florida  on  ac- 
count of  the  tempestuous  season.'  He  had  already 
formed  the  plan  of  exploring  the  southern  end  of  the 
peninsula  and  ascending  its  western  shore  as  far  as  the 
Bay  of  San  Jusepe  in  search  of  a  good  harbour,  and  his 
mind  was  set  upon  constructing  a  fort  at  the  Bay  of 
Ponce  de  Leon,  which  he  believed  to  be  but  fifteen  or 
twenty  leagues  distant  from  a  south-western  mouth  of  the 
St.  John's  River,  by  which  a  convenient  water  communi- 
cation with  San  Mateo  and  St.  Augustine  would  be  se- 
cured. He  had  also  learned  that  somewhere  about  the 
southern  end  of  the  peninsula  there  were  Christian  men 
and  women  reduced  to  a  state  of  savagery,  captives  for 
twenty  years  in  the  hands  of  a  chief  named  Carlos,  who 
yearly  sacrificed  a  number  of  them  to  his  idols.  Before 
setting  out  in  search  of  them  he  caused  masses  to  be  said 

'  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Jan.  30,  1566,  Hid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  153. 

''Aviles,  in  his  letter  of  Jan.  30,  1566  {idid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  145),  says  there 
were  forty  villages  within  a  distance  of  three  or  four  leagues  of  Guale. 
-     ^Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Jan.  30,  1566,  idid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  145,  146,  153. 


The  Ays  Expedition  227 

before  St.  Anthony,  whose  peculiar  attribute  it  is  to  bring 
about  the  recovery  of  lost  objects,  that  through  the  saint's 
intercession  he  might  discover  the  harbour  where  they 
dwelt.'  Perhaps  there  still  lurked  in  his  mind  a  secret 
hope  that  his  son  Juan  might  be  alive  among  them,  or 
that  the  natives  might  give  him  some  information  by 
which  his  son  might  be  found.  With  this  end  in  view, 
and  in  order  to  reach  Guale  by  the  end  of  March  or  the 
beginning  of  April,  after  relieving  his  garrison  on  the 
River  of  Ays,  he  advanced  the  date  of  his  departure  by 
a  month  or  two.'' 

'  Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  150  ;  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antigiias  Re- 
laciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  85. 

2  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Jan.  30,  1566,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  pp. 
145-148. 


CHAPTER   n 

THE    CARLOS    EXPEDITION— MUTINY    AT    THE    SETTLE- 
MENTS 

FEBRUARY  lo,  1566/  Avil^s  left  Havana  on  his  ex- 
pedition for  the  southern  point  of  Florida  with  seven 
vessels  and  five  hundred  men.  One  of  the  objects  which 
he  had  chiefly  in  view  was  the  discovery  of  a  safe  passage 
for  the  fleets  of  New  Spain  between  the  Tortugas  and  the 
Florida  Keys.  Having  assured  himself  of  its  existence, 
he  took  the  direction  of  Florida  in  search  of  the  captive 
Christians.  Putting  Las  Alas  in  command  of  the  fleet, 
he  embarked  with  Diego  de  Amaya  and  thirty  men  in 
two  small  vessels  drawing  but  little  water,  and  proceeded 
along  the  coast,  while  the  large  ships  accompanied  him 
outside. 

On  the  third  day  a  squall  separated  him  from  the  fleet ; 
and  on  the  following  day,  about  the  i8th  of  the  month, 
as  Avil^s  and  his  captain  was  continuing  their  reconnais- 
sance of  the  coast,  a  canoe  put  out  from  the  shore  and, 
drawing  near  to  the  boat  in  command  of  Amaya,  a  man 
called  out  to  him  in  Spanish:  "Welcome,  Spaniards  and 
Christian  brothers !  God  and  St.  Mary  have  told  us  that 
you  were  coming.  And  the  Christian  men  and  women 
who  are  still  alive  here  have  directed  me  to  wait  for  you 
here  with  this  canoe,  to  give  you  a  letter,  which  I  have." 
The  surprise  and  joy  of  the  Spaniards  can  be  readily  pic- 

'  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  85  ; 
Meras  in  Ruidiaz  {La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  176)  says  Oct.  26,  1565,  an  evi- 
dent error. 


The  Carlos  Expedition  229 

tured,  as  they  received  the  speaker  into  their  boat.  He 
was  naked  except  for  a  small  deer-skin  loin-cloth,  and  was 
painted  like  an  Indian,  Amaya  embraced  him  and  asked 
for  his  letter,  whereupon  the  poor  fellow  drew  from  be- 
neath his  meagre  garment  a  cross,  saying:  "That  is  the 
letter  which  the  captive  Christians  yonder  send  you,  be- 
seeching you,  by  the  death  suffered  by  Our  Lord  for  our 
salvation,  not  to  pass  by  but  to  enter  the  harbour  and 
rescue  us  from  the  cacique,  and  carry  us  to  a  Christian 
land."  When  Aviles  himself  came  up  the  Spaniard  in- 
formed him  that  they  were  in  all  twelve  men  and  women 
in  the  hands  of  the  Indians,  the  sole  survivors  of  two 
hundred  persons  who,  in  the  course  of  the  past  twenty 
years  had  been  cast  ashore  on  that  inhospitable  coast. 
All  but  these  the  cacique  and  his  father  had  sacrificed 
to  their  idols.  Then  they  knelt  down,  and  adored  the 
cross,  thanking  God  for  His  mercy.  Directing  his  boats 
to  land,  Aviles  entered  the  harbour  and  they  all  sprang 
ashore. 

The  country  was  that  of  the  Caloosas  on  the  southern 
extremity  of  the  peninsula,  extending  westward  from 
Point  Sable  and  up  the  western  coast,  probably  as  far 
north  as  the  southern  shores  of  Tampa  Bay.  It  is  for 
the  most  part  a  comparatively  narrow  strip  of  land  closed 
in  between  the  Everglades  to  the  north  and  east,  and 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  a  country  of  low  hills  and  drowned 
mangrove  swamps,  with  streams  of  fresh  water  which 
take  their  rise  in  the  Everglades.  The  coast  is  deeply 
indented  with  numerous  bays  and  fringed  with  countless 
islands.  At  the  time  of  Avil6s's  visit,  the  settlements  of 
the  Caloosas  and  of  the  Indians  subject  to  them  occupied 
the  islands  of  the  northern  extremity  of  the  Florida  Keys, 
as  well  as  those  along  the  western  coast,  and  on  the  main- 
land their  many  villages  extended  into  the  interior  as  far 
as  the  shores  of  Lake  Miami.' 

'  See  Appendix  T,  Caloosa. 


230  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Very  little  is  known  of  the  habits  of  this  tribe.  The 
shamans  stood  next  in  dignity  to  the  chiefs  of  the  tribe, 
and,  in  addition  to  their  religious  functions,  worked  cures 
among  the  sick,  like  others  of  their  kind  throughout  the 
continent.  They  played  a  very  influential  part  in  the 
public  council,  and  no  action  of  any  consequence  was  un- 
dertaken without  their  advice.  The  geographer  Velasco 
has  left  us  an  account  of  some  of  the  tribal  customs. 
On  the  death  of  the  child  of  a  chief,  his  subjects  sacrificed 
some  of  their  sons  and  daughters  to  accompany  it  on  its 
journey  after  death.  On  the  death  of  the  chief,  his  serv- 
ants were  killed.  The  Christian  captives  were  annually 
offered  up  as  food  to  the  idols,  who  were  said  to  feed 
upon  their  eyes,  and  a  dance  was  performed  with  the 
head  of  the  victim,  A  festival  was  also  observed  during 
the  summer  season,  which  continued  for  the  space  of 
three  months,  during  which  the  shamans  assembled  near 
the  village  and  ran  wildly  about  at  night,  wearing  horns 
upon  their  heads  and  imitating  the  cries  of  wolves  and 
other  wild  beasts.  The  idols  were  certain  grotesque 
masks,  probably  emblematic  of  the  tribal  deities,  and 
which  were  preserved  in  a  temple;  in  one  of  the  cere- 
monies a  procession  of  shamans  wearing  these  masks,  pre- 
ceded by  a  group  of  women  singing  ritual  songs,  passed 
through  the  village,  while  the  Indians  would  come  out  of 
their  houses  to  pay  their  homage  to  the  idols  and  ac- 
company them  with  dancing  back  to  the  temple.' 

Half  a  league  distant  from  the  landing-place  was  the 
village  called  Carlos,  where  dwelt  the  chief  of  the  same 
name.'     Fontanedo  tells  us  that  the  name  signifies  "cruel 

'  Dos  breves  memorias  sobre  las  costumbres  de  los  yndios  de  la  Florida, 
MS.  Arch.  Gen.  de  Indias,  Seville,  est.  135,  caj.  7,  leg.  8.  Javva  is  the 
name  given  them  by  Alegre  in  his  Historia  de  la  Compaiiia  de  Jesus  en  la 
Nueva  Espaiia,  Mexico,  1842,  tomo  i.,  p.  15.  In  the  Histoire  Notable, 
Basanier,  Paris,  1566,  p.  78,  Laudonniere  gives  iarua  as  the  Timuquanan 
name  for  the  shamans. 

'  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  87, 


The  Carlos  Expedition  231 

village,"  '  but  the  Spaniards,  who  had  corrupted  its  pro- 
nunciation, believed  that  the  Indian  chief  had  assumed  it 
in  imitation  of  Charles  V.  on  learning  from  some  of  his 
white  captives  that  he  was  the  greatest  monarch  on  the 
earth.' 

The  Christian  slave  whom  the  Spaniards  had  just  res- 
cued was  sent  to  inform  Carlos  of  the  arrival  of  an  em- 
bassy sent  by  the  King  of  Spain  to  secure  his  friendship, 
and  bearing  gifts  for  himself  and  his  wives.  Shortly 
thereafter  the  cacique  came  down  to  receive  the  new- 
comers, accompanied  by  a  train  of  three  hundred  naked 
bowmen,  each  wearing  a  small  deer-skin  loin-cloth. 
Aviles,  suspecting  treachery,  withdrew  his  boats  a  short 
distance  from  the  land.  After  he  had  so  placed  them  that 
the  artillery  would  command  the  shore,  he  caused  a  carpet 
to  be  spread  out  on  the  ground,  on  which  the  cacique  and 
his  principal  men  seated  themselves  in  a  group  facing  the 
Adelantado,  who  was  attended  by  thirty  of  his  arquebus- 
men  carrying  lighted  matches.  Then  the  cacique  knelt 
down  and  extended  his  arms  with  the  palms  of  his  hands 

says :  "  Esta  la  tierra  de  Este  Cacique  Entre  la  tierra  de  los  martires  digo 
la  caueza  de  los  martires,  y  baya  de  Ju°  ponce.  Al  poniente  de  la  Caueca 
de  los  martires."  From  this  it  would  appear  that  he  indicates  Chatham 
Bay  as  the  Bay  of  Ponce  de  Leon,  and  that  he  locates  the  village  of  Carlos 
about  in  the  position  given  it  in  Le  Moyne's  map,  at  the  southern  extrem- 
ity of  the  peninsula.  But  it  must  be  remembered  that  his  geographical 
information  was  of  the  vaguest  description,  and  the  village  was  probably 
in  the  same  location  as  when  it  was  visited  by  Ponce  de  Leon,  i.  e.,  on 
Charlotte  Harbour.  See  Spanish  Settlements,  vol.  i.,  p.  441,  The  Bay  of 
Juan  Ponce.  Meras  {Ruidlaz,  tomo  i.,  p.  164)  says  it  contained  over  4000 
inhabitants. 

'  "  Memoria  de  las  cosas  y  costa  y  indios  de  la  Florida,"  Col.  Doc,  Inedit. 
Indias,  tomo  v.,  p.  534. 

'  Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  167  ;  Barrientos  in  Garcia, 
Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  87.  On  the  Spanish  corruption 
of  Indian  names,  see:  Herrera,  Historia  General,  Madrid,  1726,  vol.  ii., 
dec.  3,  lib.  viii.,  cap.  viii.  p.  241  ;  Coxe's  "Carolina,"  reprint  in  Hist.  Col. 
of  Louisiana,  by  B.  F.  French,  Philadelphia,  1850,  Pt.  II.,  p.  233;  Daniel 
G.  Brinton,  Notes  on  the  Floridian  Peninsula,  Philadelphia,  1859,  P-  "2. 


232  The  Spanish  Settlements 

turned  upward,  upon  which  the  Adelantado  in  turn  placed 
his  two  hands.  This  was  the  mark  of  the  highest  rever- 
ence that  the  Caloosas  could  pay  to  a  superior.  Aviles 
followed  with  a  distribution  of  presents.  To  the  chief 
he  gave  a  shirt,  a  pair  of  silk  breeches,  and  a  hat.  He  was 
a  young  man  of  twenty-five,  tall  and  well  formed,  "and 
in  his  dress  looked  much  the  gentleman,"  says  Barrientos. 
Other  small  gifts  were  given  him  for  his  wives.  Bread, 
wine,  and  honey  were  served  to  the  natives,  with  which 
they  were  greatly  pleased,  and  the  chief  presented  Aviles 
with  a  bar  of  silver  and  some  other  small  objects  in  gold 
and  jewels,  and  asked  for  more  food  and  wine.  To  this 
Aviles  replied  that  he  had  not  sufficient  for  so  many 
people,  and  invited  Carlos  and  his  principal  men  into 
his  boat,  where  he  promised  to  serve  them  a  still  more 
savoury  repast. 

Yielding  to  his  curiosity  and  cupidity  Carlos  entered 
the  ship  with  twenty  of  his  companions,  whereupon  Aviles 
drew  up  the  anchors  and  ran  for  the  open.  The  Indians 
sprang  to  their  feet  in  terror;  but  a  soldier  had  previously 
been  stationed  by  each  of  the  natives  to  prevent  his 
escape,  should  he  make  the  attempt,  and  the  General  in- 
formed them  through  the  interpreter,  that,  as  his  boats 
were  small,  he  had  only  withdrawn  from  land  to  prevent 
the  entrance  of  more  Indians.  He  then  regaled  them 
with  more  food  and  gifts,  and  when  Carlos  finally  wished 
to  depart,  informed  him  that  the  King  of  Spain  wished  to 
make  friends  with  him  and  requested  the  return  of  the 
Christian  captives,  threatening  him  with  death  if  he  failed 
to  comply,  and  making  him  the  usual  promises  of  friend- 
ship and  assistance  against  his  enemies  in  case  he  obeyed. 
Carlos  readily  agreed  to  his  demand,  and  within  an  hour 
five  women  and  three  men  were  delivered  up.  Avil4s 
directed  them  to  be  clothed,  and  the  unfortunate  creatures 
wept  tears  of  joy  at  their  deliverance,  although  their 
hearts  were   racked    because   of   the   children   they  left 


The  Carlos  Expedition  233 

behind.  After  this,  more  gifts  were  distributed  among 
the  Indians  and  Carlos  at  last  returned  to  his  village,  in- 
viting the  Adelantado  to  visit  him  and  his  wives,  and 
promising  to  send  two  more  Christian  men  and  a  woman, 
who  were  living  in  the  interior. 

The  next  morning  the  cacique,  who  had  planned  to 
slaughter  the  Spaniards  in  a  grove  on  the  way  to  his  vil- 
lage, sent  a  number  of  canoes  to  bring  the  General  ashore, 
and  soon  followed  them  in  person  with  a  large  company 
of  unarmed  natives,  bearing  branches  of  palms,  singing, 
and  making"  great  demonstrations  of  joy.  They  had 
come,  said  Carlos,  to  bear  the  Spaniards  to  their  village 
on  their  backs  as  a  mark  of  honour,  and  he  himself  would 
carry  the  Adelantado,  a  custom  they  had  observed  for 
other  Christians  who  had  visited  his  country,  and  his 
people  would  accompany  them  with  rejoicings,  "for  we 
are  all  God's  creatures,"  added  the  wily  chief.  But 
Aviles  had  been  warned  of  the  treachery  by  one  of  the 
Christian  slaves  and  answered  with  equal  guile.  He 
thanked  the  Indians  for  their  courtesy;  observed  that 
those  who  had  accepted  such  treatment  were  but  false 
Christians ;  that  for  his  part  he  would  never  consent  to  be 
so  honoured ;  and  that  he  would  visit  their  village  with  a 
few  of  his  Spaniards.  But  the  savages  were  too  shrewd 
to  be  thus  deceived,  and,  perceiving  that  they  had  been 
betrayed,  at  once  took  flight,  whereupon  Menendez, 
anxious  to  retain  their  confidence,  and  to  convince  them 
that  he  knew  nothing  of  their  designs,  brought  his  boats 
around  to  the  neighbourhood  of  the  village,  blew  his 
trumpet,  and  unfurled  his  flags  as  a  signal  for  their  canoes 
to  come  out  and  take  him  ashore.  But  this  the  Indians 
refused  to  do. 

Anxious  to  rejoin  the  five  ships  from  which  he  had 
become  separated,  Aviles  now  determined  to  set  out  in 
search  of  them,  and,  hearing  of  three  captive  Christians 
in  a  neighbouring  harbour,  went  there  in  the  hope  of 


234  The  Spanish  Settlements 

finding  his  vessels,  and  recovering  the  slaves ' ;  but  the 
search  proved  vain.  Returning  to  the  port  of  Carlos,  he 
found  that  Las  Alas  had  arrived  in  the  meantime  and  had 
even  visited  the  Indian  town,  where  he  had  been  well  re- 
ceived by  the  natives,  who  were  cowed  at  the  sight  of  so 
strong  a  force,  and  where  his  soldiers  had  obtained  by 
barter  gold  and  silver  to  the  value  of  over  two  thousand 
ducats, 

Menendez  was  eager  to  return  to  the  settlements  he 
had  planted,  but  he  was  also  unwilling  to  leave  the 
Caloosas  without  having  first  secured  the  friendship  of 
their  chief;  he  therefore  dispatched  the  Christian  slave 
who  had  met  him  on  his  arrival  to  inform  Carlos  that  the 
Spaniards  were  still  in  ignorance  of  the  treachery  which 
the  Indians  had  planned.  Carlos,  blinded  by  his  desire 
to  obtain  more  gifts  from  these  guileless  visitors,  readily 
believed  the  messenger,  came  to  visit  the  Adelantado 
with  but  five  or  six  companions,  offered  him  his  sister 
in  marriage,  asked  him  to  take  her  to  a  Christian  land, 
and  then  to  send  her  back  that  he  and  all  his  people  might 
become  of  the  same  faith,  and  again  renewed  the  invita- 
tion to  visit  his  village  and  his  wives,  to  all  of  which 
Aviles  again  consented. 

While  the  Adelantado  and  the  Indian  chief  were  each 
struggling  to  outwit  the  other,  the  one  to  retain  his 
country  and  the  other  to  win  it  for  his  King,  another  and 
less  worthy  object  had  stirred  the  cupidity  of  the  soldiers. 
The  sight  of  the  gold  collected  by  the  followers  of  Las 
Alas  and  the  report  of  the  great  wealth  of  Carlos  had 
awakened  the  same  emotions  in  the  breasts  of  the  Span- 
iards as  those  which  had  arisen  in  the  heart  of  the  Indian 
chief  on  seeing  their  paltry  beads  and  hatchets;  and  the 
former,  hoping  to  work  upon  the  financial  necessity  in 

'  Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  150,  says  this  harbour  was  50 
leagues  beyond,  possibly  Old  Tampa,  at  the  head  of  which  stood  the  vil- 
lage of  Tocobaga,  which  he  subsequently  visited. 


The  Carlos  Expedition  235 

which  they  all  knew  that  Avild's  was  placed,  urged  him  to 
hold  Carlos  for  a  ransom.  Carlos  himself  was  reported 
to  have  over  one  hundred  thousand  ducats;  and  even 
were  his  treasures  not  so  large,  no  one  could  tell  how 
much  gold  and  silver  there  might  be  in  the  possession  of 
his  friends  and  relatives,  accumulated  from  the  vessels 
wrecked  along  the  coast.  With  this  they  would  readily 
part,  for  the  natives  were  in  blissful  ignorance  of  its 
value,  bartering  a  piece  of  gold  worth  seventy  ducats  for 
an  ace  of  diamonds,  and  a  hundred  ducats  of  silver  for  a 
pair  of  scissors.  But  the  Adelantado  was  above  tempta- 
tion and  simply  replied  that  the  Indian  had  come  to  him 
trusting  in  his  word,  and  would  not  think  the  Spaniards 
were  good  Christians  if  he  caught  them  in  a  lie;  and 
although  his  soldiers  succeeded  in  collecting  from  the 
Indians  precious  metal  to  the  value  of  thirty-five  hundred 
ducats,  with  which  the  Spaniards  at  once  began  to  gamble, 
he  persisted  in  his  refusal  to  take  anything  for  himself. 
So  Carlos  returned  in  safety  to  his  village. 

The  next  day  Avil^s  returned  his  visit  with  what  pomp 
and  circumstance  he  could  muster,  in  order  to  impress 
the  natives  with  his  importance.  He  must  have  pre- 
sented a  curious  sight  to  the  gaping  savages  as  he  threaded 
his  way  through  the  groves  of  palmettos  to  the  great 
house  of  the  chief,  which  stood  but  a  little  distance  from 
the  shore  near  which  the  ships  were  drawn  up.  Attended 
by  twenty  gentlemen  and  a  very  small  dwarf,  who  was  an 
excellent  dancer  and  singer,  he  marched  at  the  head  of 
his  two  hundred  arquebusiers,  each  man  fully  armed,  clad 
m  cuirass  and  morion,  with  unfurled  banner,  to  the  ac- 
companying music  of  two  pipers  and  drummers,  three 
trumpeters,  a  harp,  a  violin,  and  a  psaltery.  On  reach- 
ing the  spacious  dwelling '  of  the  cacique,  he  stationed 
his  men  on  the  outside,  their  matches  lighted  in  case  of 

'  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Aniigtias  Relaciones  dc  la  Florida,  p.  92,  says 
it  would  accommodate  2000  men,  an  evident  exaggeration. 


236  The  Spanish  Settlements 

an  emergency,  and  entered  it  with  the  music  and  his 
twenty  attendant  gentlemen. 

Carlos,  likewise  desiring  to  be  duly  impressive,  had 
prepared  an  elaborate  reception  for  his  visitors.  The  ca- 
cique sat  alone,  enthroned  on  a  raised  seat,  surrounded 
by  a  company  of  one  hundred  chief  men  and  other  per- 
sonages, who  crouched  below  him.  At  a  little  distance 
from  him  sat  his  sister,  plain,  tall,  and  sedate,  and  about 
thirty-five  years  of  age,  around  whom  squatted  the  native 
women.  As  Aviles  entered  Carlos  courteously  offered 
him  his  throne  and  withdrew  to  some  distance,  but  this 
the  Adelantado  would  not  permit  and  he  placed  his  host 
beside  him,  after  which  the  ceremonious  salutation  pre- 
viously described  was  repeated  by  the  Indian's  sister  and 
the  chief  men.  Meanwhii'^  over  five  hundred  youths 
from  ten  to  fifteen  years  of  age  had  assembled  in  front  of 
the  open  windows  and  began  to  sing,  while  others  danced 
and  pirouetted,  and  the  men  and  women  within  joined  in 
the  singing.  Then  the  brothers  and  relatives  of  the  chief, 
some  of  whom  were  nearly  one  hundred  years  old,  per- 
formed a  dance.  During  all  of  the  entertainment  the 
Indian  women  without  the  house  sang  altvernately  in  two 
groups  of  fifty  each. 

The  dance  over,  the  repast  was  about  to  be  served 
when  Menendez,  who  had  noted  down  some  of  the  native 
words,  asked  for  a  little  delay,  and  addressed  Carlos  and 
his  sister  in  their  own  language,  to  the  amazement  of  the 
assembly,  who  thought  that  the  paper  itself  spoke.  At 
his  request  the  chieftain's  wife  was  brought  in.  She 
proved  to  be  a  handsome  young  woman  of  twenty,  of 
good  address,  with  fine  eyes  and  eyebrows,  shapely  hand:?, 
and  graceful  figure,  naked  as  Eve  before  the  fall  except 
for  a  covering  which  she  wore  in  front,  a  rich  necklace  of 
pearls  and  precious  stones,  and  some  golden  trinkets 
about  her  throat. 

The  Adelantado,  who  was  a  courtly  man,  took  her  by 


The  Carlos  Expedition  237 

the  hand  and  seated  her  between  her  husband  and  his 
sister  "and  as  he  had  been  told  that  she  was  very  hand- 
some, he  had  written  down  the  words  in  which  to  tell  her 
so,  at  which,"  writes  his  brother-in-law, 

"she  showed  herself  not  to  be  displeased,  and  blushed  very 
prettily,  looking  frankly  at  her  husband.  The  cacique  showed 
that  he  regretted  having  brought  his  wife,  and  ordered  her  to 
depart,  fearing  she  would  be  taken  from  him,  but  the  Adelan- 
tado  told  him  through  the  interpreter  not  to  send  her  away, 
asking  that  she  dine  with  them."  * 

This  was  followed  by  a  succulent  repast  served  by  the 
natives  and  consisting  of  cooked  fish  and  oysters  roasted, 
boiled,  and  raw,  to  which  the  Adelantado  contributed 
biscuit,  honey,  sugar,  and  wine,  with  comfits  and  quince 
preserve.  Throughout  the  feast  his  own  music  played 
and  the  dwarf  danced,  at  which  the  cacique  bade  his  In- 
dians to  cease  their  singing,  for  he  said,  "The  Christians 
know  many  things."  Then  some  of  the  Spanish  gentle- 
men sang  in  concert,  for  the  Adelantado  was  fond  of 
music.  The  repast  was  concluded  with  a  distribution 
of  gifts  among  the  natives. 

As  the  Adelantado  prepared  to  depart,  Carlos  reminded 
him  of  the  alliance  which  he  had  proposed,  saying  that 
his  Indians  would  not  submit  to  having  his  sister  rejected, 
but  would  rise  against  him.  The  unexpected  request  at 
once  placed  Avil^s  in  a  difficult  if  not  a  dangerous  posi- 
tion, for  it  demanded  an  immediate  answer,  and  although 
his  bodyguard  stood  without  prepared  for  every  emer- 
gency, he  was  himself  surrounded  by  the  savages  and  for 
the  moment  completely  in  their  power.  But  he  met  it 
with  tact  and  discretion,  observing  that  Christian  men 
could  only  marry  Christian  women  :  Carlos  answered  that 
they  were  such  already,  having  taken  him  as  a  brother. 

'  Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  162. 


238  The  Spanish  Settlements 

To  this  Avil^s  replied  that  in  order  to  become  Christians 
they  would  have  to  learn  and  believe  many  things, 

"  and  he  told  them  who  God  was,  His  wisdom,  power,  and 
goodness,  and  that  all  creatures  born  upon  earth  must  worship 
and  obey  Him  alone,  and  that  we  Christians  who  do  so,  go  to 
heaven  when  we  die,  and  that  there  we  live  forever  without 
dying,  and  see  our  wives,  and  children,  and  brothers,  and 
friends,  and  are  ever  joyful,  singing  and  laughing;  and  that 
they  in  their  ignorance  do  not  serve  or  worship  God,  but 
serve  a  very  warlike  and  lying  chief  called  the  Devil,  and  when 
they  die,  they  go  to  him,  and  are  forever  weeping,  because 
they  are  often  very  cold,  and  again  very  hot,  and  there  is 
nothing  to  satisfy  them."  ' 

Notwithstanding  his  sound  doctrine,  Avil6s  consulted 
with  his  captains  as  to  what  course  he  should  take.  They 
all  agreed  that  it  was  desirable  to  conciliate  the  Indians 
in  order  to  bring  them  to  a  knowledge  of  the  true  faith, 
and  the  Adelantado  finally  accepted  the  situation,  al- 
though he  did  so  most  unwillingly.  So  the  chief's  sister 
was  baptised  and  named  Dona  Antonia,  and  the  nuptials 
were  performed  that  night  in  some  tents  which  the  Span- 
iards had  erected  near  by  amidst  the  great  rejoicing  of  the 
natives,  who  celebrated  the  occasion  with  singing  and 
dancing,  and  to  the  furtherance  among  them  of  the 
Christian  religion."  Aviles,  having  now  achieved  his  ob- 
ject, and  secured  the  friendship  of  Carlos,  determined  to 
continue  his  journey.  His  Indian  wife  and  seven  of  her 
companions  were  sent  with  Las  Alas  and  five  of  the  ships 
to  Havana  to  be  instructed  in  the  Catholic  faith.  He 
also  caused  a  great  cross  to  be  erected  close  to  the  chief's 
dwelling,  which  he  bade  the  Indians  to  reverence  as  their 
principal  idol  and  to  abandon  their  other  gods.     But  the 

'  Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  164. 

'  Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  pp.  164-166.  Barrientos  omits  the  incident  in 
his  account. 


The  Carlos  Expedition  239 

still  distrustful  Carlos  refused  his  consent  to  the  new  wor- 
ship until  the  return  of  his  sister  from  Havana.  Avil^s 
promised  to  send  her  back  in  the  lapse  of  three  or  four 
months,  and  then  sailed  away  in  the  two  remaining  ves- 
sels, having  named  the  harbour  San  Antonio,  after  St. 
Anthony,  to  whose  intercession  he  attributed  the  happy 
discovery  and  deliverance  of  the  Christian  captives.' 

While  the  Adelantado  was  turning  compliments  to  In- 
dian beauties  and  marrying  a  native  wife,  affairs  had 
reached  a  desperate  pass  in  the  three  colonies  he  had 
founded  along  the  east  coast  of  the  peninsula.  The  ves- 
sel sent  to  Yucatan  in  command  of  his  brother-in-law  had 
returned  to  Havana  with  a  load  of  provisions,  where 
Meras  left  it  and  continued  his  journey  to  New  Spain 
to  fulfil  the  mission  with  which  he  had  been  entrusted. 
Hinestrosa,  Aviles's  agent  in  Havana,  sent  it  immediately 
to  the  relief  of  the  colony  at  Santa  Lucia,  the  harbour 
whither  Medrano  had  gone  after  leaving  Ays.  When  the 
ship  arrived  at  the  settlement  it  was  found  that  the  In- 
dians had  risen  and  killed  fifteen  of  the  colonists,  for  the 
soldiers  were  exhausted  with  their  journey  thither,  and 
the  natives  were  so  dexterous  with  their  bows  that  they 
could  discharge  twenty  arrows  while  the  soldiers  were 
firing  a  single  shot.  At  first  the  colonists  had  driven 
them  away,  but  when  the  fort  was  completed  a  thousand 
Indians  came  down  upon  them,  fought  them  for  four 
hours,  wounded  the  captain  and  the  sub-lieutenant,  killed 
eight  soldiers,  and  shot  six  thousand  arrows  into  the  fort. 

As  the  attacks  were  renewed  daily,  it  soon  became  im- 
possible to  search  for  provisions,  and  the  small  garrison, 

'  Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  pp.  150-168  ;  Barrientos,  in 
Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  84-95.  The  Spanish 
Relations  and  geographers  usually  call  the  village  Carlos  after  the  name  of 
its  chief.  Since  the  identity  of  the  Carlos  village  of  Ponce  de  Leon  and  of 
other  explorers  with  the  village  mentioned  by  Aviles  cannot  be  positively 
established,  the  name  of  San  Antonio  is  retained  in  this  narrative  to  indi- 
cate the  locality  visited  by  the  latter. 


240  The  Spanish  Settlements 

with  their  rations  reduced  to  a  pound  of  corn  distributed 
among  ten  soldiers,  began  to  suffer  the  pangs  of  hunger. 
A  dwarf  palmetto  sold  for  a  ducat,  a  snake  for  four,  a  rat 
for  eight  reales.  The  bones  of  animals  and  of  fishes 
which  had  been  dead  for  years,  and  even  shoes  and  leather 
belts  were  eaten,  and  the  soldiers  gradually  succumbed  to 
starvation  until  only  thirty  men  were  left  capable  of  bear- 
ing arms.  At  this  pass  the  sub-lieutenant  and  the  vicar, 
Mendoza,  endeavoured  to  reach  Havana  in  a  boat  in 
search  of  succour,  without  a  soul  among  the  crew  who 
understood  navigation ;  but  foul  weather  drove  them 
back  again  and  forced  them  to  return  to  Santa  Lucia. 
Eight  days  later  the  caravel  arrived.  Then  the  soldiers 
rose,  seized  its  master,  wounded  Medrano  and  the  sub- 
lieutenant, captured  the  boat,  and  set  sail  in  her  for 
Havana.  Fifteen  leagues  from  Santa  Lucia  they  en- 
countered Avil^s,  who  had  been  reconnoitring  a  harbour 
in  the  Bahama  Channel,  and  was  now  on  his  way  up  the 
coast  with  his  two  vessels.  But  the  unfortunate  deserters 
were  doomed  to  return  to  Florida,  for  Aviles  took  pos- 
session of  their  caravel,  embarked  in  it  with  a  number  of 
his  gentlemen,  and  continued  his  journey  in  the  direction 
of  St.  Augustine,  which  he  reached  on  the  20th  of  March 
(1566). 

Similar  disturbances  had  occurred  both  at  St.  Augustine 
and  at  San  Mateo.  Early  in  February,  before  setting 
out  for  Carlos,  Men^ndez  had  dispatched  a  second  ship- 
load of  corn  and  other  necessities  to  the  former  of  the 
two  ports.  On  the  arrival  of  the  relief  party  it  found 
Bartolome  Men^ndez  absent  with  a  party  of  soldiers  to 
collect  corn  from  the  hostile  Indians,  and  the  settlement 
in  a  most  distressing  condition.  Hunger  and  discon- 
tent had  brought  about  the  usual  results.  Before  the 
ship  could  be  unloaded  the  settlers,  headed  by  a  captain 
named  Francisco  de  Recalde,  who  had  previously  been 
suspected  of  setting  fire  to  Fort  San  Mateo,  and  a  priest 


The  Carlos  Expedition  241 

from  Seville,  named  Rueda,'  rose  in  mutiny,  seized  the 
camp  master  and  other  officials,  spiked  the  guns  of  the 
fort,  appointed  a  leader  and  a  sergeant  major,  and  cap- 
tured the  vessel  with  the  intention  of  abandoning  the 
country.  As  the  ship  proved  to  be  too  small  to  accom- 
modate all  of  the  mutineers,  the  sergeant  major  went 
about  the  settlement  with  a  bodyguard,  selecting  those 
who  were  to  depart.  While  he  was  thus  employed  in 
choosing  his  companions  the  camp  master  succeeded  in 
freeing  himself  and  eight  of  the  royal  officers  and  officials. 
Securing  arms  they  attacked  and  captured  the  leader  of 
the  mutineers  and  his  sergeant  major,  and  destroyed  the 
boat  in  which  they  were  about  to  put  out  to  the  ship. 
Perceiving  the  turn  which  affairs  had  taken,  those  aboard 
the  vessel  spread  their  sails  and  escaped  with  one  hundred 
and  thirty  men.  The  leaders  were  executed  on  the  spot 
and  order  was  again  restored ;  but  the  commander  of  the 
garrison  fell  ill  of  the  anxiety  caused  by  the  mutiny,  as 
did  also  Bartolome  Men^ndez  on  his  return." 

Simultaneously  and  in  connivance  with  the  mutineers 
at  St.  Augustine,  an  uprising  had  occurred  at  San  Mateo, 
due  to  general  discontent  at  the  poverty  of  the  country 
in  gold  and  silver.  The  ship  which  Laudonnifere  had 
been  building  to  transport  his  people  to  France  was  still 
unfinished  and  the  mutineers  pressed  for  its  completion. 
They  had  secretly  advised  the  leaders  at  St.  Augustine  to 
secure  the  vessel  there,  and  with  the  arrival  of  the  first 
succour  at  San  Mateo  it  was  their  intention  to  seize  the 
ship  in  which  it  came,  and  with  these  three  vessels  to 
abandon  the  country.  Villarroel,  who  was  in  command 
at  San  Mateo,  suspected  their  designs,  but  could  do  little 
to  control  them,  and  the  camp  master  at  St.  Augustine 
sent  him  word   in   a  letter  concealed  in  the  coat  of  a 

'  Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  igo. 

'  Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  pp.  1 71-173  ;  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas 
Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  98,  99. 


242  The  Spanish  Settlements 

messenger  to  delay  the  completion  of  the  French  ship 
and  to  temporise  as  best  he  could  until  the  arrival  of 
reinforcements.  But  his  efforts  were  unsuccessful,  and 
the  mutineers  had  not  only  secured  the  vessel  in  which 
they  embarked  to  the  number  of  one  hundred  and 
twenty/  leaving  Villarroel  with  only  twenty-five  men  in 
charge  of  San  Mateo,  but  had  also  succeeded  in  stirring 
up  war  with  Saturiba. 

The  friendship  which  Avil^s  had  established  with 
the  Indians,  by  his  judicious  treatment  of  them,  had  so 
far  continued  without  interruption.  But  the  mutineers, 
says  Merds,'  on  deserting  the  fort,  hoping  that  the  Indians 
would  quickly  attack  it  and  murder  the  garrison  as  soon 
as  they  became  aware  of  the  small  number  of  its  defenders, 
determined  to  hasten  the  event.  With  this  object  in  view 
the  two  leaders  maltreated  the  natives,  and  killed  a  num- 
ber of  them,  including  two  of  the  chief  men.  The  re- 
venge came  quickly.  Villarroel,  in  ignorance  of  the  Indian 
outbreak,  had  sent  to  St.  Augustine  for  reinforcements 
as  soon  as  he  found  himself  abandoned.  Saturiba,  who 
had  doubtless  observed  with  grim  contentment  the  same 
disintegrating  forces  at  work  which  had  wrought  such 
havoc  among  the  French,  seized  his  two  messengers  by 
surprise,  split  open  their  breasts,  and  cut  out  their  hearts. 
On  the  same  day  that  the  General  reached  St.  Augustine, 
Las  Alas  entered  the  harbour,  bringing  supplies  from 
Havana,  where  he  had  left  Dona  Antonia  and  her  com- 
panions. As  the  San  Mateo  mutineers  had  not  yet  sailed 
Avil^s  at  once  informed  them  of  the  arrival  of  succour 
and  offered  them  a  general  pardon.  But  their  hearts 
were  set  upon  abandoning  the  country.     They  had  en- 

'  Meras  in  Ruidi'az,  La  Florida,  tomoi.,  p.  176,  says  this  mutiny  occurred 
after  Aviles's  departure  for  Guale.  On  p.  180  he  speaks  of  it  as  prior 
thereto.  As  Meras  was  not  present  on  the  occasion,  the  order  of  the 
events  followed  in  the  text  is  that  given  by  Barrientos. 

'  Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  181. 


The  Carlos  Expedition  243 

listed  in  the  hope  of  conquering  another  El  Dorado ;  they 
had  encountered  but  hardship  and  privation,  and  they 
were  determined  to  seek  their  fortunes  elsewhere,  in  Peru 
or  New  Spain,  where  more  substantial  returns  awaited 
their  endeavours  than  slow  starvation  on  palmetto  roots 
and  grasses-  Out  of  the  entire  company  some  thirty-five 
noblemen,  who  had  joined  their  ranks,  accepted  the  par- 
don and  returned  to  the  fort.  The  balance  sent  word 
that  they  had  not  come  over  to  plough  and  plant,  and 
that  they  wished  to  go  to  the  Indies  to  live  like  Christians 
and  not  to  live  like  beasts  in  Florida.' 

1  Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  pp.  169-181  ;  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  An- 
tiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida^  pp.  96-100. 


CHAPTER   III 

EXPEDITIONS   TO   GUALE,    ST.  JOHN'S   RIVER,   AND 
CHESAPEAKE   BAY 

AVILES  at  once  determined  to  anticipate  the  de- 
parture of  the  San  Mateo  mutineers  and  punish 
them,  when  he  was  delayed  by  a  further  defection  among 
the  force  at  St.  Augustine.  The  leader  was  the  same 
Captain  San  Vincente  who  had  prophesied  a  failure  of  the 
expedition  against  Fort  Caroline,  a  grumbler  and  a  cow- 
ard according  to  Merds,  who  may  have  had  some  secret 
grudge  against  him.'  At  the  head  of  a  hundred  soldiers 
he  asked  leave  to  set  sail  in  a  caravel  that  was  on  the 
point  of  departure  for  Hispaniola.  In  vain  Avil^s  urged 
upon  him  his  pressing  need  of  men  in  view  of  the  out- 
break among  the  Indians,  and  his  own  immediate  de- 
parture for  Quale.  Embarking  in  the  caravel,  which  was 
under  orders  to  convey  them  to  Puerto  Rico,  the  de- 
serters compelled  the  pilot  to  take  the  direction  of 
Havana,  from  which  they  could  best  make  their  way  to 
Honduras,  Yucatan,  and  New  Spain.  But  a  contrary 
wind  arose  and  carried  them  in  thirty  days  to  Puerto  de 
Plata  in  the  island  of  Santo  Domingo,  where  other,  fugi- 
tives from  St.  Augustine  had  already  preceded  them. 
They  arrived  wasted  and  ill  with  the  long  journey,  their 
provisions  having  spoiled  with  the  heat,  and  were  well 
received  by  the  governor,  Francisco  de  Cevallos,  al- 
though the  royal  cedulas  had  already  reached  him  direct- 
'  Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  pp.  86,  90,  178. 
244 


Expeditions  to  Guale  245 

ing  the  arrest  of  all  such  deserters  and  their  return  to 
Florida.  Avil^s  soon  learned  of  their  arrival  and  urged 
the  enforcement  of  the  orders,  but  his  demands  were  dis- 
regarded, and  the  mutineers  spread  abroad  such  discour- 
aging reports  of  the  country  that  the  result  soon  followed 
which  the  General  had  anticipated.  Intending  immigrants 
abandoned  the  enterprise,  and  it  was  even  said  that  some 
of  the  royal  ministers  condemned  the  Adelantado  for  his 
precipitate  action  in  seeking  to  colonise  so  unpromising  a 
region.' 

Avil^s  was  now  at  liberty  to  pursue  his  expedition  to 
Guale.  Leaving  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  distributed 
between  St.  Augustine  and  San  Mateo,  he  set  sail  the  ist 
of  April  (1566)'  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  in  two 
small  boats  and  a  ship  under  the  command  of  Las  Alas. 
He  took  with  him  as  interpreter  the  Frenchman  Rufin,' 
whom  Manrique  de  Rojas  had  rescued  from  Ribaut's  col- 
ony at  Charlesfort.  Three  days  out  he  entered  a  har- 
bour,  and  landed  within  a  quarter  of  a  league  of  an  Indian 
village,  where  he  was  met  by  a  party  of  forty  Indians,  from 
the  midst  of  whom  a  Frenchman  addressed  him  in  Span- 
ish, telling  him  that  the  name  of  the  village  was  Guale, 
and  that  he  had  been  sent  to  prevent  their  landing  if  they 
proved  to  be  Spaniards.  The  Frenchman  explained  that 
he  had  belonged  to  the  scouting  party  sent  to  Fort  Caro- 
line by  Ribaut  after  the  wreck  of  the  fleet.  On  arriving 
there  and  learning  of  the  capture  of  the  fort  by  the  Span- 
iards, the  scouts  had  not  returned  to  Ribaut,  but  had 
escaped  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Santa  Elena."     Avil^s 


'  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  loi  ; 
Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  pp.  184-187  ;  Barcia,  Eiisayo,  Alio 
MDLXVI.,  pp.  102-104. 

*  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  I02. 
^Barrientos  in  ibid.,  p.  103,  calls  him  by  his  Christian  name,  Guillermo. 

*  Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  193,  and  see  Barcia,  Ensayo, 
Alio  MDLXV.,  p.  84. 


246  The  Spanish  Settlements 

replied  that  his  people  did  not  harm  the  natives,  and 
would  not  land  against  their  will.  After  further  parley, 
the  Indians  invited  the  Spaniards  to  visit  their  village, 
and  Avil6s  set  out  in  their  company  with  a  small  band 
of  soldiers.  On  the  way  he  learned  that  two  weeks  be- 
fore his  arrival  a  party  of  fifteen  Lutherans,  who  had 
escaped  from  Ribaut's  fleet,  had  set  sail  for  Newfound- 
land in  search  of  French  fishing  vessels,  after  a  sojourn 
of  five  months  in  that  locality.  The  Frenchman  also  in- 
formed him  that  the  cacique  of  Guale  was  at  war  with  the 
cacique  of  Crista,"  two  of  whose  relatives  he  had  taken 
prisoners  with  the  assistance  of  the  French  fugitives. 

The  Spaniards  were  peacefully  received  at  the  village, 
where  they  were  quartered  in  the  house  of  the  French 
fugitives,  and  Avil^s,  as  was  his  custom,  began  to  give 
the  natives  some  religious  instruction.  As  the  local  in- 
terpreter was  Lutheran  he  ordered  him,  under  pain  of 
death,  to  tell  the  Indians  that  he  and  his  soldiers  had 
come  to  Christianise  them.  A  cross  was  set  up  and  three 
youths  of  his  company  chanted  the  Christian  doctrine 
before  it,  while  the  trembling  interpreter  informed  the 
natives  that  the  Spaniards,  who  were  true  Christians,  had 
come  to  kill  the  Lutherans,  who  were  false  Christians. 
Other  religious  instruction  was  given  of  a  less  militant 
description,  and  the  Indians  expressed  their  willingness 
to  embrace  the  faith. 

Next  day  the  Adelantado  assembled  the  principal  men, 
expressed  his  desire  to  re-establish  peace  between  the 
contending  caciques,  and  asked  that  the  two  relatives  of 
Crista  be  surrendered  to  him,  promising  to  return  them 
in  case  Crista  would  not  come  to  terms.  The  Guale 
chief  replied  that  for  eight  months  no  rain  had  fallen, 
their  corn-fields  and  plantations  had  dried  up,  they  were 
sorrowful  because  of  the  scarcity  of  food,  and  that  they 
wished  to  sacrifice  these  two  Indians  to  their  gods  to  in- 

*  Possibly  the  Audusta  of  Laudonni^re. 


Expeditions  to  Guale  247 

duce  them  to  send  them  rain.  "Not  so,"  replied  Avil^s. 
"God  is  angry  with  you,  and  denies  you  the  rain,  because 
you  are  at  war  with  Crista  and  wish  to  slay  these  two  In- 
dians and  because  you  kill  his  people  when  you  capture 
them"  ;  and  then  he  offered  to  leave  two  of  his  own  sol- 
diers as  hostages  for  their  return,  in  case  the  peace  could 
not  be  brought  about.  The  following  day  the  Gualc  chief 
surrendered  his  two  captives,  and  Avil^s  set  out  for 
Crista  with  two  small  boats,  leaving  his  nephew,  Alonzo 
Menendez  Marques,  and  Vasco  Zaval  with  the  Indians 
after  he  had  informed  the  chief  that  he  would  cut  off  their 
heads  should  evil  befall  the  hostages  during  his  absence, 
and  would,  moreover,  ally  himself  with  their  enemy, 
Crista.  "The  cacique  and  the  other  Indians  were  terri- 
fied at  this,"  says  Barrientos,  "for  they  knew  already 
what  he  had  done  to  the  Lutherans,  and  how  victorious 
he  had  been  in  all  of  his  undertakings,  for  news  travels 
over  the  country  from  chief  to  chief  very  rapidly."  '  Six 
Spaniards  also  remained  with  the  natives  to  Christianise 
them. 

Avil^s  had  spent  four  days  in  Guale,  and  on  leaving  he 
encountered  Las  Alas,  who  had  gone  in  search  of  him  in 
his  ship.  The  next  day  he  entered  the  harbour  of  Santa 
Elena,  which  was  but  eighteen  or  twenty  leagues  distant 
from  Guale,*  and  visited  the  neighbouring  Indian  village, 
but  two  leagues  distant,  in  company  with  Las  Alas  and  a 
hundred  soldiers.  The  inhabitants  were  at  work  rebuild- 
ing their  huts  which  had  been  burned  to  the  ground  by 
the  Guale  Indians,  and,  anticipating  another  attack,  at 
first  assumed  a  hostile  attitude,  but,  on  recognising  their 
two  comrades,  they  gave  the  Spaniards  a  friendly  recep- 
tion, and  sent  word  of  the  arrival  of  the  strangers,  to  the 
neighbouring  subject  chiefs.  Crista  was  in  another  vil- 
lage near  at  hand,  where  Avil6s  visited  him,  returned  his 

^  1  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  105. 
'  Barrientos  in  ibid.,  p.  104. 


248  The  Spanish  Settlements 

relatives  to  him,  and  invited  him  through  Rufin,  who 
was  married  to  a  daughter  of  one  of  the  subject  chiefs, 
to  turn  Christian,  to  which  he  promptly  consented.  A 
public  rejoicing  was  celebrated,  attended  by  the  usual 
ceremonies. 

On  the  following  day  Crista,  with  his  wife  and  a  party 
of  natives,  embarked  in  the  boats  and,  descending  the 
river,  accompanied  the  Adelantado  to  his  village,  where 
the  night  was  passed.  Then  a  site  was  selected  for  the 
Fort  of  San  Felipe  on  a  small  island  within  a  league  of 
the  bar,  where  it  would  be  visible  from  the  sea.  The 
island  was  covered  at  the  time  with  a  dense  forest  of  oak 
and  pine,  liquidambar,  nut  trees,  and  laurel,  A  plan  for 
the  fort  was  traced  out  on  the  only  elevation  which  the 
island  contained,  at  the  side  of  a  small  haven,  and  with 
the  assistance  of  the  natives  it  was  completed  in  fifteen 
days,  mounted  with  six  pieces  of  artillery,  and  garrisoned 
with  one  hundred  and  six  men  under  the  command  of 
Las  Alas.  Despite  its  attractive  appearance  and  ad- 
vantageous position  on  the  river  flowing  into  the  harbour, 
the  situation  was  a  poor  one.  The  island  was  isolated 
from  the  mainland  by  extensive  swamps  and  marshes,  was 
subject  to  frequent  overflow  with  the  high  tides,  which 
rendered  cultivation  very  difficult,  and  was  too  small 
to  accommodate  the  population  which  ultimately  settled 
there.'  When  the  construction  of  the  fort  was  finished 
Avil6s  sent  word  to  the  settlers  at  St.  Augustine  of  the 
success  of  his  expedition  and  of  his  intention  to  return 
to  them  at  an  early  day.  Before  his  departure  from  San 
Felipe  he  left  a  soldier  with  each  of  the  subject  chiefs, 
who  had  asked  for  some  one  to  instruct  them  in  the 
faith.     He  then  set  out   for  Guale  with  a  small  party, 

'  "  Discurso  sobre  la  poblacion  de  la  costa  de  la  Florida,  e  inconvinientes 
que  se  ofrecieren  para  su  fortificacion  y  defensa."  1577-1580.  MS. 
Direc.  de  Hidrog.,  Madrid,  Col.  Navarrete,  tomo  xiv.,  Doc.  No.  47, 
See  Appendix  U,  San  Felipe. 


Expeditions  to  Guale  249 

taking  two  of  the  principal  men  with  him,  and  sent  Rufin 
in  advance  to  inform  the  cacique  of  the  peaceful  outcome 
of  the  negotiations. 

During  his  absence  the  drought  had  continued  through- 
out the  region  subject  to  the  Guale  chief,  and  when  Aviles 
reached  the  village  the  afflicted  savage  besought  him  to 
ask  God  to  send  rain.  But  the  Adelantado  answered 
evasively,  "God  will  not  hearken  to  my  prayer,  because 
He  is  angry  with  you  for  your  failure  to  comply  with  our 
desires,"  and  the  chief  departed,  much  depressed  at  the 
refusal.  The  youths  who  had  been  left  there  to  instruct 
the  natives,  observing  his  disappointment,  determined  to 
play  upon  his  superstition,  and  informed  him,  through 
the  interpreter,  that  they  would  pray  God  for  rain.  At 
this,  full  of  gratitude  for  their  assistance,  he  loaded  them 
down  with  presents  of  deer-skins,  corn,  and  fish,  with 
which  the  lads  departed,  well  pleased  at  their  successful 
deception.  But  the  news  of  it  soon  reached  the  ears  of 
the  General,  and,  indignant  at  the  trick  the  boys  had 
practised,  he  ordered  their  spoils  to  be  taken  from  them, 
and  had  them  stripped  to  receive  a  whipping.  When 
this  in  turn  became  known  to  the  Guale  chief,  he  came 
in  great  sorrow  to  the  Adelantado  and  addressed  him, 
saying,  with  Indian  stoicism:  "You  have  deceived  me, 
for  you  will  not  ask  God  for  rain,  and  now  you  wish  to 
punish  the  children  because  they  are  willing  to  pray  for 
it.  Do  not  whip  them,  for  I  no  longer  wish  them  to  pray 
for  water,  and  am  content  that  it  rain  when  God  wills  it." 
Aviles  answered  that  God  would  bestow  it  the  more 
readily  if  he  turned  Christian  himself.  Then  the  poor 
Indian,  in  desperation,  went  directly  to  the  cross,  which 
Aviles  had  caused  to  be  erected  on  his  previous  visit ; 
kneeling  down  before  it,  he  embraced  it,  and  turning  to 
the  Spaniard  exclaimed:  "Behold,  I  am  a  Christian." 
"This  occurred  at  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,"  con- 
tinues Barrientos.  ' '  Half  an  hour  later  it  began  to  thunder 


250  The  Spanish  Settlements 

and  lighten  and  to  rain  with  such  violence  that  it  did 
not  cease  for  twenty-four  hours,  and  extended  in  a 
circuit  of  five  leagues."'  Then  the  Indians,  astoun- 
ded at  the  prodigy,  came  to  the  house  where  Avil^s 
was  lodged,  and  casting  themselves  at  his  feet,  begged 
him  to  leave  some  Christians  with  them.  The  General 
responded  by  ordering  his  nephew,  Alonzo  Menendez 
Marqu6s,  with  four  other  Spaniards,  to  remain  among 
them. 

If  remorse  had  played  its  part  in  the  kindly  treatment 
which  Avil6s  had  extended  to  the  Frenchmen  captured 
near  Cape  Canaveral  after  the  Matanzas  massacre,  either 
the  Adelantado  felt  that  his  misdeeds  had  been  expiated 
when  he  released  them  on  his  arrival  in  Cuba,  or  again 
the  force  of  circumstances  proved  stronger  than  his  sense 
of  mercy.  His  nephew  Alonzo  and  his  companions,  who 
had  remained  as  hostages  at  Guale  during  his  absence 
at  Santa  Elena,  informed  him  on  his  return  that  the 
unfortunate  Lutheran  interpreter  was  endeavouring  to 
arouse  the  Indians,  telling  them  that  these  Spanish 
Christians  were  of  no  account,  and  spitting  upon  the 
cross  whenever  they  assembled  to  adore  it,  whereupon 
Avil6s  determined  to  be  rid  of  him  without  arousing  the 
suspicions  of  the  natives.  He  caused  the  Frenchman 
Rufin  to  induce  his  countryman  to  accompany  some 
Guale  Indians  who  were  going  to  Santa  Elena  in  their 
canoe,  by  praising  the  liberality  of  Las  Alas,  who  would 
reward  him  with  many  presents.  The  poor  fellow,  who 
had  escaped  the  untutored  wiles  of  the  savages,  readily 
fell  into  the  trap  set  for  him  by  the  Christians  and  left 
with  the  Indians.  Avil6s  then  wrote  Las  Alas  to  murder 
him  secretly,  but  to  show  much  regret  at  his  disap- 
pearance and  to  inform  the  Indians,  that,  being  a  false 
Christian,  he  had  escaped  to  the  forest  in  the  hope  of 
finding  a  French   ship   in  which  to  return   to  his  own. 

'  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  iii. 


Expeditions  to  Guale  251 

country.  His  orders  were  obeyed  and  the  Frenchman 
was  garroted.'  ^ 

Avil^s,  who  had  now  carried  out  his  plan  at  Santa 
Elena,  returned  to  San  Mateo  by  the  channel  between 
the  islands  and  the  coast,  meeting  many  Indians  on  his 
way,  who  came  down  to  the  shore  and  besought  him  to 
give  them  crosses,  as  they  were  all  much  astounded  at  the 
report  of  the  rain  which  had  fallen  in  Guale.  He  reached 
the  settlement  on  the  15th  of  May,  and  although  he 
found  it  in  good  condition  the  war  with  the  natives  was 
still  in  progress.  The  Indians  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
the  two  forts  were 

"an  ill  set  and  traitorous,"  says  Barrientos,  "for  they  make 
friends  with  the  Christians  for  their  own  interest  on  account 
of  the  advantage  they  can  derive  from  them.  They  go  to  the 
forts,  and  if  they  are  not  given  food  and  clothing,  and  iron 
hatchets  and  gifts  they  depart  in  great  anger,  begin  a  war  and 
kill  all  the  Christians  they  can  find."  ^ 

Those  about  St.  Augustine  had  waited  for  a  favourable 
wind,  and,  attacking  the  fort  at  night,  had  set  fire  to  the 
thatched  roof  of  the  magazine  with  their  fire  arrows.^ 
The  flames  communicating  with  the  powder  had  de- 
stroyed all  of  its  valuable  contents  including  the  flags 
and  banners  captured  from  the  French  as  well  as  those 
belonging  to  the  Spaniards.  Many  soldiers  had  been 
killed,  and  the  sentinels  shot  down  at  night. 

The  soldiers  found  the  Timuquanans  a  difficult  foe  to 
contend  with,  and  more  than  a  match  for  their  cumbrous 
arms,  owing  to  their  great  agility  and  the  rapidity  of  their 

'  Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  pp.  189-215  ;  Barrientos  in 
Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  102-111.  Meras  states 
that  the  Frenchman  was  addicted  to  a  crime  against  nature  very  prevalent 
among  the  Indians.     Barrientos  merely  hints  at  it. 

*  Barrientos  in  ibid.,  p.  113. 

^Le  Moyne  in  Plate  XXXI.  of  his  Eicones  shov/s  this  mode  of  attack. 


252  The  Spanish  Settlements 

movements.  While  the  soldier  was  loading  his  arquebus, 
they  ran  into  the  grasses  and  thickets,  and  dropped  on 
the  ground  when  they  saw  the  flash.  Crawling  swiftly 
through  the  underbrush  and  grasses,  they  rose  at  another 
spot  than  that  at  which  the  Spaniard  had  aimed,  and 
closing  upon  him  delivered  another  volley  of  four  or  five 
arrows  in  the  time  which  he  took  to  load.  They  went 
about  in  small  skirmishing  parties,  and  fought  in  ambus- 
cade, shooting  the  men  who  went  to  gather  sea-food  and 
dwarf  palmettos,  piercing  their  clothes  and  coats  of  mail. 
When  the  Spaniards  pursued  them  they  ran  to  the 
streams  and  marshes,  threw  themselves  into  the  water, 
and,  being  naked  and  swimming  like  fish,  crossed  to  the 
opposite  shore,  bearing  their  bows  and  arrows  aloft  in  one 
hand  to  keep  them  dry  ;  there  they  would  stand  shouting 
and  mocking  at  the  Spaniards,  and  when  the  latter  with- 
drew, they  swam  back,  dogging  their  steps  and  shooting 
at  them  from  the  underbrush.  The  Spaniards  found  that 
to  hold  them  in  check  it  was  necessary  to  burn  their 
villages,  seize  their  canoes,  cut  down  their  plantations, 
and  destroy  their  fishways. 

Aviles,  seriously  disturbed  at  the  loss  of  the  store- 
house, went  directly  to  the  relief  of  his  brother  at  St. 
Augustine,  taking  with  him  a  small  party,  what  supplies 
the  scant  store  at  San  Mateo  could  afford,  and  Villarroel, 
who  had  fallen  ill  in  consequence  of  the  mental  strain  to 
which  he  had  been  subjected,  and  whom  he  wished  to 
send  to  Havana.  Vasco  Zaval  was  left  in  charge.  May 
1 8th  he  arrived  at  the  fort,  and  after  advising  with  his 
captains,  he  decided  to  build  a  new  one  at  the  entrance 
of  the  bar,  where  it  could  protect  the  harbour  from  the 
attack  of  hostile  vessels  and  afford  a  better  defence 
against  the  Indians.'     The  site  was  marked  out  the  fol- 

'  The  second  site  of  St.  Augustine.  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas 
Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  114,  says:  "  Entrando  En  consejo  Con  los 
capitanes  salio  acordado  que  se  mudase  El  fuerte  de  alii  y  se  fundase  A  la 


Expeditions  to  Guale  253 

lowing  day,  and  for  the  second  time  the  long-suffering 
colonists  set  to  work  with  a  will  upon  its  construction. 
From  three  o'clock  in  the  morning  until  nine,  and  again 
from  two  in  the  afternoon  until  seven  in  the  evening,  one 
hundred  and  sixty  persons  toiled  at  its  completion,  in 
constant  fear  of  an  Indian  attack,  and  in  ten  days  they 
had  it  finished,  with  the  guns  in  position.  As  no  sup- 
plies had  reached  the  settlers  for  a  long  season,  and  the 
chronic  condition  of  hunger  and  want  was  again  rife,  the 
General  determined  to  return  to  Havana  for  succour,  tak- 
ing with  him  a  hundred  soldiers,  whom  he  had  enlisted 
in  Cuba  from  the  fleet  of  New  Spain  under  agreement  to 
remain  with  him  until  May,  He  left  but  seventy  rations 
at  St.  Augustine  to  maintain  the  garrison  until  help 
should  arrive. 

Early  in  June  he  set  out  for  Havana,  and  the  very  day 
of  his  departure  he  met  one  of  his  own  supply  ships,  with 
Diego  de  Amaya  aboard,  caught  in  a  perilous  situation  on 

entrada  de  la  barra,  porq  alli  los  indios  no  les  podian  hacer  tanto  malo  y 
desde  alli  podian  defender  q  no  entrasen  nauios  de  Enemigos."  Subse- 
quent to  the  arrival  of  Arciniega  at  St.  Augustine  another  change  was 
made:  "  Fuese  el  Adelantado,  con  todos  los  capitanes  .  .  .  e  con 
acuerdo  e  parecer  de  todos  .  .  .  senalaron  el  sitio,  lugar  e  compas 
donde  se  habian  de  fortificar,  que  era  en  el  mesmo  lugar  que  el  Adelantado 
estaba  fortificado  ;  mas  porque  la  mar  le  iba  comiendo  el  fuerte,  retira- 
ronse  mas  a  tierra,  tomando  el  un  caballero  del  fuerte  que  estaba  hecho, 
para  el  que  se  habia  de  hacer."  Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p. 
245.  The  "  Discurso  sobre  la  poblacion  de  la  costa  de  la  Florida  e  incon- 
vinientes  que  se  ofrecieron  para  su  fortificacion  y  defensa"(MS.  Direc. 
de  Hidrog.,  Madrid,  Col.  Navarreie,  tomo  xiv.,  Doc.  No.  47,  fol.  4,  1577- 
15S0)  says  :  "  Sancto  Agustin,  donde  primero  estubo  el  Fuerte  y  gente,  es 
una  Islilla  pequena,  y  Sancto  Agustin,  donde  agora  esta  el  Fuerte  y  gente, 
es  otra  que  esta  junto  a  la  primera,  donde  solia  estar  primero  el  Fuerte,  y 
esta  donde  agora  esta  es  casi  Ysla,  por  que  esta  rodeada  de  agua,  aunque 
tiene  por  una  parte  descubierto  por  donde  pueden  pasar  a  la  Tierra  Firme, 
esta  en  29  grados  y  medio  :  tiene  de  largo  364  leguas  y  de  ancho  muy 
poco,  que  es  angosta  hasta  media  legua,  y  por  algunas  partes  menos.  Cubre 
la  Mar  cada  ano  mucha  parte  de  esta  tierra,"  etc.  It  should  be  borne  in 
mind  that  "isla"  does  not  necessarily  mean  an  island,  but  may  also  indi- 
cate a  promontory,  as  is  the  case  in  this  instance. 


254  The  Spanish  Settlements 

the  bar.  He  delayed  his  sailing  long  enough  to  rescue  it 
and  wrote  the  camp  master  at  St.  Augustine  to  distribute 
the  provisions  between  the  forts,  sending  a  boat-load  to 
Las  Alas  at  San  Felipe ;  and  with  that  decision  of  char- 
acter which  he  was  wont  to  exert  when  the  emergency- 
called  for  it,  he  ordered  that  the  vessel  which  had  brought 
the  succour  be  sunk  in  order  that  the  garrison  suffer  no 
temptation  to  desert.  The  camp  master  at  St.  Augustine 
was  then  directed  to  go  to  San  Mateo  and  take  charge 
there. 

The  question  of  provisions  being  thus  happily  solved 
for  the  time  being,  Aviles  re-embarked  and  reached 
Havana  in  eight  days  with  two  of  his  vessels,  the  third 
being  carried  to  Santo  Domingo  by  stress  of  weather. 
In  Havana  he  found  his  brother-in-law,  Soli's  de  Meras, 
■who  had  returned  with  the  fleet  from  New  Spain,  bring- 
ing with  him  four  Dominican  friars,  a  captain,  and  eight 
soldiers,  and  only  three  thousand  ducats  borrowed  from 
the  Audiencia  of  Mexico.  Attempts  to  obtain  further 
assistance  from  the  Governor  were  renewed,  but  Osorio 
was  still  obdurate,  and  Aviles  was  compelled  to  fall  back 
upon  his  lieutenant,  the  treasurer  Hinestrosa,  who  hav- 
ing already  exhausted  his  personal  means,  promised  to 
secure  from  his  friends  the  money  needed  to  assist  the 
Florida  forts.  Doiia  Antonia,  his  Indian  bride,  had 
quickly  acquired  some  Christian  instruction,  but  the 
death  of  all  but  two  of  her  companions,  and  the  pro- 
longed absence  of  her  Spanish  lover,  for  whom  she  had 
acquired  a  strong  attachment,  had  greatly  depressed  her 
spirits.  Meras  tells  us  a  touching  story  of  her  affection 
and  of  the  harmless  subterfuge  by  which  the  Adelantado 
contrived  to  avoid  the  renewal  of  his  relations  with  her.* 
The  death  of  Dofta  Antonia's  companions  had  placed 
Aviles  under  the  necessity  of  returning  her  to  her  people, 

■Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  pp.  215,  232;  Barrientos  in 
Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  ui-116. 


Expeditions  to  Guale  255 

as  he  feared  that  in  the  event  of  her  death  the  Caloosas 
would  attribute  it  to  the  ill-treatment  of  the  Spaniards. 
So  he  made  a  rapid  expedition  to  San  Antonio,  returned 
Dofia  Antonia  and  her  two  companions  to  Carlos,  and  in 
ten  days  was  back  again  in  Havana,  bringing  with  him 
the  heir  and  cousin  of  the  chieftain,  who  was  subse- 
quently baptised  under  the  name  of  Don  Pedro,  and 
some  additional  white  slaves  whom  he  had  rescued. 

While  purchasing  supplies  with  five  hundred  ducats 
which  he  had  obtained  by  pledging  some  of  his  wardrobe, 
a  vessel  arrived  from  Spain  with  the  encouraging  news 
that  Sancho  de  Arciniega,  who  had  left  early  in  May,  had 
reached  Florida  at  the  end  of  June  '  with  a  large  squadron 
sent  to  the  assistance  of  the  colony.  Aviles  made  but  a 
brief  stay  at  Havana,  and  by  the  8th  of  July  was  back 
again  at  San  Mateo,  sailing  part  of  the  way  in  company 
with  the  return  fleet  which  carried  Meras  with  dispatches 
to  Spain. ^  During  his  absence  the  Indians  had  slain  two 
of  his  captains :  the  Asturian,  Martin  Ochoa,  who  had  led 
in  the  attack  on  Fort  Caroline,  and  Diego  de  Hevia,  a 
relative  of  the  Adelantado,  besides  others  of  his  soldiers 
who  had  shared  in  the  attack.  But  Arciniega  was  an- 
chored at  St.  Augustine,  where  he  had  arr'ved  on  the 
anniversary  of  Aviles's  departure  from  Cadiz,'  with  a  fleet 
of  seventeen  ships,  fifteen  hundred  men,  and  five  hundred 

^  "  Diligencias  hechas  en  Sevilla  con  motivo  de  la  venida  de  Esteban  de 
las  Alas,  de  la  Florida"  (Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  581,  5S5) 
gives  the  dates  of  April  and  April  2nd  ;  but  Fourquevaux,  who  makes  various 
references  to  Arciniega  in  his  correspondence  (see  letter  of  Jan.  22,  1566, 
Depkhes,  p.  48  ;  Feb.  4,  p.  50 ;  Feb.  11,  p.  52  ;  Feb.  22,  p.  61,  and  March 
29,  p.  64),  says  in  his  letter  to  Catherine  of  April  30,  1566  {ibid.,  p.  82), 
that  the  fleet  was  still  lying  at  anchor  at  San  Lucar.  Barcia,  Ensayo,  (Alio 
MDLXVI.,  p.  114),  says  it  reached  St.  Augustine  at  the  end  of  June. 

''Meras  (in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  pp.  223-235),  who  has  every 
reason  to  be  correct,  says  he  left  Havana  July  ist.  Barrientos  (in  Garcia, 
Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  115-118)  says  June  1st. 

3  Aviles  to  a  Jesuit  friend,  Oct.  15,  1566,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii., 
P-  155- 


256  The  Spanish  Settlements 

sailors,  and  bountiful  supplies  for  the  starving  colonists. 
Arciniega  had  sent  Captain  Juan  Pardo  in  three  vessels 
with  three  hundred  men  to  the  relief  of  San  Felipe,  and 
Captain  Aguirre  with  two  hundred  and  fifty  men  to 
that  of  San  Mateo.  Avil^s  found  Aguirre  encamped 
without  the  fort,  there  having  been  some  friction  be- 
tween him  and  Zaval,  who  was  in  command.  Having  re- 
stored peace  between  them,  Menendez  departed  for  St. 
Augustine. 

The  meeting  with  Arciniega  was  a  joyful  one  for  the 
sorely  tried  Adelantado,  and  Arciniega  handed  over  to 
him  the  royal  dispatches,  including  Philip's  letter  of  May 
12,  1566,  in  which  that  monarch  expressed  his  approval 
of  the  punishment  meted  out  to  the  "Lutheran  cor- 
sairs." '  Avil^s  then  visited  a  company  of  fourteen 
women,  who  had  come  over  with  the  fleet,  and  five 
priests  to  whom  he  assigned  as  vicar  his  chaplain  Men- 
doza.  Three  days  later,  in  council  with  his  captains,*  he 
decided  that  seven  hundred  and  fifty  soldiers  should  be 
distributed  between  the  three  forts  of  St.  Augustine,  San 
Mateo,  and  San  Felipe,  that  the  remainder  should  depart 
in  eight  of  the  vessels  to  search  for  pirates  and  corsairs  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Puerto  Rico  and  Santo  Domingo, 
and  that  the  balance  of  the  fleet  should  return  with 
Arciniega  to  Spain.  He  himself  prepared  to  visit  San 
Mateo,  where  he  proposed  to  ascend  the  St.  John's,  and 
to  proceed  from  there  to  Quale  and  the  fort  at  Santa 
Elena,  to  ascertain  what  had  become  of  Juan  Pardo,  of 
whose  arrival  he  had  as  yet  received  no  notification." 

Before  his  departure  the  fort  at  St.  Augustine  was  re- 
moved a  little  inland,  for  the  sea  was  beginning  to  eat  it 

•  Barcia,  Ensayo,  Ano  MDLXVI.,  p.  115. 

^  Aviles  had  been  directed  by  royal  cedula  of  September,  1565,  to  advise 
with  Arciniega  in  all  matters  relating  to  land  and  sea.  Ruidiaz,  La 
Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  360. 

^Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  pp.  235-248;  Barrientos  in 
Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  1 18-122. 


Expeditions  to  Guale  257 

away,'  and  finally  he  took  his  departure  for  San  Mateo. 
On  his  arrival  he  again  placed  Villarroel  in  command,  with 
Captain  Aguirre  and  most  of  the  older  soldiers  in  charge, 
then  he  started  on  an  exploring  expedition  up  the  St. 
John's  with  a  company  of  one  hundred  soldiers  in  three 
vessels.  Twenty  leagues  up  the  river  he  landed,  and 
marching  five  leagues  through  a  fertile  country  paid  a 
visit  to  the  village  of  Outina.  Within  a  league  of  the 
village  he  sent  forward  six  of  his  soldiers,  bearing  a  present 
to  the  chief,  to  inform  him  of  his  visit.  Outina  sent  him 
back  word,  begging  him  to  bring  but  twenty  men  in  his 
company  and  to  pray  God  to  send  rain  upon  his  harvests, 
as  none  had  fallen  for  a  long  time.  Much  amused  at  his 
request,  Avil6s  entered  the  village  with  only  six  men,  and 
on  his  arrival  the  rain  began  to  fall.  The  house  of  the 
chief  was  found  to  be  deserted,  for  a  superstitious  terror 
had  driven  the  savage  in  hiding  to  the  forest,  from  which 
he  sent  word  that  he  was  in  great  fear  of  a  man  who  was 
so  powerful  with  God,  and  begged  Avil^s  to  depart  in 
peace,  as  he  was  already  a  friend  of  the  Spaniards.  The 
Adelantado,  who  was  anxious  to  meet  him,  as  he  was  re- 
puted to  be  intelligent  and  powerful,  sent  a  messenger  to 
urge  him  to  return;  but  the  chief  replied  that  Avil^s  with 
his  twenty  soldiers  and  the  assistance  of  God  as  his 
cacique  was  more  powerful  than  himself  with  a  thousand 
warriors,  and  again  besought  him  to  depart,  and  the  Gen- 
eral reluctantly  complied  with  his  request,  after  informing 
Outina  that  he  was  ascending  the  river,  and  that  unless 
the  cacique  ordered  his  subject  villages  to  receive  him 
without  fear,  he  would  burn  down  their  towns  and  de- 
stroy their  canoes  and  fishways. 

Returning  to  his  boats,  Aviles  on  the  following  day 
sent  the  largest  of  them  back  to  San  Mateo  with  fifty 
men,  and  continued   his  expedition  up  the  river.     He 

'  Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida^  tomo  i.,  p.  245,  and  see  note,  p.  252,  in 
this  volume. 
•*.— 17. 


258  The  Spanish  Settlements 

observed  that  at  a  distance  of  forty  leagues  the  tide  was 
still  perceptible.  At  a  distance  of  fifty  leagues  he  came 
upon  the  village  of  Macoya,  an  ally  of  Saturiba,  two  leagues 
beyond  the  highest  point  reached  by  the  French.'  He 
found  the  village  deserted  by  the  inhabitants,  and  Macoya 
sent  him  a  message  similar  to  that  he  had  received  from 
Outina,  asking  him  to  abandon  the  expedition,  as  his  sub- 
jects farther  up  the  river  were  angry  at  the  approach  of 
the  Spaniards.  But  Aviles  disregarded  his  request,  and, 
failing  to  obtain  any  Indian  guides,  continued  his  ad- 
vance. A  league  farther  on,  where  the  river  began  to 
narrow,  he  found  it  barred  with  stakes  and  the  na- 
tives assembling  in  a  threatening  attitude  along  the 
banks.  Breaking  through  the  obstacles  in  the  river  he 
proceeded. 

The  river  had  now  become  so  narrow  that  its  width  did 
not  exceed  the  length  of  two  pikes.  The  soldiers  were 
exposed  to  attack  from  the  banks,  their  powder  and 
arquebuses  were  damp  owing  to  the  rain,  and  the  General 
determined  to  return.  The  Indian  guide  who  accom- 
panied him  informed  Aviles  that  twenty  leagues  farther 
up  dwelt  _a  chief  of  the  Ays  named  Perucho,  where  the 
river  narrowed  for  a  distance  of  thirty  leagues  and  then 
opened  into  a  great  lake  called  Maymi,  which  emptied 
into  the  sea  to  the  west  in  the  country  of  Carlos,  and  to 
the  east  at  Tegesta  at  the  head  of  the  Florida  Keys,  and 
that  many  streams  flowed  into  it.  Seven  or  eight  leagues 
down  the  river  and  but  twelve  leagues  from  St.  Augus- 
tine by  land  he  visited  Carabay,''  a  subject  chief  of  Outina. 
Farther  down  Outina  himself  came  out  to  meet  him,  with 
whom  Aviles  left  six  of  his  soldiers,  and  he  finally  reached 
San  Mateo,  having  spent  twelve  days  in  his  voyage.  The 
war  with  Saturiba  was  still  in  progress,  owing  in  part  to 
the  want  of  discipline  among  the  soldiers,  who  persisted 

'  In  the  neighbourhood  of  Lake  George. 
^  In  the  neighbourhood  of  Picolata(?). 


Expeditions  to  Guale  259 

in  pillaging  his  villages,  but  otherwise  the  place  was  in  a 
satisfactory  condition." 

Aviles,  who,  during  his  winter  in  Havana  had  been 
assured  by  Father  Andres  de  Urdaneta  *  of  the  exist- 
ence of  a  passage  through  Florida  opening  into  the  Pa- 
cific, had  not  forgotten  his  design  to  establish  a  post 
at  the  Bay  of  Santa  Maria  (Chesapeake  Bay)  with  its 
promise  of  a  way  to  China  and  to  Newfoundland, 
and  during  his  two-days'  stay  at  San  Mateo  he  sent  a 
captain  with  thirty  soldiers  and  two  Dominican  friars  to 
form  a  settlement  there.  With  them  went  an  Indian 
named  Don  Luis  de  Velasco,  brother  of  a  chief  of  that 
region.  Spanish  navigators,  in  company,  perhaps,  with 
some  Dominican  monks,  had  visited  the  country  in  1559 
or  1560  and  carried  him  to  Mexico,  where  the  viceroy, 
Don  Luis  de  Velasco,  caused  him  to  be  baptised  and  gave 
him  his  name.  But  the  expedition  was  doomed  to 
failure.  The  two  monks  were  from  Peru  and  New 
Spain,  possibly  of  those  Meras  had  brought  with  him 
to  Havana  from  the  latter  country.  They  had  gone 
through  some  of  the  hardships  and  privations  of  the 
Florida  colony,  and  were  not  of  the  stuff  of  which  mar- 
tyrs are  made.  In  conspiracy  with  the  soldiers  they  won 
over  the  pilot  to  their  plan,  drew  up  a  statement  that 
they  had  been  deterred  from  reaching  the  Bay  of  Santa 
Maria  owing  to  bad  weather,  and  sailed  for  Spain. 
Reaching  Seville  they  added  their  voice  to  the  evil  re- 
ports concerning  Florida  which  San  Vincente  and  his 
companions  had  already  spread  abroad  by  letters  and 
other  channels,  and  defamed  both  the  King  and  Aviles 
because  they  wished  to  conquer  and  settle  it.' 

'Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i,,  pp.  248-257;  Barrientos  itt 
Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  122-126. 

■■'Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Jan.  30,  1566,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p. 
151. 

3  Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  258  ;  Barrientos  in  Garcia, 
Dos  Antiguas   Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.   126.      Barcia,   Ensayo,  (Ano 


26o  The  Spanish  Settlements 

The  little  garrison  of  San  Felipe  at  Santa  Elena  had 
not  escaped  the  blight  which  had  fallen  upon  the  other 
settlements.  The  arrival  of  the  ship  which  Avil6s  had 
sent  to  its  assistance  early  in  June,  before  his  last  visit  to 
Havana,  had  been  attended  with  the  usual  disturbances. 
Before  her  cargo  could  be  discharged,  sixty  of  the  sol- 
diers had  risen,  and  set  sail  in  her  for  Havana.  In  the 
Bahama  passage  a  storm  had  driven  her  into  a  harbour  at 
the  head  of  the  Florida  Keys,  in  the  vicinity  of  an  Indian 
settlement  called  Tegesta '  by  the  Spaniards,  and  ruled 
by  a  chief  of  the  same  name.  The  village,  which  was 
situated  on  a  stream  of  sweet  water,  probably  the  Miami 
River,  flowing  into  Biscayne  Bay,  was  at  that  time  gov- 
erned by  a  chief  closely  related  to  Carlos  and  his  sister, 
Dona  Antonia. 

The  people  of  Tegesta  were  fishermen,  and,  like  all 
the  natives  along  the  coast,  passed  the  winter  season 
chasing  the  whale,  says  Velasco.  An  Indian  fully  painted 
approached  the  whale  in  his  canoe,  and  throwing  a  rope 
around  it,  passed  through  its  nostrils  one  of  three  pointed 
stakes  which  he  carried  in  his  belt,  and  thus  prevented 
it  from  diving;  then  it  was  attacked  and  killed  and 
drawn  upon  the  beach.  There  its  head  was  opened  by 
the  first  man  to  attack  it  and  two  special  bones  were 
extracted,  which  were  placed  in  the  case  in  which  the 
bones  of  the  dead  were  kept,  and  they  were  worshipped. 
On  the  death  of  a  chief,  his  large  bones  were  removed 
and  placed  in  a  great  box  in  his  hut,  where  the  natives 

MDLXVI.,  p.  119),  says  that  the  Dominicans  had  taken  the  Indian  from 
the  province  of  Axacan  [Chesapeake  Bay]  to  Mexico,  and  adds  the  details 
given  in  the  text.  Both  Meras  {ibid.)  and  Barrientos  {ibid.)  say  Don  Luis  had 
been  six  years  with  Aviles.  Sacchini  {Histories  Societatis  Jesu,  Pars  tertia, 
Romae,  MDCIL.,  p.  323),  writing  of  the  Jesuit  expedition  of  1570  to  these 
parts,  says  that  Don  Luis  had  been  carried  away  eleven  years  before  by 
Spanish  navigators.     This  would  make  the  date  of  the  expedition  1559  to 

1560.  It  will  be  remembered  that  Villafane  was  in  that  neighbourhood  in 

1561.  Sacchini  calls  the  Indian  chief  of  the  region  Regulus. 
'  See  Appendix  V,  Tegesta. 


Expeditions  to  Guale  26} 

came  to  worship  them,  and  the  smaller  bones  were  buried 
with  the  body.'  Like  his  relative,  Carlos,  it  had  been  the 
custom  of  the  chief  of  Tegesta  to  kill  all  the  Christians 
cast  away  on  his  coast.  But  when  the  friendly  relations 
which  the  Spaniards  had  established  with  the  Ci.-oosas 
were  reported  to  him,  he  followed  the  exampie  of 
his  relative.  He  received  the  fugitives  with  good  will, 
sent  them  a  deputation,  and  informed  them  of  a  neigh- 
bouring village  where  twenty  Christians  were  living,  de- 
serters from  San  Mateo  at  the  time  of  the  mutiny.  But, 
a  fair  wind  having  arisen,  the  ship  set  sail  without  them, 
as  they  were  dwelling  in  peace  with  the  Indians. 

When  Juan  Pardo  arrived  at  San  Felipe  with  his  rein- 
forcements, he  found  that  twenty  soldiers  had  deserted 
to  the  interior,  and  that  only  twenty-five  remained 
in  the  fort,  that  their  supplies  were  entirely  exhausted, 
and  that  they  were  dependent  for  their  existence  upon 
the  food  which  the  natives  brought  them.  Aviles,  after 
two  days  spent  in  San  Mateo,  left  for  San  Felipe,  where 
he  arrived  about  the  20th  of  August.  Having  ordered 
matters  at  the  fort,  he  appointed  Las  Alas  his  lieutenant 
in  Crista  and  Guale.  The  island  on  which  stood  Fort 
San  Felipe  was  in  many  ways  unsuitable  for  cultivation, 
at  least  by  the  Spanish  farmers  who  had  settled  it  and 
who  were  still  inexperienced  in  the  climatic  and  other 
conditions  of  the  region.  Aside  from  the  scanty  supplies 
obtained  from  the  Indians  they  as  well  as  the  garrison 
were  dependent  for  their  subsistence  upon  the  chance 
arrival  of  an  occasional  ship  from  St.  Augustine  and  from 
San  Mateo,  and  Aviles  must  have  found  them  in  a  very 
miserable  condition,  for  he  determined  to  reduce  their 
number,  and  directed  Pardo  to  make  an  excursion  into  the 
interior  with  a  company  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  soldiers, 
who  were  to  be  quartered  upon  the  natives  at  intervals 

'  Dos  breves  memorias  sobre  las  costumbres  de  los  yndios  de  la  Florida, 
MS.  Arch.  Gen.  de  Indias,  Seville,  est.  135,  caj.  7,  leg.  8. 


262  The  Spanish  Settlements 

along  the  route.'  Leaving  Santa  Elena  by  the  end  of 
August,*  he  next  paid  a  visit  to  Guale,  where  he  learned 
of  the  death  of  his  nephew,  Alonzo  Marques;  and  found 
that  t'iie  Indians  had  made  rapid  progress  in  learning  the 
faith,  'were  reverently  adoring  the  cross,  and  could  already 
repeat  the  Christian  doctrine  in  chorus.  He  remained 
at  Guale  eight  days  and,  leaving  a  captain  and  thirty  sol- 
diers stationed  there,  was  back  again  at  San  Mateo  by  the 
20th  of  September.' 

During  his  first  visit  to  Cuba  he  had  been  deterred  from 
proceeding  against  the  corsairs  and  freebooters  which  in- 
fested the  neighbouring  seas,  by  the  rumour  of  French 
fleets  which  might  jeopardise  all  of  the  work  which  he 
had  so  laboriously  accomplished.  Hastening  his  return 
to  Florida,  he  had  now  completed  the  inspection  of  the 
various  posts  which  he  had  established,  and  felt  that  it 
was  high  time  to  fulfil  the  commission  with  which  he  had 
been  entrusted  by  the  King  of  purging  the  sea  of  pirates. 
Part  of  Arciniega's  fleet  had  already  returned  to  Spain, 
but  the  vessels  with  which  he  was  to  undertake  the  ex- 
pedition against  the  sea  robbers  in  defence  of  Puerto  Rico 
and  the  neighbouring  islands  were  awaiting  him  in  the 
harbour  of  St.  Augustine.  After  a  stay  of  only  two  days 
at  San  Mateo,  he  now  bent  his  steps  in  that  direction,  in- 
tent upon  fulfilling  the  commands  of  his  King,  taking 
Villarroel  along  with  him.  During  his  absence  another 
mutiny  had  broken  out  among  the  new  levies  headed  by 
a  captain  who  had  come  over  in  the  fleet  with  Arciniega, 
which  the  camp  master  quelled  with  drastic  measures, 
hanging  three  of  the  soldiers,  and  throwing  the  ringleader 
and  other  of  his  companions  into  prison.     Avil6s,  with 

'  Relacion  de  las  cosas  que  han  pasado  en  la  Florida  tocantes  al  servicio 
de  Dios  y  del  Rey.  Vino  con  carta  de  Juan  Mendez,  6  de  Abril,  1584,  MS. 
Arch.  Gen.  de  Indias,  Sevilla,  est.  54,  caj.  5,  leg.  r6,  p.  2. 

^  Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  262. 

2  M eras  in  itid.,  tomo  i.,  pp.  258-263,  281,  282;  Barrientos  in  Garcia, 
Dos  Antiguas  Relacionts  de  la  Florida,  pp.  126-128. 


Expeditions  to  Guale  263 

tactful  leniency,  released  the  prisoners,  admonished  the 
captain,  and  pointed  out  to  the  camp  master  that,  owing 
to  the  unaccustomed  conditions  to  which  the  soldiers 
were  subjected,  there  were  times  when  it  was  necessary 
to  wink  at  certain  infractions  of  discipline  in  order  not  to 
arouse  the  entire  colony. 

Before  his  departure  Avil^s  directed  Francisco  de  Rey- 
noso  to  visit  Carlos  with  a  company  of  thirty  soldiers,  at 
whose  village  he  was  to  erect  a  fort  and  to  discover  a 
waterway  to  Lake  Maymi,  through  which  communica- 
tion could  be  established  with  San  Mateo  and  St.  Augus- 
tine. He  left  his  brother  Bartolom^  in  charge  of  the 
settlement  at  St.  Augustine,  which  consisted  of  only 
twenty-five  soldiers  under  Captains  Miguel  Henriquez 
and  Pedro  de  Andrada,  with  fifty  married  men  and  their 
families,  and  set  sail  on  the  20th  of  October  in  pursuit  of 
the  corsairs.'  It  is  not  our  intention  to  follow  the  Ade- 
lantado  in  this  part  of  his  career,  except  in  so  far  as  it 
bears  upon  the  history  of  his  Florida  enterprise.  At 
Puerto  Rico  his  camp  master,  who  had  accompanied  him 
on  the  expedition,  learned  of  the  sailing,  September  25, 
1566,  of  the  French  squadron,  one  division  of  which, 
under  Montluc,  had  already  sacked  the  island  of  Madeira, 
while  the  balance  of  it  had  left  for  an  unknown  destination. 
In  view  of  this  report  it  was  determined,  on  consultation 
with  the  royal  Audiencia  of  Santo  Domingo,  that  Avil^s 
should  at  once  proceed  to  put  the  neighbouring  islands 
in  a  state  of  defence  and  return  shortly  to  Florida." 

'  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  ibid.,  p.  132  ;  Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida, 
tomo  i.,  p.  277;  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Nov.  29,  1566,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p. 
160,  Meras  (in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  264)  says  that  Aviles  was  ready  to  sail 
by  the  end  of  September,  started  on  the  20th  of  October,  was  detained  by 
contrary  winds,  and  finally  left  Nov.  5th. 

*  Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  pp.  264-269;  Barrientos  in 
Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  128,  129.  Both  Meras 
and  Barrientos  give  Oct.  6.  1566,  as  the  date  of  the  sacking  of  Madeira, 
October  i8th  the  news  of  it  reached  Philip  II.  Fourquevaux  to  the  King, 
Nov.  2,  1566,  D^eches,  p.  136. 


CHAPTER   IV 

FATHER    MARTINEZ  AND   HIS    COMPANIONS 

AVILES  had  been  deeply  moved  at  the  great  need 
there  was  for  Christian  instruction  among  the  savage 
races  with  which  he  had  come  in  contact,  and  he  had  ob- 
served with  some  particularity,  for  a  soldier,  the  various 
phases  of  their  religion.  Writing  to  a  Jesuit  friend  upon 
whom  he  was  urging  the  importance  of  their  conversion 
he  said : 

"  Their  ceremonies  consist  for  the  most  part  in  the  worship 
of  the  sun  and  moon,  and  idols  of  dead  game,  and  other  ani- 
mals. And  every  year  they  celebrate  three  or  four  festivals  in 
their  honour,  in  which  they  worship  the  sun  and  go  three  days 
without  food,  drink  or  sleep,  which  are  their  fasts.  And  he 
who  is  weak  and  cannot  endure  it,  they  consider  a  bad  Indian 
and  the  noble  sort  become  enraged.  And  he  who  can  best 
endure  these  trials,  is  held  most  worthy  and  is  treated  with 
more  courtesy."  ' 

Among  the  Caloosas  and  at  Guale  he  had  found  the 
practice  of  human  sacrifice  in  existence,  and  his  heart 
was  sore  within  him  at  their  idolatries. 

He  had  done  all  that  lay  in  his  power  to  turn  the  natives 
to  the  faith.  "I  have  already  given  them  crosses,  which 
they  worship,  and  I  have  given  them  some  lads  and  sol- 

'  Aviles  to  a  Jesuit  friend,  Oct.  15,  1566,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii., 
p.  156- 

264 


Father  Martinez  and  his  Companions    265 

diers  to  instruct  them  in  the  Christian  doctrine,"  he  con- 
tinues, "but  it  is  only  a  loss  of  time  to  attempt  to  plant 
the  Holy  Gospel  in  this  country  by  the  means  of  sol- 
diers." This  instruction  was  brief  and  conveyed  through 
an  interpreter,  and  it  is  highly  probable  tha\;  the  Guale 
Indians,  who  had  so  glibly  chanted  the  prayers  and  creed, 
recited  them  in  Latin  and  in  as  complete  ignorance  of 
their  significance  as  were  the  birds  and  the  wild  beasts 
of  their  forests.  His  attempt  at  securing  the  services  of 
competent  instructors  had  proved  a  failure.  Chaplain 
Mendoza  has  told  us  how  he  had  been  deserted  by  his 
companions  on  his  arrival  at  Puerto  Rico.'  It  seems 
probable  that  some,  at  least,  of  the  priests  who  accom- 
panied Las  Alas  had  been  lured  from  their  duty  by  the 
temptations  which  the  chaplain  had  so  bravely  overcome, 
and  the  temper  of  the  Dominican  monks  whom  Meras 
had  brought  with  him  had  not  been  that  of  Fray  Luis 
Cancer.  The  ministrations  of  Mendoza  and  of  the  priests 
who  had  accompanied  Arciniega  were  needed  among  his 
own  people,  dispersed  as  they  were  along  the  coast  of 
the  great  continent,  and  there  was  much  need  of  men 
whose  training  was  such  that  they  could  devote  them- 
selves exclusively  to  the  care  of  the  natives,  and  acquire 
their  language. 

The  Reformation  had  called  into  existence  an  organisa- 
tion having  the  special  mission  of  combating  its  heresies 
and  re-establishing  the  supremacy  of  the  Holy  See.  Al- 
though pre-eminently  designed  for  intellectual  contests 
with  the  element  which  had  worked  such  turmoil  in  the 
Church,  not  a  few  of  the  foremost  men  in  its  ranks  had 
embraced  with  pious  ardour  the  vocation  of  missionaries, 
and  it  would  appear  that  its  military  organisation  and 
discipline  had  especially  appealed  to  Aviles,  himself  a 
Spaniard  and  a  soldier  like  its  great  founder.  He  had 
promised  the  Indians  that  teachers  should  be  sent  them, 

'  "  Relacion  "  in  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  437.     See  p.  152,  in  this  volume. 


266  The  Spanish  Settlements 

and  was  much  disappointed  that  no  member  of  the  So- 
ciety of  Jesus  nor  of  any  other  rehgious  order  had  accom- 
panied Arciniega's  fleet.' 

The  mission  of  Fray  Luis  Cancer  and  the  zealous  pre- 
parations of  Fray  Domingo  de  la  Anunciacion  for  the 
expedition  of  De  Luna,  both  of  them  missions  inspired 
by  Las  Casas  and  undertaken  without  the  advice  of  the 
Provincial  Chapter  of  the  Order  in  Mexico,  had  awakened 
some  symptoms  of  jealousy  in  the  mind  of  its  Provincial, 
Fray  Domingo  de  Santa  Maria,  who  had  written  Philip, 
pointing  out  the  importance  of  an  appeal  to  the  judgment 
and  experience  of  the  Chapter  in  such  enterprises.''  But 
the  King  had  sufficient  confidence  in  his  general  to  over- 
ride the  advice  of  the  Dominican  Provincial,  and  he  had 
anticipated  the  wishes  of  the  Adelantado  in  respect  to 
Jesuit  missionaries.  May  3,  1566,  scarcely  five  months 
after  the  successful  termination  of  the  campaign  against 
the  French  heretics  in  Florida,  he  addressed  a  letter  to 
Francisco  Borgia,  Duke  of  Gandia,  at  that  time  third 
General  of  the  Society  of  Jesus,  directing  him  to  ap- 
point  twenty-four  members  of  the  Company  as  mission- 
aries in  such  parts  of  the  Indies  as  the  Royal  Council 
should  designate.^  Li  compliance  with  the  royal  orders, 
Borgia  selected  two  Fathers,  named  Pedro  Martinez  and 
Juan  Rogel,  and  a  lay  brother,  Francisco  de  Villareal, 
who  were  appointed  to  go  to  Florida.  As  this  was 
the  first  Jesuit  mission  to  the  West  Indies,'  its  members 
command  our  interest. 

'  Aviles  to  a  Jesuit  friend,  Oct.  15,  1566,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  157. 

2  Fray  Domingo  de  Santa  Maria  to  Philip  II.,  June  25,  1585,  Cartas  de 
Indias,   Madrid,  1877,  p.  134. 

^  Vida  del  P.  Francisco  de  Borja  .  .  .  por  el  P.  Pedro  de  Ribade- 
neyra,  Madrid,  1592,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  6,  p.  140b,  gives  the  letter  in  full. 

*  Historia  de  los  Trivmphos  de  nvestra  santa  fee  entre  Gentes  las  mas 
barbaras  y  fieras  del  nuevo  Or  be  .  .  .  por  el  Padre  Andres  Perez  de 
Ribas.  Madrid,  1645,  p.  744.  Epist.  P.  Nadal  in  Monumenta  Historica 
Societatis  Jesu,  vol.  iii.,  p.  411. 


Father  Martinez  and  his  Companions    267 

Father  Martinez  was  an  Aragonese,  born  in  1533,'  in 
Celda,  a  suburb  of  Teruel,  famous  for  the  legend  of  its 
two  lovers.  His  family  was  evidently  in  easy  circum- 
stances, for  he  was  sent  to  the  University  of  the  City 
of  Valencia  to  study  the  humanities  and  theology;  but 
being  of  a  turbulent  disposition  he  spent  more  of  his  time 
in  the  fencing  school  than  with  Aristotle  and  St.  Thomas 
on  the  benches  of  the  lecture  hall.  With  his  boon  com- 
panions he  wandered  about,  seeking  for  opportunities  to 
display  his  skill  with  the  rapier,  the  sword,  and  the  target, 
and  there  was  hardly  a  duel  in  the  town  in  which  he  did 
not  take  part,  either  as  principal  or  second.  This  did 
not  tend  to  develop  his  respect  for  the  Jesuits,  whom  it 
was  his  habit  to  mock  and  ridicule. 

Going  to  the  college  one  day,  in  company  with  three 
or  four  of  his  companions  in  order  to  amuse  himself  for  a 
while  at  the  expense  of  the  Fathers,  he  observed  to  his 
friends,  "One  of  us  is  going  to  become  a  Teatin,"  re- 
ferring to  an  Order  affiliated  to  the  Augustinians  and 
given  to  the  strictest  observance  of  the  rules  of  the 
mendicant  friars.  At  this  each  of  them,  with  a  laugh, 
answered  in  turn,  "Not  I  at  least."  On  reaching  the 
college  he  sat  down  at  the  entrance,  and  the  porter 
courteously  enquired  of  him  what  he  wished,  to  which  he 
replied,  "Only  to  sit  here  a  little  while."  Meanwhile 
he  watched  attentively  the  passing  of  the  black-coated 
Fathers  and  of  the  lay  brethren  on  their  daily  rounds 
that  he  might  discover  something  at  which  to  raise  a 
laugh. 

"  But  he  was  laid  hold  of  by  God  by  that  very  means,"  says 

'  Mortes  illustres  et  gesta  eorum  de  Societate  Jesu  qui  in  odium  fidei 
,     .     .     ab  ethnicis  hareticis  vel  aliis     .     .     .     necati  sunt    .  autore 

Philippe  Alegambe.  Romse,  1657,  p.  44.  P.  Francisco  Javier  Alegre  in 
his  Historia  de  la  Cotupaiiia  de  Jesus  en  Nueva  Espana  (Mexico,  1842, 
tomo  i.,  p.  7)  says  Father  Martinez  was  born  October  15,  1523. 


268  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Father  Nieremberg,  who  relates  the  incident.'  "  For  he  be- 
held so  much  modesty,  so  much  devotion  and  sedateness  in 
their  speech  and  actions,  that  he  began  to  think  upon  renounc- 
ing the  world  and  joining  the  Order  of  which  he  was  before 
accustomed  to  make  sport,  and  God  having  truly  called  him, 
he  resolved  to  seek  the  Company.  Whereupon  he  called  the 
Superior,  Father  Geronimo  Nadel,  and  asked  to  be  received 
at  once." 

But  he  had  to  deal  with  a  man  versed  in  the  intricate 
mysteries  of  the  human  heart,  and  the  Superior,  seeing 
how  emotional  was  the  nature  of  the  lad,  answered  that 
he  would  gladly  admit  him  after  he  had  considered  the 
matter  for  eight  days. 

On  receiving  this  answer  Martinez  departed.  Casting 
aside  for  the  while  the  memory  of  the  vocation  he  had  so 
lightly  wished  to  assume,  he  returned  to  his  former  mode 
of  life,  and  within  the  week  attended  a  duel  where  he  was 
obliged  to  wait  an  hour  and  a  half  for  the  arrival  of  his 
adversaries.  But  under  this  semblance  of  trifling  lay  the 
strong  sense  of  honour,  peculiar  to  his  race ;  and  the  failure 
of  his  antagonists  to  keep  their  appointment,  says  one  of 
his  Jesuit  biographers,  recalled  to  him  the  engagement 
upon  which  he  had  himself  entered  with  the  Superior. 
At  the  end  of  eight  days,  in  order  not  to  prove  false  to 
his  word,  he  returned  to  the  college  and  in  1553  was 
finally  admitted  into  the  Society. 

The  same  ardour  which  he  had  previously  expended  in 
his  amusements  was  now  addressed  to  penance  and  morti- 
fication. Clothed  in  a  hair  shirt  he  worked  for  hours  in 
the  garden,  like  a  common  labourer,  and  he  scourged 
himself  with  such  severity  "that  it  was  found  necessary 
to  stay  his  hand  and  give  him  a  clock  in  order  that  he 

'  Vidas  exemplares  y  venerables  memorias  de  algunos  claros  varones  de  la 
Campania  de  Jesus  .  .  .  por  Padre  Eusebio  Nieremberg,  Madrid, 
1643-1647,  tomo  iv.,  p.  607. 


Father  Martinez  and  his  Companions    269 

might  not  exceed  half  an  hour  of  discipline,"  '  From 
Valencia  he  was  sent  to  pursue  his  studies  at  the  college 
of  Gandia,  and  going  to  the  town  of  Oliva  one  day  with 
a  brother  to  stop  a  bull  fight,  the  Duke,  learning  of  his 
purpose,  forbade  the  fight. 

In  1558  Martin  de  Cordova,  Count  of  Alcaudete,  and 
commander  of  the  army  recruited  in  Andalusia"  to  fight 
against  the  African  Moors,  asked  Francisco  Borgia  for 
Jesuits  to  accompany  him,  and  Fathers  Martinez,  Pedro 
Domenec,  and  a  lay  brother,  Juan  Gutierrez,  were  de- 
tailed for  the  purpose.  On  their  arrival  at  Carthagena, 
from  which  they  were  to  sail  for  Oran,  the  Jesuits  em- 
barked on  a  transport  in  company  with  eight  hundred 
soldiers,  and  with  no  other  food  than  putrid  bread  and 
water  so  corrupt  that  the  smell  of  it  could  hardly  be 
borne.  On  reaching  Oran  they  were  ordered  to  attend 
in  the  hospital,  although  their  hearts  burned  to  go  to  the 
front  with  the  army  that  was  to  attack  Montagan.  After 
the  disastrous  defeat  suffered  by  Alcaudete,  in  which  he 
was  slain,  and  his  son  with  a  great  part  of  the  army  taken 
prisoner,  the  Fathers  returned  to  Spain,  where  masses 
had  already  been  said  for  them  as  if  they  were  dead  men. 

Father  Martinez  went  to  reside  in  the  profess  house 
at  Toledo,  where  he  was  actively  employed  in  preaching 
and  hearing  confessions,  and  where  he  still  continued 
to  discipline  himself  every  night  for  half  an  hour.  From 
Toledo  he  went  to  Cuenca,  where  he  preached  his  last 
Lenten  sermons  in  Spain,  and  from  there  to  Alcala, 
where  he  asked  permission  to  cook  for  the  community 
and  "served  in  the  kitchen  with  the  greatest  edification 
for  three  or  four  months."  '     It  was  from  there  that  he 

'  Nieremberg,  tomo  iv.,  p.  608. 

'  Mariana,  Historia  General  de  Espana.  Continuacion  de  la  Historia 
General  de  Espana  .  ,  .  por  D.  Vicente  Romero,  Madrid,  1794.  tomo 
ii.,  p.  196. 

^Nieremberg,  tomo  iv.,  p.  609. 


270  The  Spanish  Settlements 

received  his  call  to  go  to  Florida.  Nieremberg  tells  us 
that  while  waiting  in  Seville  to  embark  on  the  long 
journey  Father  Martinez  had  a  premonition  of  his  im- 
pending fate,  and  exclaimed  one  day  to  Fray  Lobo,  a 
distinguished  Franciscan,  "Oh!  Father  Lobo,  how  I  long 
to  pour  out  my  blood  at  the  hands  of  the  savages,  and 
wash  those  Florida  shores  in  defence  of  the  faith !  "  ' 

Father  Juan  Rogel,  who  was  a  native  of  Pamplona,  a 
Licentiate  of  Arts,  and  Bachelor  of  Medicine,  had  been 
received  into  the  Order  at  the  College  of  Valencia  in 
April,  1554,  and  like  Father  Martinez,  had  pursued  his 
subsequent  studies  at  Gandia,  where  he  applied  himself 
to  theology.  Nothing  is  known  of  the  previous  history 
of  lay-brother  Francisco  de  Villareal,  but  his  subsequent 
service  in  Florida  shows  him  to  have  been  no  unworthy 
companion  of  the  two  Fathers.  Such,  then,  were  the 
men  who  were  to  begin  the  ministrations  of  the  Jesuits 
in  the  New  World,  labours  destined  to  culminate  in  the 
famous  missions  of  Paraguay,  of  Canada,  and  of  Califor- 
nia, with  its  stirring  and  tragic  history. 

July  28,  1566,  the  three  Jesuits,  provided  by  the  King 
with  all  that  was  needed  for  their  voyage,  embarked  at 
San  Lucar  de  Barrameda  aboard  a  Flemish  hooker,  and 
sailed  in  company  with  the  squadron  destined  for  New 
Spain,  with  the  intention  of  proceeding  to  St.  Augustine 
in  response  to  the  call  of  Aviles.  The  pilot,  inexperi- 
enced in  West  Indian  navigation,  missed  his  way,  but 
finally  sighted  the  shores  of  the  continent  and  coasted 
along  it  in  search  of  the  port.  September  14th,  he  passed 
within  two  leagues  of  the  harbour  of  St.  Augustine 
without  discovering  it.  The  ship  was  observed  from  the 
fort  and  a  rowboat  was  sent  out  to  meet  her;  but  a  high 
sea  was  running  at  the  time  and  the  tide  was  contrary, 
so  that  the  attempt  had  to  be  abandoned.  Two  days 
later  Father  Martinez  determined  to  go  ashore  and  en- 
'  Nieremberg,  tomo  iv.,  p.  609. 


Father  Martinez  and  his  Companions    271 

quire  of  the  natives  the  direction  of  St.  Augustine.  Ac- 
companied by  nine  Flemings  and  a  Spaniard  by  the 
name  of  Flores,  they  landed  in  the  pinnace;  but  it  was 
the  season  of  storms  which  had  proved  so  fateful  to  the 
fleet  of  Jean  Ribaut  the  previous  year,  and  the  boat  had 
scarcely  touched  the  shore  when  a  violent  tempest  arose 
and  drove  the  ship  to  sea.  The  castaways,  who  had 
landed  on  the  Florida  coast  somewhere  above  the  mouth 
of  the  St.  John's  River,  determined  to  await  the  arrival  of 
a  vessel  or  the  return  of  their  own  ship  to  rescue  them. 
They  remained  there  ten  days,  not  daring  to  penetrate 
the  interior  for  fear  of  the  natives;  but  finally,  impelled 
by  hunger,  they  took  to  the  boat  and  followed  the 
coast-line  in  a  southerly  direction.  During  the  journey 
they  met  with  many  Indians,  who  treated  them  with 
kindness,  saying  they  were  friends  and  brothers  of  the 
Spaniards.' 

At  one  of  the  places  where  they  landed  the  Jesuits 
came  upon  a  group  of  huts  in  a  grove  of  pine  trees,  from 
which  the  owners  were  absent  for  the  day.  Pressed  by 
hunger  they  searched  the  village  and  found  in  one  of  the 
huts  a  large  fish,  of  which  they  took  half,  and  Father 
Martinez  left  his  cassock  and  a  few  beads  and  flowers  with 
the  remainder  of  the  fish  in  payment.  Elsewhere,  in 
exchange  for  some  fish.  Father  Martinez  cut  figures  with 
his  scissors  out  of  a  leaf  of  parchment,  taken  from  a  book 
he  carried  with  him.  At  last  they  met  with  an  old  Indian 
and  learned  from  him  that  the  Spanish  settlement  lay  to 
the  south  beyond  three  villages,  each  of  which  was  situ- 
ated at  the  mouth  of  a  river. 

On  the  28th  of  September,  after  having  passed  the 
mouths  of  two  of  the  rivers,  the  Jesuits  were  proceeding  in 
search  of  the  third,  when  they  came  upon  a  small  island 

'Aviles  to  a  Jesuit  friend,  Oct.  15,  1566,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii., 
p.  157  ;  Alegambe,  p.  44  et  seq. 


272  The  Spanish  Settlements 

called  Tacatacuru/  near  the  mouth  of  the  St.  John's, 
where  they  saw  four  Indians  fishing.  The  Flemings 
sprang  ashore,  although  Father  Martinez  was  unwilling 
to  land,  whereupon  one  of  the  fishermen  ran  off  and  soon 
reappeared  followed  by  a  party  of  forty  Indians  armed 
with  bows  and  arrows,  subjects  of  Tacatacuru,  one  of 
the  chiefs  under  Saturiba  who  was,  as  we  know,  at  war 
with  the  Spaniards.  Father  Martinez,  although  alarmed 
at  their  approach,  remained  near  the  shore,  unwilling  to 
abandon  his  companions,  whereupon  twelve  of  the  na- 
tives attacked  the  boat  with  great  fury,  seized  him,  the 
Spaniard,  and  three  of  the  Flemings,  and  dragged  them 
ashore.  The  Indian  who  had  seized  Flores  attempted 
to  drown  him,  but  the  Spaniard  struck  the  savage  a  vio- 
lent blow,  and  succeeded  in  freeing  himself.  With  three 
of  the  Flemings,  two  of  whom  were  severely  wounded,  he 
made  for  the  boat,  which  all  four  managed  to  regain. 

Father  Martinez  now  knew  that  he  was  about  to  attain 
the  martyrdom  for  which  he  had  so  earnestly  expressed 
his  desire  while  still  in  Seville.  He  knelt  down  as  best 
he  could  and  raised  his  hands  to  heaven.  At  the  same 
moment  an  Indian  struck  him  on  the  head  with  his  club 
with  such  force  that  he  immediately  fell  dead."  Three 
others  of  his  companions  were  also  killed.  The  Flem- 
ings and  Flores  were  found  by  the  Spaniards  the  fol- 
lowing day  anchored  at  the  mouth  of  the  St.  John's, 
half  dead  with  hunger.     When  Avil^s  learned  from  the 

'  Barcia  {Ensayo,  Ano  MDLXVI.,  p,  121)  and  Tanner  {Societas  Mili- 
tans,  p.  446)  both  say  it  was  the  island  of  Tacatacuru  [probably  Cumberland 
Island]. 

*  Aviles  says  his  death  occurred  within  a  league  of  the  fort  of  San  Mateo 
(letter  to  a  Jesuit  friend,  Oct.  15,  1566,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p. 
158).  Tanner  (p.  447)  gives  Oct.  8,  1566,  as  the  date  of  his  death.  Others 
September  24th  and  28th,  see  Alegre,  tomo  i.,  p.  9  ;  Barcia,  Ensayo,  Ano 
MDLXVI.,  p.  121.  Gerard  van  Berghe  Montanus  gives  a  Latin  epigram 
on  Father  Martinez  in  his  Centuria  Epigrammatum  in  Martires  Societatis 
yesu. 


Father  Martinez  and  his  Companions    273 

survivors  of  the  death  of  Father  Martinez  he  was  deeply 
moved. 

"  Blessed  be  Our  Lord  for  all  things,"  he  wrote,  "and  since 
the  Divine  Majesty  allows  and  thus  wills  it,  let  us  give  him 
infinite  thanks  for  all  things;  insomuch  that  it  has  pleased 
Our  Lord,  to  visit  us  here  with  this  affliction,  who  have  de- 
served so  little,  by  removing  from  our  company  so  great  and 
good  a  man  as  Father  Martinez,  of  whom  we  Spaniards  as 
well  as  the  natives  of  the  country  in  which  we  live  stand  in 
such  great  need." 

The  bulls  and  faculties  from  the  Pope  which  the  Jesuit 
had  brought  with  him  were  lost. 

It  had  been  the  intention  of  the  Adelantado  to  send 
Father  Rogel  to  Carlos  with  Reynoso  after  he  acquired 
some  experience  in  the  language  of  the  natives  and  had 
prepared  vocabularies  of  their  speech.  Anxious  for  the 
fate  of  the  hooker,  aboard  of  which  the  Father  and  lay- 
brother  Villareal  had  remained,  and  thinking  it  might  have 
run  for  one  of  the  neighbouring  islands,  he  dispatched 
a  servant  of  his  with  a  vessel  to  call  at  Puerto  Rico,  Santo 
Domingo,  and  Havana  in  search  of  it.  The  hooker  was 
probably  found  at  the  last-named  port,  where  it  ar- 
rived in  safety  on  the  15th  of  December,  having  touched 
at  Hispaniola  on  the  way.  After  the  Flemish  vessel 
had  been  driven  off  the  coast,  the  captain  wished  to  re- 
turn and  rescue  the  party  which  the  storm  had  compelled 
him  to  abandon.  But  his  Flemish  crew  obliged  him 
to  take  the  direction  of  Havana,'  where  the  Jesuits  em- 
ployed their  time  in  preaching  to  and  confessing  the  citi- 
zens, while  awaiting  the  arrival  of  Aviles,  who  had  sailed 
from  St.  Augustine  on  the  20th  of  October,  going  to  the 
relief  of  the  neighbouring  islands. 

Shortly  after  the  incident  just  related  Aviles  wrote  his 
Jesuit  correspondent   begging  that  the  Company  send 

'  Alegre,  tomo  i.,  pp.  9,  10. 


274  The  Spanish  Settlements 

him  more  of  its  members  "whom  I  will  treat  and  serve 
and  regale,  as  if  they  were  the  King  himself,"  '  he  adds, 
and  he  also  urged  Francisco  de  Toral,  Bishop  of  Yuca- 
tan, to  provide  him  with  monks  of  his  Order,  but  the 
Bishop  had  none  he  could  send.  Many  of  those  in  New 
Spain  best  fitted  for  the  work  had  died,  and  Don  Fran- 
cisco advised  Avil^s  to  bring  them  from  Spain. ^ 

'  Aviles  to  a  Jesuit  friend,  Oct.  15,  1566,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii,, 
pp.  158,  159. 
*  Francisco  de  Toral  to  Aviles,  April  5,  1567,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  296. 


CHAPTER   V 

EXPEDITIONS   OF   PARDO   AND   BOYANO— RETURN    OF 
AVILES  TO   SPAIN 

IN  compliance  with  the  orders  of  Avil^s,  Juan  Pardo 
left  Santa  Elena  November  i,  1566,  with  a  party  of 
twenty-five  soldiers  "to  discover  and  conquer  the  interior 
country  from  there  to  Mexico!  "  '  The  expedition  was 
quite  devoid  of  incident.  He  appears  to  have  traversed 
the  cypress  lands  in  a  north-easterly  direction,  and  to 
have  struck  the  Cambahee  at  a  village  called  Guiomae, 
forty  leagues  distant  from  Santa  Elena,  where  he  ordered 
the  construction  of  a  log  house  for  a  Spanish  outpost. 
From  thence  he  turned  west  until  he  reached  the  Savan- 
nah River  at  Cufitatchiqui,  which  De  Soto  had  visited 
twenty-five  years  before  him,  A  few  days  later  he  was 
at  another  village  called  Ysa  on  a  large  river,  possibly 
one  of  the  northern  branches  of  the  Broad,  and  two  days 
beyond  he  visited  Juada,  a  village  situated  on  a  stream 
at  the  foot  of  the  Alleghanies. 

The  season  was  far  advanced,  and  there  was  so  much 
snow  on  the  mountains  that  he  could  not  proceed.  He 
remained  fifteen  days  at  Juada,  where  he  built  a  block- 

'  "  Relacion  del  viaje  y  reconocimiento  que  hizo  del  interior  de  la 
Florida  en  1566  el  Capitan  Juan  Pardo,  per  orden  del  Adelantado  Pedro 
Menendez  de  Aviles,  escrita  por  el  soldado  Francisco  Martinez."  Ruidiaz, 
La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  477.  And  see  Appendix  W,  The  Date  of  Pardo's 
First  Expedition, 

275 


276  The  Spanish  Settlements 

house  which  he  named  Fort  San  Juan/  and  left  his  ser- 
geant Boyano  in  command  with  a  small  garrison.  He 
then  attempted  to  ascend  the  river  to  the  north,  but  after 
a  day's  march  retraced  his  steps  down  the  river  for  a 
short  distance,  and  going  east  reached  Guatari,  where 
he  again  rested  for  fifteen  days.  A  letter  from  Las  Alas 
met  him  at  this  point,  ordering  him  back  to  Santa  Elena. 
Leaving  there  a  priest  and  four  soldiers,  he  struck  across 
the  country  to  the  Cambahee  and  returned  to  Santa  Elena 
over  the  same  route  by  which  he  had  gone  out.  He  had 
thus  traversed  the  extensive  region  lying  between  the 
Savannah  and  the  Wateree,  as  far  north  as  the  AUe- 
ghanies.  The  country  was  at  that  time  inhabited  by  the 
Creeks,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  etymology  of  the 
names  given  in  the  Spanish  Relations.  At  all  of  these 
villages  through  which  he  passed  he  had  assembled  the 
natives  and  their  chiefs  and  made  them  a  short  address, 
calling  upon  them  to  submit  to  the  Pope  and  the  King, 
to  which  the  Indians  had  readily  assented,  in  the  evident 
expectation  of  thus  getting  rid  of  him.'' 

Shortly  after  the  General's  departure  Reynoso  arrived 
at  San  Antonio  with  his  company  of  thirty  soldiers  and 
Don  Pedro,  heir  of  the  chieftain.  A  house  was  set  apart 
for  him  in  the  town,  and  a  cross  erected  near  by,  where 
morning  and  evening  the  Spaniards  performed  their  de- 
votions in  the  presence  of  the  natives  who  gathered  to 
worship  it.  Dona  Antonia  returned  to  Havana  in  the 
vessel  which  had  brought  Reynoso,  and  with  her  went 
five  or  six  of  the  chief  men  of  the  tribe  as  hostages  for 
the  safety  of  the  Spaniards,  for,  notwithstanding  the  civil 

'  "  Relacion  del  viaje  .  .  .  escrita  por  el  soldado  Francisco  Mar- 
tinez," Ruidi'az,  La  Florida^  tomo  ii.,  pp.  477,  478- 

*  "  Relacion  de  la  entrada  y  de  la  conquista  que  por  mandado  de  Pero 
jMenendez  de  Aviles  hizo  en  1565  \sic\  en  el  interior  de  la  Florida  el  Capi- 
tan  Juan  Pardo,  escrita  por  el  mismo."  Ruidi'az,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  465" 
469.     See  Appendix  X.  Pardo's  First  Expedition. 


i 


Expeditions  of  Pardo  and  Boyano     277 

treatment  which  they  received,  but  little  confidence  was 
reposed  in  the  sincerity  of  Carlos's  protestations.  The 
ship  reached  Havana  in  six  days,  and  after  delivering 
Dofla  Antonia  into  the  care  of  Alonso  de  Rojas,  alderman 
of  the  city,  returned  to  Carlos  with  additional  supplies. 

In  the  meanwhile  the  situation  of  Reynoso  had  grown 
more  and  more  precarious.  Carlos  had  made  several 
attempts  to  kill  him  by  treachery,  which  Reynoso  had 
frustrated  through  the  secret  information  conveyed  to 
him  by  the  native  women.  There  still  remained  a  large 
number  of  Spaniards  in  the  power  of  the  chief,  for  all  of 
the  people  wrecked  along  the  coast  for  a  hundred  leagues, 
as  well  as  those  cast  away  on  the  Florida  Keys,  were 
delivered  up  to  him,  and  the  rescue  of  these  unfortu- 
nates had  been  one  of  the  principal  objects  which  Avil^s 
held  in  view  in  seeking  to  establish  himself  among  the 
Caloosas.  But  the  savage  chieftain  was  unable  longer  to 
curb  his  appetite  for  their  blood,  and  he  began  to  press 
the  Spanish  Captain  for  the  return  of  his  sister,  in  order 
to  destroy  them  all  as  soon  as  he  had  her  safely  back 
with  him. 

Avil^s  had  soon  completed  his  disposition  of  the  vari- 
ous forces  in  the  islands,  and  by  January,  1567,  was  back 
in  Havana,  where  he  received  the  alarming  reports  of 
Reynoso.  Before  proceeding  to  his  relief  he  dispatched 
a  vessel  to  San  Mateo  with  orders  to  ascend  the  St. 
John's  as  far  as  Macoya,  where  it  was  to  await  his  arrival 
from  San  Antonio  by  the  inland  waterway,  and  on  the 
1st  of  March  set  sail  himself  with  seven  vessels  and  one 
hundred  and  fifty  men  for  San  Antonio,'  taking  with 
him  his  nephew,  Pedro  Men^ndez  Marques,  who  had  re- 
turned from  Spain,"  Dofia  Antonia  and  her  companions, 
Father  Rogel  and  lay-brother  Francisco,  both  of  whom 
had  suffered   an  attack  of  illness  during  their  stay  in 

'  Barcia,  Ensayo,  Ano  MDLXVII.,  p.  125. 
*  Alegre,  tomo  i.,  p.  10. 


278  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Havana.'  He  reached  San  Antonio  in  two  days,  and  on 
landing  he  ordered  a  chapel  to  be  built  for  the  con- 
venience of  Father  Rogel,  and  gathered  from  his  lieutenant 
the  much-desired  information  concerning  the  waterway 
through  the  peninsula  to  San  Mateo  and  St.  Augustine. 
It  lay,  he  was  told,  in  the  country  of  Tocobaga,  an  Indian 
chief  dwelling  near  the  head  of  Old  Tampa  Bay,*  fifty 
leagues  distant  from  San  Antonio  up  the  west  coast. 
Carlos  was  at  war  with  Tocobaga  and  anxious  that  the 
Adelantado  and  Reynoso  should  accompany  him  against 
his  enemy.  To  this  the  Adelantado  replied  that  his 
mission  was  to  establish  peace  among  the  natives,  and  to 
bring  them  to  the  faith ;  to  which  the  unwilling  Carlos 
was  obliged  to  submit  and  to  renew  friendly  relations 
with  the  chief  of  Tegesta,  with  whom  he  had  also  been 
at  war.'  The  gratifying  report  of  the  existence  of  the 
waterway  induced  the  Adelantado  to  proceed  at  once  to 
Tocobaga  to  verify  the  discovery,  but  so  great  was  the 
distrust  inspired  by  Carlos's  treacherous  proceedings, 
that,  unwilling  to  leave  him  behind,  to  work  mischief 
during  his  absence,  he  compelled  him,  with  other  of  his 
chief  men,  to  accompany  the  expedition.  One  vessel  was 
left  at  San  Antonio,  and  with  the  remaining  six  the  Ade- 
lantado reached  Tampa  Bay,  sailing  up  the  coast  by 
night  under  the  guidance  of  a  Caloosa  Indian.  He  as- 
cended the  Bay  of  Old  Tampa  and  reached  the  vicinity  of 
Tocobaga's  village  an  hour  before  the  dawn  without  being 
discovered.  Again  the  Indian  instincts  of  Carlos  were 
aroused,  who  begged  to  be  allowed  to  burn  the  village 
and  was  pacified  only  by  the  promise  of  an  honourable 
peace  and  the  release  of  some  Caloosa  Indians,  captives 
at  Tocobaga,  among  whom  was  a  sister  of  his  and  of  Dofla 

'  Alegre,  tomo  i.,  p.  11  ;  Barcia,  Ensayo,  Aiio  MDLXVII.,  p.  125. 
2  See  Appendix  Y,  Tocobaga. 

SMeras  in  Ruidiaz,  Za   Florida,  tomo  i.,   pp.   277-284;    Barrientos  ia 
Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  132-135. 


Expeditions  of  Pardo  and  Boyano     279 

Antonia.  An  Indian  was  sent  ashore  to  proclaim  in  a 
loud  voice  the  peaceful  mission  of  the  visitors,  but  the 
frightened  savages,  awakened  in  so  unexpected  a  way  at 
the  early  hour,  fled  in  terror  with  their  wives  and  children 
when  they  beheld  the  ship  drawn  up  near  their  village. 
Tocobaga  alone  remained  with  five  or  six  companions  and 
a  woman,  and,  the  day  having  broken,  sent  a  Christian 
slave  to  Avil6s  to  thank  him  for  not  having  burned  his 
village  and  slain  his  people.  The  man  proved  to  be  a 
Portuguese  trader'  from  Avila,  in  the  Province  of  Al- 
garve,  who  had  been  wrecked  upon  the  coast,  where  all 
his  shipmates  had  been  killed,  and  himself  ultimately  re- 
duced to  hewing  wood  and  drawing  water  for  Tocobaga, 
whom  he  also  served  in  the  capacity  of  a  cook. 

Still  unwilling  that  Carlos  should  come  in  contact  with 
Tocobaga,  Aviles  went  ashore  to  see  the  Indian  chief, 
from  whom  he  soon  learned  that  the  native  fear  of  the 
Christians  was  not  ill-founded,  for  white  men  had  already 
visited  the  locality,  and  on  the  refusal  of  the  chiefs  to 
supply  them  with  corn  had  killed  them,  and  had  them- 
selves in  turn  suffered  a  like  fate  at  the  hands  of  other 
Christians,  who  had  proved  very  friendly  to  the  Indians. 
Aviles  then  delivered  his  customary  dissertation  upon 
true  and  false  Christians,  recapitulated  his  own  pacific  in- 
tentions, delivered  up  to  Tocobaga  those  of  his  subjects 
whom  Carlos  had  held  as  prisoners,  and  ended  by  receiv- 
ing the  humble  submission  of  the  chief. 

The  following  day  an  interview  took  place  between 
Carlos  and  Tocobaga  in  the  presence  of  two  inter- 
preters to  hold  the  tricky  chiefs  in  check.  Three  days 
later  over  fifteen  hundred  warriors  gathered  near  the 
village,  to  receive  the  Adelantado.  It  was  too  threat- 
ening an  assembly  for  the  still  distrustful  Aviles,  al- 
though the  disposition  of  the  Indians  was  friendly  and 
he  asked  Tocobaga  to  dismiss  them,  retaining  only  the 

'  He  traded  in  corn,  chickens,  mantas,  and  honey. 


28o  The  Spanish  Settlements 

chief  men,  with  whom  he  wished  to  treat  in  regard  to  a 
peace,  observing  at  the  same  time  that  his  own  soldiers 
were  overjoyed  at  the  sight  of  the  warriors,  thinking  that 
the  Indians  had  come  to  fight  them.  The  ruse  proved 
successful,  and  the  peace  with  Carlos  and  the  Spaniards 
was  established.  But  all  efforts  to  discover  the  water 
communication  with  San  Mateo  proved  abortive.  It  is 
true  that  a  neighbouring  river  was  said  to  pass  through 
the  territory  of  Macoya,  but  he  was  the  enemy  of  Toco- 
baga  and  the  master  of  many  warriors ;  and  Aviles  aban- 
doned the  voyage  because  his  own  forces  were  insufficient 
to  attempt  it,'  and  finally  departed,  leaving  Captain  Mar- 
tinez de  Coz  with  thirty  soldiers  at  Tocobaga '  to  instruct 
the  Indians  in  the  faith.'  There  remains  a  curious  account 
of  the  mortuary  customs  of  the  natives.  On  the  death  of 
a  chief  his  body  was  divided  up  into  small  pieces  and 
cooked  for  two  days  until  the  skin  could  be  removed 
from  the  bones,  when  the  skeleton  was  reconstructed. 
During  the  four  days  which  this  required  a  fast  was  ob- 
served, and  on  the  fourth  day  the  entire  village  accom- 
panied the  bones  in  procession  to  a  temple  in  which  the 
reconstructed  skeleton  was  deposited  amidst  the  rever- 
ences of  the  assembly.  All  who  attended  the  procession 
were  said  to  gain  indulgences." 

Aviles  now  returned  to  San  Antonio,  where  he  left 
Carlos  who  was  still  chafing  under  the  peace  which  had 
been  forced  upon  him,  and  threatening  vengeance  upon 
the  Christians.  The  blockhouse  was  strengthened  and 
the  garrison  was  increased  by  a  force  of  fifty  additional 


'  Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  298. 

2  Velasco  (C^^^ra/Za  de  las  Indias,  JJ7i-iJ74^  p.  161)  says  the  Spanish 
settlement  consisted  of  24  houses. 

3  Meras  in   Ruidiaz,   La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  pp.    285-291;  Barrientos  in 
Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  135-137- 

'»  Dos  breves  memorias  sobre  las  costumbres  de  los  yndios  de  la  Florida. 
MS.  Arch.  Gen.  de  Indias,  Seville,  est.  135,  caj.  7,  leg.  8. 


Expeditions  of  Pardo  and  Boyano     281 

soldiers.  Father  Rogel,  who  on  his  arrival  had  immedi- 
ately turned  his  attention  to  the  study  of  the  language/ 
remained  to  prosecute  his  work  among  the  soldiers  as  well 
as  among  the  natives,  for  the  former  had  begged  that  he 
might  be  left  to  instruct  them  by  his  good  example  "lest 
otherwise  they  shortly  become  as  savage  as  the  Indians," 
writes  Barrientos." 

It  had  been  the  intention  of  the  Adclantado  to  return 
the  Tegesta  Indians,  whom  Carlos  still  held  prisoners,  to 
their  own  people,  to  settle  among  them  Brother  Francisco 
de  Villareal,  who  had  begun  the  study  of  their  language, 
and  then  to  proceed  to  St.  Augustine  and  San  Mateo; 
but  on  leaving  the  harbour  he  met  a  tender  which  had 
been  sent  from  St.  Augustine  to  Havana ;  it  brought  him 
from  the  latter  place  a  request  for  succour  from  the 
islands  and  letters  from  the  Havana  magistrates  asking 
his  presence  in  the  city  to  quiet  a  conflict  which  had 
arisen  between  the  Governor  and  the  Adelantado's  aid, 
Captain  Barreda,  who  had  been  left  under  instructions 
from  the  King  to  protect  the  harbour.'  It  further  ap- 
peared that  Pedro  de  Rodaban,  sent  by  Philip  to  reinforce 
Avil^s,  had  reached  Havana  during  his  absence,  and, 
seized  with  the  gold-fever,  had  mutinied  with  the  inten- 
tion of  going  to  New  Spain,  in  which  he  was  counte- 
nanced by  the  Governor,  who  wished  to  give  him  the 
command  of  the  vessel  he  had  brought  with  him.  Avil^s 
sent  the  Indians  to  Tegesta,  and  sailed  immediately  for 
Havana.  In  the  course  of  a  month  he  gained  possession 
of  the  rebellious  Rodaban,  and  sentenced  him  to  death, 
but  he  finally  allowed  him  to  make  an  appeal.    Ships  were 

'  Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  284. 

''Velasco  (in  his  Geograf{a  de  la  Indias,  iS7i-i574,  P-  r6i)  says  that  in 
1566  Aviles  built  a  Spanish  settlement  of  36  houses  on  the  island  in  the 
Bay  of  Carlos. 

3  Meras  (in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  pp.  294-296)  gives  a  graphic 
account  of  the  quarrel. 


282  The  Spanish  Settlements 

sent  to  Campeche  for  supplies  and  Avil^s  was  at  last  at 
liberty  to  carry  out  his  previous  intentions. 

His  first  destination  was  Tegesta,  where  he  entered 
into  a  friendly  compact  with  the  chief,  who  gave  him  his 
brother  and  two  other  Indians  to  take  to  Spain.  During 
his  stay  of  four  days  Brother  Francisco  was  settled  there, 
a  cross  erected,  a  blockhouse  built,  and  a  company  of 
soldiers  was  left  in  charge.'  In  three  days'  sail  from 
Tegesta  Aviles  reached  San  Mateo.  During  his  absence 
the  war  with  Saturiba  had  continued,  in  which  the  chief 
had  greatly  suffered.  Many  of  his  subjects  and  several 
chiefs  had  been  killed  by  the  Spaniards,  and  Villarroel 
had  cast  into  chains  sixteen  of  the  principal  men.  The 
camp  master  had  ascended  the  St.  John's  fifty  leagues 
to  the  village  of  Macoya,  but  after  awaiting  in  vain  the 
arrival  of  the  Adelantado,  returned  to  San  Mateo,  on 
account  of  the  narrowing  of  the  river  beyond  and  the 
great  number  of  natives  which  he  encountered. 

The  continuance  of  the  Indian  war  was  little  to  the 
liking  of  Aviles,  whose  untiring  efforts  had  been  directed 
to  the  establishment  of  friendly  relations  with  the  natives. 
His  own  forces  were  distributed  along  the  extended  coast 
in  small  companies,  largely  dependent  upon  such  relations 
for  their  subsistence,  and  so  isolated  that  despite  their 
courage  and  endurance  they  would  inevitably  succumb 
to  a  concerted  and  sustained  attack  of  the  Indians,  whose 
warlike  qualities  the  General  was  too  intelligent  to  de- 
spise. If  the  war  with  Saturiba  should  spread :  if  the 
Indians,  finally  perceiving  the  importance  of  burying  their 
mutual  jealousies,  should  combine  and  rise  simultaneously 
against  the  Spaniards,  it  would  put  an  end  to  his  dream 
of  conquest,  overwhelm  his  colony,  and  sacrifice  the 
fortunes  of  himself  and  his  friends.  He  was  now  upon 
the  point  of  returning  to  Spain  in  order  to  plead  the 

'  Velasco  (in  his  Geografia  de  la  Indias,  i^yi-i_S74,  p.  162)  says  that  the 
Spanish  settlement  consisted  of  28  houses. 


Expeditions  of  Pardo  and  Boyano     283 

cause  of  his  colony.  He  further  realised,  should  these 
dissensions  continue,  how  dangerous  the  enmity  of  the 
Indians  would  prove  in  the  case  of  a  descent  of  the 
French  upon  the  coast,  who  would  turn  to  their  own  ad- 
vantage the  fierce  hatred  which  the  Spaniards  had  aroused 
among  the  natives.  And  Avilcs  wished  to  depart  with 
the  conviction  that  peace  was  established,  at  least  during 
his  absence. 

Determined  to  bring  Saturiba  to  terms,  he  caused  one 
of  the  prisoners  to  be  released  and  sent  him  to  invite  the 
chief  to  a  parley  at  the  end  of  the  bar,  two  leagues  dis- 
tant from  San  Mateo.  His  curiosity  was  also  aroused, 
for  he  had  never  seen  Saturiba,  by  whom  he  was  reported 
to  be  held  in  high  esteem  and  at  the  same  time  to  be 
greatly  feared.  Saturiba  replied  that  he  was  ready  to 
meet  the  Adelantado  at  the  appointed  place,  and  asked 
him  to  bring  his  prisoners  along  with  him.  The  follow- 
ing day,  after  a  final  leave-taking  in  which  Aviles  cheered 
and  encouraged  his  half-naked  soldiers  with  the  promise 
of  clothing,  succour,  and  pay,  which  he  would  send  them 
on  his  arrival  in  Spain,  he  dropped  down  the  river  to  the 
appointed  place,  taking  the  seven  Indian  prisoners  with 
him  in  chains. 

Saturiba  had  preceded  him  and  was  stationed  on  the 
land  at  a  short  distance  from  the  sea  with  a  large  party  of 
Indians.  All  efforts  to  prevail  upon  him  to  come  down 
to  the  shore  proved  fruitless,  and  at  his  request  the  Ade- 
lantado landed  his  prisoners,  still  in  chains,  but  under  the 
guns  of  his  ship,  so  that  no  rescue  could  be  attempted. 
Saturiba,  however,  would  not  approach  them,  and  an  in- 
effectual conversation  lasting  for  two  hours  was  carried 
on  between  them  and  the  chief  by  means  of  messengers. 
Finally  it  appeared  that  he  wished  Avilcs  to  land  in  per- 
son, and  a  soldier,  who  understood  the  language,  informed 
the  Adelantado  that  Saturiba  was  plotting  to  kill  him  by 
means  of  an  ambuscade  and  to  free  the  prisoners.    Avil^s's 


284  The  Spanish  Settlements 

patience  was  now  exhausted,  and  abandoning  all  hope  of 
coming  to  an  understanding  with  the  indomitable  savage, 
he  recalled  his  prisoners,  and  sent  him  word  that  hence- 
forth he  would  treat  him  as  an  enemy,  and  would  either 
cut  off  his  head  or  drive  him  from  his  country,  on  account 
of  the  Christians  he  had  killed.  Saturiba  replied  in  the 
same  spirit,  and  Avil6s  sailed  for  St.  Augustine. 

On  his  arrival  he  found  great  discontent  prevailing  at 
the  settlement  owing  to  the  insolent  behaviour  of  Captain 
Miguel  Henriquez,  who  had  insulted  the  governor,  Bar- 
tolome,  and  had  proceeded  with  a  high  hand  in  his  treat- 
ment of  the  soldiers.  Henriquez  was  tried,  condemned, 
and  carried  off  to  be  turned  over  to  the  Council  of  the 
Indies.  Las  Alas  was  appointed  Lieutenant  of  the  pro- 
vince, and  measures  were  taken  to  prosecute  an  active 
Indian  campaign,  following  an  unsuccessful  expedition 
against  Saturiba  led  by  Aviles  in  person.  It  was  now 
the  latter  part  of  April  or  the  beginning  of  May,  and 
Aviles  took  leave  of  his  soldiers  and  set  sail  for  San 
Felipe.  He  took  with  him  three  Timuquanan  natives, 
the  three  Tegesta  Indians,  Rodaban  and  Henriquez,  all  of 
whom  he  intended  to  carry  to  Spain,  and  with  a  fair  wind 
reached  San  Felipe  in  the  course  of  three  days,*  where  he 
learned  from  Pardo  the  results  of  the  expedition  to  Juada, 
and  of  Boyano's  discoveries  to  the  south. 

In  January,  1567,  thirty  days  after  Pardo's  return  from 
his  first  expedition,  a  letter  had  reached  him  from  his 
sergeant  Boyano,  at  Juada,  at  the  foot  of  the  mountains, 
informing  him  that  he  had  waged  war  against  the  cacique 
of  Chisca  in  the  Georgia  mountains,  probably  the  same 
region  where  De  Soto  had  sent  a  scouting  party  of  two 
Spaniards  with  some   Indians.'^     With  a   force  of  only 

'  Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  pp.  291-305  ;  Barrientos  in 
Garcia,  Dos  Atitiguas  Relaciones  de  ca  Florida,  pp.  137-140. 

"^  See  Spanish  Settlements,  vol.  i.,  p.  232,  note  i.  "  Myths  of  the  Chero- 
kee," 19  Ann.  Rep.  Bu.  Ethn.,  Pt.  I.,  p.  201. 


Expeditions  of  Pardo  and  Boyano     285 

fifteen  soldiers  he  had  killed  over  a  thousand  natives  and 
burned  fifty  huts,  only  two  of  his  soldiers  being  slightly 
wounded,  and  he  enquired  whether  he  should  not  prose- 
cute the  advantage.  To  this  Las  Alas,  who  was  in  com- 
mand at  San  Felipe,  consented,  directing  him  to  leave 
ten  soldiers  to  garrison  the  fort.  While  Boyano  was 
awaiting  the  reply  to  his  letter,  one  of  the  mountain 
chiefs  sent  him  word  that  he  was  coming  down  to  eat 
him  and  a  dog  which  the  Spaniards  had  taken  with  them. 
Thinking  it  best  to  be  the  first  to  attack,  the  sergeant 
started  out  with  a  party  of  twenty  soldiers,  and  after 
four  days'  march  through  the  mountains  came  upon  the 
Indian  stronghold.  It  was  defended  by  a  high  palisade 
of  wood,  with  only  one  small  entrance.  Under  cover  of 
their  shields  the  Spaniards  entered,  the  sergeant  being 
wounded  in  the  mouth,  and  nine  of  his  soldiers  injured. 
The  Indians,  seeing  their  village  captured,  took  to  their 
underground  dwellings,  from  which  they  issued  to  skir- 
mish with  the  Spaniards ;  but  the  latter  killed  some,  drove 
others  back  into  their  huts,  and,  setting  fire  to  them, 
killed  and  burned  fifteen  hundred  natives,  according  to 
Boyano's  report.' 

It  was  there  that  the  letter  of  Las  Alas  found  him. 
Having  reduced  the  mountain  chieftain,  Boyano  garri- 
soned the  little  fort  of  San  Juan,  and  began  his  expedi- 
tion. Striking  south  in  the  direction  of  Chiaha,  in  four 
days'  march  he  reached  a  great  village  surrounded  by  a 
strong  stockade  with  towers,  and  situated  between  two 
large  rivers.  It  was  probably  one  of  the  red  or  war 
towns  of  the  Creeks,'  for  it  was  inhabited  solely  by  three 
thousand  warriors,  and  was  entirely  destitute  of  women 
and  children.  The  warriors  gave  him  a  friendly  reception 
and  entertained  his  party  with  food.  Twelve  days'  march 
from  there,  and  pursuing  in  all  likelihood  the  same  trail 

'  A  Spanish  proverb  says  :   "  Distant  countries,  big  lies." 
2  Spanish  Settlements^  vol.  i.,  p.  59,  and  note  3. 


286  The  Spanish  Settlements 

that  De  Soto  had  traversed  before  them,  the  Spaniards 
reached  the  chief  town  of  the  country,  Chiaha,'  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  where  Columbus,  Georgia,  now  is,  and 
distant  one  hundred  and  forty  leagues  from  San  Juan. 
Boyano  determined  to  await  here  the  arrival  of  Pardo, 
who  was  to  leave  San  Felipe  in  August,  and  so  he  built 
himself  a  fort,  with  the  consent  and  assistance  of  the 
natives,  for  the  cacique  wished  to  be  on  good  terms  with 
the  Spaniards.  He  named  it  Santa  Elena  and,  with  un- 
usual prudence  for  a  soldier,  began  planting  wheat  and 
barley.  In  the  mean  time  he  was  treated  with  the  great- 
est respect.  On  approaching  a  town  the  natives  would 
paint  themselves  in  brilliant  colours  as  if  for  a  festival  and 
come  four  or  five  leagues  to  receive  him  ;  then  they  would 
conduct  him  quickly  to  their  village,  bearing  him  along 
in  a  litter,  and  dancing  before  him,  and  as  he  sat  enthroned 
in  his  chair  they  would  vie  with  each  other  in  attempts  to 
reach  his  presence  and  to  bring  him  gifts  of  deer-skins  and 
meat,  fish  and  fowl,  corn  and  game  in  abundance  for  his 
soldiers." 

A  year  and  eight  months  had  now  elapsed  since  Aviles 
had  first  landed  in  Florida,  and  he  had  realised  in  that 
short  space  of  time,  in  almost  every  detail,  the  plans  with 

'  Spanish  Settlements,  vol.  i.,  p.  231,  note  2.  Pardo  calls  it  "Chihaque,  y 
por  otro  nombre  se  llama  Lameco."  ("  Relacion  "  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida, 
tomoii.,  p.  471),  and  "  Lameco,  que  tiene  por  otro  nombre  Chiaha."  {Ibid,, 
p.  472.)  Vandera  ("  Relacion,"  ibid.,  p.  484)  says  :  "  Solameco  y  por  otro 
nombre  Chiaha."  Shea,  in  his  "  Pardo's  Exploration  of  South  Carolina 
and  G&org\&^' {Historical  Magazine,  i860,  p.  232),  incorrectly  translates 
this  sentence  in  Vandera,  as  if  it  contained  the  names  of  two  different 
towns,  instead  of  giving  two  different  names  for  one  and  the  same  town. 
He  adds  that  Talimeco  near  Cufitatchiqui  is  interpreted  by  Buckingham 
Smith  to  signify  talitninko,  "rock  chief."  Shea  identifies  Chiaha  with 
that  of  De  Soto.  Gatschet,  in  his  Migration  Legend  of  the  Creek  Indians 
(vol.  i.,  pp.  62,  63),  derives  Solameco  from  a  Creek  word  stili  mikd — "buz- 
zard chief,"  and  incorrectly  places  it  on  the  Savannah  River. 

^  "  Relacion  del  viaje  .  .  .  escrita  por  el  soldado  Francisco  Mar- 
tinez," in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  478-480. 


Lo^ 


MAPA    DE    LA  FLORIDA  Y  LAQUNA  DE  MAIMI,"    1595-1600  (?),  IN   THE  ARCHIVES  OF    THE 
INDIES,  SEVILLE. 


Expeditions  of  Pardo  and  Boyano     287 

which  he  had  set  out.  He  had  successfully  expelled  the 
French  from  the  extensive  territory  under  his  command. 
He  had  in  person  explored  the  coast  as  far  north  as 
Santa  Elena  in  South  Carolina  and  circumnavigated  the 
Peninsula  from  the  St.  John's  on  the  east  to  Tampa  Bay 
on  the  west,  discovering  three  hundred  leagues  of  coast, 
four  deep  harbours  and  twenty  shallower  ones,  which  he 
had  marked  out  and  sounded';  he  had  penetrated  the 
country  to  the  interior  as  far  as  central  Alabama.  He 
had  twice  explored  the  St.  John's  River,  in  part,  and  his 
failure  to  verify  the  existence  of  its  supposed  communica- 
tion with  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  upon  which  he  laid  so  much 
stress,  was  solely  due  to  his  set  purpose  not  to  arouse  the 
hostility  of  the  natives. 

He  had  founded  three  permanent  settlements,  those  of 
St.  Augustine,  San  Mateo,  and  San  Felipe,  in  situations 
along  the  shore  of  the  Atlantic  especially  selected  to  serve 
as  harbours  of  refuge  for  the  treasure  fleets.  He  had 
established  a  line  of  forts  at  Ays  (St.  Lucie),  Tegesta 
(Biscayne  Bay),  Carlos  (Charlotte  Harbour),  and  Toco- 
baga  (Tampa),  on  each  side  of  the  Peninsula,  along  the 
course  where  the  treasure  fleets  in  their  passage  to  Spain 
were  most  exposed  to  the  violence  of  storms,  where 
wrecks  were  of  most  frequent  occurrence,  and  where 
those  who  were  cast  ashore  were  subject  to  the  inhuman 
treatment  of  the  natives.  He  had  carried  out  his  pre- 
vious intention  of  forming  a  settlement  on  the  Chesa- 
peake, the  failure  of  which  was  due  solely  to  circumstances 
beyond  his  control,  and  he  had  established  a  fort  at  the 
foot  of  the  Appalachian  Mountains,  the  source  from 
which  the  Indians  in  their  intercourse  with  the  French 
had  derived  a  large  part  of  their  gold  and  silver.  Finally, 
he  had  taken  all  of  the  precautions  within  his  power  to 
garrison  the  colony  and  had  distributed  fifteen  hundred 

'  Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  317. 


288  The  Spanish  Settlements 

men  in  the  various  forts  and  settlements  which  he  had 
founded.' 

He  had  used  his  utmost  endeavours  to  establish  friendly- 
relations  with  the  natives,  in  which  he  had  succeeded  in 
every  instance,  with  the  exception  of  that  of  Saturiba, 
whose  hostile  attitude  was  due  in  no  part  to  his  own 
want  of  tact,  but  to  the  insubordination  and  ill-will  of 
his  mutinous  soldiers;  and  he  had  placed  in  the  midst 
of  those  who  were  given  to  the  greatest  cruelty  the  two 
or  three  missionaries  who  had  reached  him  from  the 
mother  country.  In  pursuance  of  this  policy  he  had  been 
so  considerate  in  respecting  the  feelings  of  the  natives 
that  he  does  not  appear  to  have  exercised  the  right  of 
distributing  the  repartimientos  granted  him  by  the  Asi- 
ento,"  except,  perhaps,  at  Santa  Elena.  He  had  ap- 
pointed agents  in  the  most  accessible  centres  of  the  West 
India  trade,  Puerto  Rico,  Santo  Domingo,  and  Cuba, 
from  which  assistance  could  be  readily  sent  to  his  nursling 
colonies;  and  he  had  been  so  successful  in  organising  this 
important  department  of  his  government  that  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  sailors  in  twelve  vessels  were  engaged  in 
supplying  the  colonies  and  in  prosecuting  the  discoveries.^ 
The  obstacles  which  he  had  encountered,  the  partial 
failures  which  had  attended  his  plans,  were  due  rather  to 
the  jealousy  of  officials,  the  absence  of  discipline  among 
his  soldiers,  and  the  inhospitality  of  a  new  country  than 
to  any  lack  of  foresight  on  his  part,  and  these  he  had 
partly  overcome  by  means  of  that  prudence  with  which 
he  was  so  amply  endowed. 

Osorio,  the  Governor  of  Cuba,  from  whom  Avil^s 
should  have  received  all  of  the  consideration  to  which  his 

'  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  148. 

2  Capitulacion  y  asiento  con  Pero  Menendez  de  Aviles  para  la  poblacion 
y  conquista  de  la  Florida,"  Madrid,  March  20,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida, 
tomo  ii.,  p.  42. 

3  Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  148. 


Expeditions  of  Pardo  and  Boyano     289 

rank  and  the  royal  interest  which  he  represented  entitled 
him,  had  thrown  every  obstacle  in  his  way  which  a 
powerful  official  with  large  authority  and  out  of  reach  of 
the  royal  arm  could  raise.  He  had  refused  him  money 
for  his  starving  colonies,  he  had  impressed  his  men,  he 
had  countenanced  mutineers  and  deserters,  he  had  re- 
fused him  ships,  he  had  driven  him  from  the  city  of  Ha- 
vana, and  had  even  indirectly  threatened  his  life.  To  all 
of  this  Avil^s  had  submitted  with  a  self-control  very  re- 
markable in  a  man  of  such  decisive  and  energetic  disposi- 
tion. But  Havana  was  the  storehouse  nearest  at  hand  to 
his  new  government,  and  in  the  interest  of  his  enterprise 
and  that  of  his  friends  whose  fortunes  were  involved  in  it, 
he  had  put  up  with  Osorio's  arbitrary  conduct,  and,  equal 
to  an  emergency  in  which  the  success  of  his  conquest  was 
at  stake,  he  had  revictualled  his  colonies  with  the  prize 
money  of  his  captains  and  what  more  he  could  obtain  by 
pledging  his  own  wardrobe.  His  prudence  had  finally 
been  crowned  with  success,  and  he  was  now  able  to  return 
to  Spain  with  the  conviction  that  he  had  performed  his 
duty  in  every  particular.  He  had  left  behind  him  two 
sources  of  weakness,  one  of  which  was  the  Indian  war  in 
the  region  of  San  Mateo,  and  the  second  was  the  wide 
distribution  of  his  soldiers.  One  reason  for  the  latter 
may  have  been  the  reduction  of  the  drain  on  the  store  of 
provisions  at  San  Mateo  and  St.  Augustine,  and  the 
lessening  of  the  spread  of  the  ever-present  spirit  of 
revolt. 

On  the  verge  of  his  departure  Avil^s  directed  that  a 
number  of  blockhouses  be  erected  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  St.  Augustine  and  San  Mateo,  each  with  a  small  gar- 
rison to  keep  the  Indians  in  check,'  to  protect  the  trail 

'  These  were  at  Palican,  an  island  near  the  Matanzas  River,  five  leagues 
south  of  Augustine ;  at  Soloy  ;  at  Saturiba,  three  leagues  from  and  prob- 
ably to  the  south  of  San  Mateo  ;  at  Alimacany  ;  at  Old  St.  Augustine, 
Tacatacuru,  and  at  Guale.     Barrientos  in  ibid.,  pp.  140-142. 


290  The  Spanish  Settlements 

between  the  forts ;  and  stringent  orders  were  given  that 
no  Indian  should  be  admitted  into  them.  The  station 
at  Palican,  an  island  near  the  Matanzas  River,  five  leagues 
south  of  St.  Augustine,  was  to  be  built  on  an  elevation 
where  the  sea  could  be  watched  and  the  passage  of  ves- 
sels reported  to  St.  Augustine;  dogs  trained  to  attack 
the  Indians  were  to  be  set  loose  every  night  in  order  to 
protect  the  cattle  and  keep  the  island  clear  of  natives. 
He  left  orders  that  the  chief  of  Tacatacuru  should  be 
killed  as  a  punishment  for  the  murder  of  Father  Martinez 
and  that  of  Captain  Pedro  de  la  Rando,  who,  with  ten 
soldiers,  had  been  treacherously  set  upon  while  asleep  in 
the  house  of  the  chief.' 

May  18,  1567,  Avil^s  set  sail  from  San  Felipe  in  an 
extremely  small  vessel  of  only  twenty  tons  burden.  His 
company  consisted  of  thirty-eight  men,  including  six  In- 
dians and  a  priest;  the  two  captains,  Henriquez  and 
Rodaban,  went  as  prisoners.''  June  15th  he  was  at  Ter- 
cera,  one  of  the  Azores,  where  he  heard  that  Philip  was 
to  sail  from  Corunna  for  Flanders.  Making  for  that  port 
he  was  chased  by  one  English  and  two  French  vessels 
into  Vivero,  twenty  leagues  to  the  east  of  Corunna.  He 
arrived  at  Vivero  about  the  17th  or  i8th  of  the  month, 
and  learned  that  the  King  was  still  in  Madrid.  Avil^s 
wrote  announcing  his  arrival,  sent  forward  his  prisoners 
to  the  Council  of  the  Indies,  and  then  went  on  to  his 
native  town  of  Avil6s. 

Meras  tells  an  amusing  story  of  the  fright  caused  by  his 
appearance  among  some  shipping  at  Artedo,  a  little  bay 
not  far  from  Avil^s,  where  he  passed  the  night  and  was 
at  first  taken  for  a  Turkish  corsair.^     The  day  following 

•  Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  pp.  305-308  ;  Barrientos  in 
Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  140-144. 

^  Meras  (in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  pp.  308,  309)  says  he  was  only 
17  days  in  crossing  !  Barrientos  (in  Garcia,  Bos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la 
Florida,  p.  144),  says  Aviles  arrived  July  17th,  an  evident  mistake. 

'  Meras  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i,,  pp.  311-313. 


k 


Expeditions  of  Pardo  and  Boyano     291 

his  arrival  at  Artedo  he  visited  his  home  and  saw  his  wife, 
with  whom  he  remained  for  eighteen  days,  and  July  25th 
reached  Madrid.  He  presented  himself  before  the  King 
with  his  six  Indians  in  their  scant  Florida  dress  armed 
with  their  bows  and  arrows.  Garcilaso  relates  that  as  the 
Indians  were  passing  through  a  village,  on  their  way  to 
Madrid,  one  of  the  Spaniards  who  had  visited  Florida  in 
company  with  De  Soto  went  out  to  see  them.  In  order 
to  show  his  acquaintance  with  their  country  he  inquired 
of  them  if  they  were  from  the  province  of  Vetachuco,  or 
Apalache,  or  Mauvilia,  or  Chica^a,  or  from  other  regions 
where  some  great  battles  had  been  fought.  The  Indians 
immediately  perceived  his  object,  and  looking  at  him 
askance,  replied,  "Do  you  want  to  have  news  of  those 
provinces,  which  you  left  in  such  a  bad  condition?" 
Then,  having  consulted  together  a  little,  saying  they 
would  prefer  to  give  him  a  volley  of  arrows  rather  than 
the  news  he  asked  for,  two  of  the  Indians  shot  some 
arrows  in  the  air.  They  did  this  with  such  skill  that  the 
arrows  mounted  out  of  sight,  and  the  Spaniard,  who 
himself  narrated  the  incident  to  Garcilaso,  expressed  his 
surprise  that  they  had  not  shot  at  him,  so  great  was  their 
proverbial  recklessness  and  daring.' 

On  his  arrival  at  Court  Avil^s  found  that  the  false  re- 
ports concerning  his  conduct  spread  abroad  by  the  Florida 
deserters  and  mutineers,  among  which  was  the  accusation 
that  he  had  sold  the  provisions  sent  to  Florida  to  his  own 
advantage,  had  produced  a  bad  impression  on  Philip  and 
his  Council.  This  he  successfully  dispelled.  He  told  of 
his  plans  to  impede  the  passage  of  the  French  to  New- 
foundland, referring  probably  to  his  Chesapeake  Bay 
enterprise,  and  was  treated  as  a  veritable  Neptune  of  the 

'^  La  Florida  del  Inca,  Madrid,  1723,  lib.  vi.,  cap.  22,  p.  268.  Garcilaso 
says  the  village  was  near  Cordova.  This  detail  casts  some  doubt  on  the 
anecdote,  for  the  Indians  could  hardly  have  passed  by  Cordova  on  their 
way  from  the  Asturias  to  Madrid. 


292  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Florida  seas,  says  Fourquevaux,  who  wrote  Charles  IX. 
that  Avil^s  had  been  summoned  to  Spain  to  command 
the  fleet  which  was  on  its  way  to  Flanders  to  plant  the 
Inquisition  there.'  If  such  had  been  Philip's  original  in- 
tention, it  was  subsequently  abandoned.  November  3, 
1567,  the  King  rewarded  him  with  the  title  of  Captain- 
General  of  the  West,  appointed  him  to  command  a  fleet 
of  twelve  galleons,  with  two  thousand  soldiers  to  secure 
the  navigation  of  the  West  Indies,  and  granted  him  an 
aid  of  two  hundred  thousand  ducats.*  In  the  early  part 
of  January  of  the  following  year  the  King  conferred 
upon  him  the  commandery  of  the  .Holy  Cross  of  Zarza  of 
the  Knights  of  Santiago  with  an  income  of  eight  hundred 
crowns  in  recognition  of  his  services.  If  we  are  to  trust 
Fourquevaux  the  appointment  did  not  quite  come  up  to 
the  expectations  of  the  haughty  Adelantado,  who  had 
entertained  higher  aspirations,  and  who  did  not  hesitate 
to  show  his  disappointment  in  his  demeanour.^ 

'  Fourquevaux  to  Charles  IX.,  Aug.  2,  1567,  D^peches,  pp.  241,  242. 

*  "  Titulo  de  Capitan  General  de  una  Armada  de  12  galeones  dispuesta 
en  Vizcaia,  destinada  a  la  guarda  y  seguridad  de  las  costas,  islas  y  puertos 
de  Indias,"  Escorial,  Nov.  3,  1567,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida^  tomo  ii.,  p.  390; 
Meras  in  ibid.^  tomo  i.,  pp.  309-320;  Barrientos  (in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas 
Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  pp.  144-149)  gives  the  date  of  September  15th  of 
the  same  year  (p.  148).  Fourquevaux  to  Charles  IX.,  Nov.  13,  1567, 
D^peches,  p.  289. 

'  Fourquevaux  to  Charles  IX.,  Jan.  19,  1568,  Depeches,  p.  316.  "  Pierre 
Menendes  a  eu  le  commanderie  de  Sainte  Croix  de  la  Sarce,  vaillant  huict 
cens  escuz  de  rente  ;  at  faict  encore  le  dedaigneux  ;  car  il  s'en  estoit  promis 
une  meilleur."  The  date  appended  to  the  entry  in  the  Indice  de  priiebas 
de  los  caballeros  que  han  vestido  el  hdbito  de  Santiago  desde  el  ano  j^oi  hasta 
la  fecha  (formado  por  D.  Vicente  Vignau  .  .  .  y  D.  Francisco  R.  de 
Uhagon,  .  .  .  Madrid,  1901,  p.  222)  is  1558.  This  is  evidently  a  mis- 
print, for  the  reason  that  the  entry  describes  him  as  "Adelantado  de  la 
Florida,  Gobemador  general  de  la  Isla  de  Cuba,"  whereas  he  did  not  visit 
Florida  until  1565,  and  his  appointment  as  governor  of  Cuba  was  of  still 
later  date.  It  is  also  apparent,  from  the  context  of  the  paragraph  in  Four- 
quevaux's  letter  above  given,  that  the  appointment  was  of  recent  date.  In- 
deed, from  the  character  of  the  misprint  and  the  date  of  Fourquevaux's 
letter  the  appointment  would  seem  to  have  been  made  during  the  first  half 
of  January,  1568. 


CHAPTER   VI 

MUTINY   AT   ST.    AUGUSTINE — PARDO'S   SECOND 
EXPEDITION 

AVILES  had  scarcely  set  sail  when  the  authorities  at 
St.  Augustine  learned  of  a  mutiny  which  had  been 
fomenting  for  some  time  prior  to  his  departure.  It  had 
assumed  extensive  and  threatening  proportions,  for  it  in- 
volved one  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  garrison.  Their  plan 
was  to  spike  the  guns,  gain  possession  of  the  higher 
ofificials,  and  to  carry  off  all  of  the  property  and  the 
women.  The  suspicions  of  the  authorities  having  been 
aroused  shortly  before  the  intended  outbreak,  an  investi- 
gation was  ordered  and  five  of  the  conspirators  were 
seized,  who,  being  put  to  the  torture,  disclosed  the  ex- 
tent of  the  plot,  but  were  nevertheless  executed.  This 
was  followed  by  the  seizure  of  some  thirty  more,  all 
worthy  of  death ;  but  the  chaplain  Mendoza  cast  himself 
at  the  feet  of  the  judges  and  begged  for  their  lives,  on 
the  condition  that  the  mutineers  should  repent  and  bind 
themselves  to  keep  the  peace  in  the  future.  "And  when 
I  preached  them  a  sermon  in  the  presence  of  the  judges, 
at  the  sight  of  their  repentance  and  tears  those  gentle- 
men ordered  their  release  from  the  prison  into  which  they 
had  been  cast,"  writes  the  chaplain,  "and  suspended 
their  sentence  until  they  become  guilty  of  another  crime. " 
Notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  Bartolom^  to  smooth 
the  pathway  of  the  little  colony,  "he  was  still  a  man," 
293 


294  The  Spanish  Settlements 

says  the  moralising  chaplain,  and  friction  arose  between 
him  and  Arguelles,  perhaps  Martin  Arguelles,  father  of 
the  first  white  man  born  at  St.  Augustine.  The  quarrel 
led  to  a  passage  of  words  between  them,  and  Las  Alas  at 
once  put  the  Governor  under  guard  and  cast  Arguelles 
into  prison,  until  the  arrival  of  Pedro  Menendez  Marques, 
who  with  the  assistance  of  the  chaplain  patched  up  a 
peace  between  them.  Pedro  de  Andrada,  with  a  force 
of  eighty  soldiers,  was  sent  to  assist  Outina  against 
Saturiba  and  some  other  chiefs  who  had  combined  to 
attack  him.  They  appear  to  have  been  successful,  and 
Andrada  succeeded  in  burning  one  of  the  native  villages; 
but  on  his  return  he  was  attacked  by  the  allied  Indians 
and  slain  with  a  large  part  of  his  company.'  About  the 
middle  of  August,  Marques  and  Las  Alas  departed  for 
San  Felipe.  A  curious  side-light  is  cast  upon  the  scant 
resources  of  the  little  colony  when  we  read  in  a  letter  of 
Mendoza  in  relation  to  one  of  his  priests,  who  had  been 
found  guilty  of  a  very  grave  offence, — that  he  did  not 
write  with  more  detail  owing  to  the  lack  of  writing  paper, 
that  which  he  possessed  having  been  given  him  "for  the 
love  of  God."  " 

Towards  the  end  of  the  month  Marques  and  Las  Alas 
reached  San  Felipe,  and  Pardo  was  directed  to  join 
Boyano  at  Chiaha,  where  the  latter  was  awaiting  him. 
September  ist  he  set  out,  and  ascending  the  Savannah 
as  far  as  Cufitatchiqui,  he  struck  across  the  country  and 
reached  Juada  over  part  of  the  route  by  which  he  had 
returned  on  his  previous  expedition.  He  found  that  the 
Indians  had  surrounded  the  small  garrison  in  Fort  San 
Juan,  but  they  laid  aside  their  hostile  attitude  on  his 
appearance  and  renewed  their  submission.  Crossing  the 
spur   of   the    mountains,    probably    by    the   trail   which 

*  Fourquevaux  to  Charles  IX.,  Nov.  19,  1567,  Dipeches,  p.  295. 
■^  Mendoza  to  Philip  II.,  Aug,  6,  1567,  MS.  Arch.  Gen.  de  Indias,  Seville, 
est.  54,  caj.  5,  leg.  9. 


Pardo's  Second  Expedition  295 

Boyano  had  followed  before  him,  he  reached  Tocalques, 
perhaps  Toxaway,  at  the  foot  of  the  mountains  in  north- 
western South  Carolina.'  A  beautiful  and  fertile  country 
now  lay  before  him,  which  Vandera,  who  accompanied 
him,  at  a  loss  to  describe  it,  could  only  compare  to  Anda- 
lusia. At  Tanasqui  Pardo  thought  that  he  discerned  the 
smoke  arising  from  the  reduction  of  silver  ore '" :  the  trail 
to  Chiaha  passed  through  a  region  filled  with  wild  grape- 
vines laden  with  ripe  fruit,  and  medlar  trees,  probably 
the  persimmon ;  it  is  a  land  of  benediction,  a  country  of 
angels,  writes  the  delighted  Vandera.* 

At  Chiaha,  where  he  rested  a  while,  Pardo  found 
Boyano  with  his  soldiers.  Although  informed  by  the 
friendly  natives  that  hostile  Creeks  were  awaiting  him  he 
determined  to  continue  his  journey,  and  struck  directly 
south  "in  the  direction  of  Zacatecas  and  the  Mines  of  San 
Martin,"  '  fascinated  by  the  well-built  villages,  the  pleas- 
ant streams,  the  corn-fields  and  the  groves  of  wild  fruit- 
trees  through  which  he  passed.  Four  days  south  of 
Chiaha  at  Satapo  the  report  that  the  Indians  had  assem- 
bled farther  on  to  attack  him  assumed  such  proportions 
that  after  consultation  with  his  ofificers  he  concluded  to 
retrace  his  steps  and  return  to  Chiaha.  It  had  been  his 
intention  to  proceed  by  way  of  Tasquiqui,  near  the  junc- 
tion of  the  Coosa  and  Tallapoosa  Rivers,^  and  by  way  of 


^  "Myths  of  the  Cherokee,"  James  Mooney,  ig  Ann.  Rep.  Bu.  Ethn.,  Pt. 
I.,  p.  29.  Shea  in  "  Pardo's  Exploration  of  South  Carolina  and  Georgia," 
{Historical  Magazine,  i860,  p,  232)  suggests  Toccoa. 

"  Shea,  ibid..  Historical  Magazine,  i860,  p.  232.  The  silver  mines  of  the 
Cherokees,  "the  existence  of  which,  long  doubtful,  has  now  been  recog- 
nised." 

^  "  Relacion  escrita  por  Juan  de  la  Vandera,"  in  Ruidiaz,  Zm  Florida, 
tomo  ii.,  p.  485. 

*  Ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  485. 

*  Gatschet,  Migration  Legend  of  the  Creek  Indians,  vol.  i.,  p.  I91. 
"  Myths  of  the  Cherokee,"  James  Mooney,  ig  Ann.  Rep.  Bu.  Etkn.,  Ft.  I., 
p.  29. 


296  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Coga  in  what  is  now  Talladega  County,  Alabama,'  as  far 
as  the  Choctaw  territory  of  Tuscaloosa  in  Alabama.* 
This  plan  he  was  now  compelled  to  abandon,  but  one  of 
his  soldiers  with  a  party  of  friendly  natives  went  a  dis- 
tance of  five  days'  journey  from  Satapo  to  Coga,  bringing 
back  a  report  that  it  was  a  town  of  one  hundred  and  fifty 
householders,"  the  largest  and  richest  that  had  yet  been 
visited. 

Pardo  remained  several  days  at  Chiaha,  where  he 
strengthened  the  fort  already  built  by  Boyano,  and  left 
a  corporal  in  charge  with  thirty  soldiers.  At  Cauchi* 
another  blockhouse  was  constructed  and  garrisoned  with 
a  corporal  and  twelve  soldiers,  at  the  request  of  the 
chief,  who,  under  the  guise  of  asking  for  Christians  to 
teach  his  people,  probably  desired  their  assistance  against 
his  neighbours.  Juada  was  reinforced  by  his  sub-lieuten- 
ant, Alberto  Escudero,  and  thirty  soldiers,  and  at  Guatari, 
through  which  Pardo  also  passed,  a  blockhouse  was  con- 
structed and  left  in  charge  of  another  corporal  and  seven- 
teen soldiers.  From  there  Pardo  returned  to  San  Felipe 
at  Santa  Elena.'  Of  the  fate  which  ultimately  overtook 
these  isolated  settlements  we  have  but  a  very  brief  record 
to  the  effect    that  the   natives   upon  whom  they  were 

'  See  Spanish  Settlements,  vol.  i.,  p.  232  and  note  3.  Shea  (in  "  Pardo's 
Exploration  of  South  Carolina  and  Gtorgid."  Historical  Magazine,  i860,  p. 
232),  Gatschet  {Migration  Legend  of  the  Creek  Indians,  vol.  i.,  p.  191), 
and  Mooney  (in  "  Myths  of  the  Cherokee,"  ig  Ann.  Rep.  Bu.  Ethn.,  Pt. 
I.,  p.  29)  all  identify  it  with  -Soto's  Co^a. 

'^Spanish  Settletnents,  vol.  i.,  pp.  60,  6r. 

*  "  Vecinos." 

*Shea,  ibid..  Historical  Magazine,  i860,  p.  232.  "The  word  Chatta- 
hoochee is  not  much  abridged  in  Ca-u-chi." 

^  "  Relacion  de  la  entrada  y  de  la  conquista  que  por  mandado  de  Pero 
Menendez  de  Aviles  hizo  en  1565  [j/c]  en  el  interior  de  la  Florida  el  Capi- 
tan  Juan  Pardo,  escrita  por  el  mismo,"  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii., 
pp.  469-473.  "  Relacion  escrita  por  Juan  de  la  Vandera,"  in  ibid.,  tomo 
ii.,  pp.  484-486.  Herrera  in  his  "  Descripcion  de  las  Indias,"  (in  vol.  i.  of 
the  Decades,  p.  15)  says  Pardo  went  from  New  Spain  to  Florida  in  less 
than  two  years!     See  Appendix  Z,  Pardo's  Second  Expedition. 


Pardo's  Second  Expedition  297 

quartered  finally  rose  and  killed  them  all,  only  a  fifer,  his 
wife,  and  daughter  escaping  from  the  general  massacre.' 

The  reduction  of  the  garrison  at  San  Felipe  brought 
little  relief  to  its  starving  soldiers,  and  with  the  opening 
of  1568  the  familiar  conditions  were  again  rife.  Towards 
the  end  of  the  winter,  supplies  reached  St.  Augustine 
from  Campeche,  but  previous  to  their  arrival  the  price  of 
corn  had  risen  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  reales  a  bushel 
and  to  more  than  twenty  ducats  at  San  Mateo.  The 
garrison  at  the  former  place  had  been  subsisting  for  days 
on  a  ration  of  four  ounces  of  corn, — a  quantity  of  which 
had  been  found  in  the  rat-holes  in  the  sand, — on  the  roots 
of  palms,  and  on  oysters,  which  Las  Alas  collected  by  the 
boatload.  He  had,  however,  carried  out  the  instructions 
of  Avil^s  as  far  as  it  lay  in  his  power,  and  by  the  end  of 
March  two  blockhouses  had  been  built  within  sight  of 
each  other  at  the  mouth  of  the  St.  John's,  one  on  the 
south  shore,  near  the  bar,  probably  on  the  Mayport 
Peninsula,  and  the  other  across  the  river  on  the  island  of 
Alimacany,  Fort  George  Island,  and  a  third  at  Old  St. 
Augustine."  The  war  with  Saturiba  dragged  along,  and 
on  the  31st  of  March,  shortly  after  the  completion  of  the 
blockhouses,  four  hundred  Indians  attacked  the  fort  of 
San  Mateo,  and  entering  it  by  a  breach  in  the  palisade 
caused  by  a  flood  in  the  river,  killed  one  soldier  and 
severely  wounded  Castellon,  who  was  in  command.  On 
receipt  of  the  news  Las  Alas  at  once  sent  Captain  Fran- 
cisco Nunez,  with  fifty  of  his  best  men,  to  the  relief  of 
the  fort.     On  their  arrival  the  stockade  was  restored  and 

'  Relacion  de  las  cosas  que  han  pasado  en  la  Florida  tocantes  al  servicio 
de  Dios  y  del  Rey.  Vino  con  carta  de  Juan  Mendez,  6  de  Abril,  1584. 
MS.  Arch.  Gen.  de  Indias,  Seville,  est.  54,  caj.  5,  leg.  16,  p.  2. 

'Las  Alas  to ,  St.  Augustine,    March  23,  1568.     Brooks  MSS., 

Library  of  Congress,  Washington.  Fairbanks  in  his  History  of  St.  Augus- 
tine (New  York,  1858,  pp.  61,  103),  thinks  the  blockhouses  at  the  mouth 
of  the  St.  John's  were  located  the  one  at  Batten  Island  and  the  other  at 
Mayport. 


298  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Castellon  was  rapidly  recovering  from  his  wound  when, 
like  a  thunderbolt  out  of  a  clear  sky,  the  French  avenger 
descended  upon  the  devoted  garrison.' 

•  Estevan  de  la  sala  en  san  agustin  cinco  de  mayo  mil  quinientos  sesenta 
y  nueve  cuenta  como  se  perdio  el  fuerte  de  san  mateo.  MS.  Arch.  Gen. 
de  Indias,  Seville,  est.  2,  caj.  5,  leg.  1/9.  See  Appendix  BB,  The  Spanish 
Account  of  Gourgues's  Attack  on  San  Mateo,  where  it  is  shown  that  the 
date  1569  is  probably  a  mistake  for  1568. 


CHAPTER   VII 

PHILIP   NOTIFIES   FRANCE   OF   THE   MASSACRE 

WHILE  Avil^s  was  achieving  his  conquest  and  settle- 
ment of  the  transatlantic  peninsula,  the  negotia- 
tions pending  between  France  and  Spain  had  reached  an 
acute  stage.  Only  the  dependence  of  Catherine  on  the 
assistance  her  Catholic  neighbour  might  afford  her  in  case 
the  intrigues  she  was  hatching  with  the  antagonistic  re- 
ligious elements  in  her  own  country  should  turn  to  her 
own  disadvantage  had  prevented  her  from  coming  to  an 
open  breach  with  Philip  over  the  question  of  Florida. 
De  Thou  '  has  accused  the  Catholic  leaders  of  having  be- 
trayed to  Philip  the  departure  of  Jean  Ribaut's  final  ex- 
pedition, but  we  have  seen  with  what  accuracy  the  King 
was  kept  informed  by  his  diplomatic  agents  of  every  step 
taken  by  the  French.  In  the  ignorance  of  the  Protestant 
party  concerning  the  true  sources  from  which  Spain  de- 
rived its  information  it  may  well  be  that  in  the  heat  of 
the  moment  the  rumours  current  at  the  time  among  the 
Huguenots  made  the  Roman  Catholics  the  scapegoats  for 
the  want  of  caution  of  the  Protestants. 

It  is  not  improbable  that  at  the  very  time  when  Alava 
was  conveying  the  final  warning  to  Catherine  at  Tours, 

^Histoire  Universelle,  1620,  vol.  ii.,  p.  536  ;  Gaffarel,  Hist,  de  la  Floride 
Fran(;aise,  p.  231.  Haag  says  many  Frenchmen  thought  the  Guises  had 
advised  the  Spaniards  of  the  departure  of  the  Protestant  colony  for  Florida. 
"  Un  glorieux  episode  maritime  et  colonial,"  by  Maurice  Delpeuch  ia 
Revue  Maritime,  Oct.,  1902,  tome  civ.,  p.  1900. 
299 


300  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Valdes  had  already  arrived  at  Court  with  the  information* 
of  the  capture  of  Fort  Caroline  and  the  final  catastrophe 
which  had  befallen  Ribaut's  fleet;  for  he  had  left  St. 
Augustine  with  Aviles's  dispatch  of  October  15th,  and 
had  probably  reached  his  destination  by  the  opening  of 
December.' 

No  breath  of  the  result  of  the  expedition  had  yet 
reached  France,  where  Catherine  was  still  playing  her 
role  of  injured  innocence  and  writing  her  daughter  and 
Fourquevaux  that  neither  she  nor  the  King  had  ever  sent 
a  subject  of  theirs  to  usurp  the  estates  of  the  King  of 
Spain,  but  to  the  Terrc  dcs  Bretons,  and  that  they  would 
severely  punish  any  of  their  vassals  who  should  attempt 
it.  "May  it  please  God,"  she  piously  concludes  in  her 
letter  to  her  daughter,  "that  Florida  may  never  cause 
you  to  believe  that  which  is  not  so."  ^  Jacques  Ribaut 
arrived  in  France  about  the  middle  of  December,  and 
with  two  of  his  captains  had  gone  post-haste  to  Coligny, 
to  whom  he  had  related  the  sack  of  Fort  Caroline  and 
the  loss  of  his  vessels,  but  the  news  was  not  yet  known 
even  in  France.' 

At  Madrid,  as  well,  Fourquevaux  was  still  in  complete 
ignorance.  Shortly  before  Christmas,  in  an  interview 
with  Alba,  the  Duke  had  complained  to  him  of  the 
French  aggression  in  a  region  which  had  belonged  to 
Spain  since  the  time  of  Ferdinand ;  and  which  was  of  too 
much  importance  for  Spain  to  have  neglected  it.  Had 
the  French  taken  possession  before  or  during  the  wars,  it 
would  have  been  mentioned  in  the  treaty  of  peace '  ob- 

'  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Dec.  5,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  105. 

^Catherine  de'  Medici  to  the  Queen  of  Spain,  received  Dec.  13,  1565. 
MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1504(84).  Catherine  de'  Medici  to  Fourque- 
vaux, Dec.  30,  1565,  extract  in  Gaffarel,  Hist,  de  la  Floride,  p.  415  ;  Jan. 
20,  1566,  ibid.,  p.  418. 

^Alava  to  Philip  II.,  Dec.  21,  1565,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1504  (88); 
Jan.  6,  1566,  MS.,  ibid.,  K,  1505  (64). 

^Cateau  Cambresis,  April,  1559. 


Philip  Notifies  France  of  the  Massacre    301 

served  Alba.  Fourqucvaux  retorted  that  sea  charts 
thirty  years  old  showed  that  the  coast,  where  Florida  was 
said  to  lie,  was  called  the  Coste  dcs  Bretons;  that  it  lay  a 
great  distance  from  Hispaniola,  Cuba,  and  New  Spain, 
so  that  its  occupation  by  the  French  could  not  impede 
Spanish  navigation,  and  concluded  by  saying  that  if 
Florida  was  not  mentioned  in  the  treaty  it  was  their  own 
fault,  and  proved  that  at  the  time  of  its  making  the 
Spaniards  had  not  yet  gone  there.  This  drew  from  Alba 
the  intimation  that  Philip  would  employ  all  of  his  re- 
sources to  recover  its  possession,  and  that  French  affairs 
in  Florida  were  already  in  a  bad  way  owing  to  the  arrival 
of  the  Spaniards  who  had  been  sent  there  the  previous 
summer.  But  the  hint  dropped  by  Alba  failed  of  its  de- 
sired effect,  for  Fourquevaux  had  received  reports  from 
Lisbon  and  Seville  that  Avil^s  was  awaiting  reinforce- 
ments at  Santo  Domingo,  In  a  subsequent  audience 
with  Philip,  Fourquevaux  was  unable  to  gain  any  further 
information,  although  he  had  expected  that  the  King 
would  refer  to  Alava's  complaints  to  Catherine.' 

With  the  complete  success  which  had  attended  the  ex- 
pedition of  Avil^s,  Philip  at  last  felt  that  he  could  treat 
Catherine  with  ungloved  hands  and,  wishing  to  deal  with 
her  directly,  he  passed  over  the  French  ambassador  at 
Madrid,  and  instructed  Alava  to  take  a  high  tone  in 
speaking  with  her  about  Florida.  Indeed  he  had  taken 
the  matter  so  to  heart  that  his  Queen  informed  her 
mother  of  her  fear  lest  any  attempt  to  vindicate  the 
French  aggression  would  bring  about  a  change  in  the 
friendly  relations  between  the  two  countries.* 

When  Jacques  Ribaut  and  his  companions  reached 
Moulins,  where  Catherine  was  at  the  time,  his  bearing 
was  so  retiring  that  Alava  suspected  he  had  received 
orders  not  to  talk  about  the  matter  until  a  favourable 

'  Fourquevaux  to  Charles  IX.,  Dec.  24,  1565,  D/peckes,  pp.  17,  i8. 
'Fourquevaux  to  Catherine  de'  Medici,  Dec.  25,  1565,  ibid.,  p.  34. 


302  The  Spanish  Settlements 

opportunity  presented  itself  to  Catherine  to  lay  it  before 
Philip.'  For  all  that,  it  was  impossible  for  Ribaut  and 
his  friends  to  avoid  some  show  of  feeling,  which  was  all 
the  more  intense  from  its  enforced  repression,  and  meet- 
ing Doctor  Enveja,  one  of  Philip's  agents,  in  the  palace 
one  day  they  threatened  him  and  all  the  Spaniards  in 
Normandy  with  death, 

Ribaut  had  been  at  least  two  weeks  at  Moulins,  when, 
on  January  15th,  Alava  had  his  interview  with  Catherine, 
and  broached  the  question  of  Florida.  He  adhered 
closely  to  his  master's  instructions,  and  according  to  his 
report  the  conversation  did  not  lack  spice.  When  Alava 
informed  her  that  her  actions  were  not  in  accordance  with 
the  treaty  of  peace,  she  ingenuously  replied  that  she  be- 
lieved the  men  who  had  gone  to  the  Isles  des  Bretons  had 
returned."  "I  know  of  no  Isles  des  Bretons,''  retorted 
the  ambassador;  "you  can  baptise  the  zovin'ixy  Isles  des 
Bretons,  and  call  Peru  Tierra  firiJie  des  Bretons,  as  you 
like,  but  I  heard  the  order  given  to  your  captain  to  go 
to  New  France  by  way  of  Florida,  in  which  the  name 
Florida  was  used."  To  this  Catherine  vouchsafed  no 
reply,  and,  changing  the  subject,  asked  Alava  not  to  ad- 
dress her  son  in  so  crude  a  manner,  because  he  was  too 
great  to  admit  of  it.  "I  shall  not  hesitate  to  speak  to 
him,"  said  Alava,  "for  though  he  is  too  young  to  treat 
of  such  matters,  God  has  given  him  a  good  understand- 
ing. I  am  convinced  that  had  he  been  old  enough  His 
Majesty  would  have  sent  some  one  to  address  him  more 
urgently  some  time  ago;  that  as  for  his  greatness  His 
Majesty  has  upheld  it  at  a  time  when  it  was  about  to 
tumble  to  the  ground,  and  will  continue  to  promote 
it;  and  as  you  are  regent,  you  ought  to  consider  it." 
Catherine's  only  reply  was  to  indicate  her  displeasure 
by  a  gesture  with  her  head.  Then  Alava  told  her  of 
Ribaut's  threats  to  Enveja,  at  which  she  professed  to  be 

» Alava  to  Philip  II.,  Jan.  6,  1566,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1505  (64). 


Philip  Notifies  France  of  the  Massacre    303 

greatly  surprised  and  said  the  offenders  would  be  pun- 
ished, but  he  added  in  cipher  that  nothing  had  been  said 
to  them.  The  interview  was  terminated,  so  far  as  Florida 
was  concerned,  with  the  routine  promises  on  the  Queen's 
part  to  prevent  the  further  sailing  of  vessels  in  defiance 
of  Spain.' 

By  the  middle  of  January  rumours  began  to  reach 
Fourquevaux  of  the  French  defeat  in  Florida."  With 
the  dissemination  of  the  news  the  delight  of  the  Spaniards 
had  at  first  been  tempered  with  a  judicious  fear  lest  Jean 
Ribaut  might  have  avenged  the  attack  on  Fort  Caroline. 
But  early  in  February  a  detailed  account,  not  only  of  the 
capture  of  the  fort  but  also  of  the  shipwreck  and  massa- 
cre of  Ribaut,  was  generally  known  in  the  Spanish  Court, 
and  had  reached  Fourquevaux  in  its  horrible  complete- 
ness.    It  was  received  with  great  rejoicing. 

"  This  Court,"  wrote  Fourquevaux,  "  were  more  gladdened 
than  if  it  had  been  a  victory  over  the  Turks.  For  they  have 
also  said  that  Florida  was  of  greater  importance  to  them  than 
Malta.  And  as  a  reward  for  Menendez's  massacre  of  your 
poor  subjects  the  said  Florida  will  be  erected  into  a  marquisate, 
of  which  he  will  be  appointed  the  Marquis."  ' 

The  hour  for  further  concealment  of  the  facts  had  now 
passed,  and  the  time  had  come  for  the  official  announce- 
ment to  France  of  the  punishment  Philip  had  meted  out 
to  the  French  adventurers.  But  Philip,  while  he  con- 
tinued to  maintain  the  same  haughty  tone  towards  the 
French  Crown,  determined  to  turn  the  incident  to  the 
advantage  of  his  friends,  the  Catholic  party  in  France. 
Although  fully  informed  of  the  countenance  which  Cath- 
erine had  given  to  the  aggression  on  his  territory,  he 

1  Alava  to  Philip  II.,  Jan.  19,  1566,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1505  (67). 
*  Fourquevaux  to  Charles  IX.,  Jan.  22,  1566,  D^peches,  p.  48. 
3  Fourquevaux  to  Charles  IX.,  Feb.  11,  1566,  Dipeches,  p.  52;  Feb.  18, 
1566,  ibid.,  p.  54. 


304  The  Spanish  Settlements 

centred  all  of  his  attack  upon  the  leader  of  the  Protestant 
party,  the  much-hated  Coligny.  By  this  proceeding  he 
hoped  to  compel  the  Queen  to  choose  between  the  alter- 
natives of  forfeiting  his  support  or  of  disavowing  her  un- 
friendly act  by  making  the  Admiral  the  scapegoat  for  her 
Florida  policy,  and  to  force  her,  in  the  interest  of  the 
Catholic  religion,  to  renounce  the  double  part  she  was 
acting  towards  both  parties. 

Accordingly  Fourquevaux  was  summoned  to  an  inter- 
view with  the  Duke  of  Alba,  and  the  ambassador  was  kept 
impatiently  waiting  while  two  fruitless  attempts  were 
made  to  set  the  time  for  the  meeting.  The  audience  was 
at  last  held  at  Alba's  palace  after  the  dinner  hour.  Alba 
informed  him  that  he  was  charged  by  the  King  to  explain 
how  Philip  had  learned  of  the  French  occupation  of 
Florida,  of  which  he  had  complained  through  his  ambas- 
sador, begging  Charles  to  withdraw  his  people  and  not 
to  constrain  him  to  send  his  forces  there,  which  he  other- 
wise would  be  compelled  to  do;  that  he  had  so  done, 
advising  the  French  King  of  the  fact  in  his  desire  to  pro- 
ceed openly  in  the  matter;  that  Charles  had  answered  as 
a  prince,  brother,  and  friend  of  Philip,  to  the  effect  that 
if  any  of  his  subjects  had  gone  to  Florida,  it  had  not 
been  by  his  orders.  And  thereupon  the  Spanish  army 
had  gone  thither,  seized  the  fort,  and  punished  the  cor- 
sairs, pirates,  and  settlers  of  the  country,  who  had  built 
a  fort,  pillaged  the  Spaniards  sailing  to  and  from  the 
Indies,  and  even  sunk  two  vessels  with  their  crews  after 
robbing  them,  which  the  Spaniards  had  verified  when 
they  captured  the  fort.  Alba  then  told  him  of  the  killing 
of  the  French,  that  Ribaut  and  Courset  had  confessed 
having  sailed  for  Florida  under  orders  from  Coligny ;  and 
that  the  Spaniards  had  subsequently  found  Ribaut's  com- 
missions, letters,  and  instructions,  by  which  it  appeared 
that  he  had  also  intended  to  seize  Havana.  And  Alba 
ended  by  saying   that    Philip   begged    and    required    of 


Philip  Notifies  France  of  the  Massacre    305 

Charles  that  he  should  visit  Coligny  with  an  exemplary 
punishment  as  a  perturber  of  the  peace  and  cause  of  the 
disorder. 

Fourquevaux  replied  that  owing  to  the  absence  of  in- 
structions from  his  Government  he  was  unprepared  to 
answer  Alba's  representations.  At  the  same  time,  while 
he  denied  that  there  had  been  any  discussion  of  the 
Florida  question  at  the  date  of  his  leaving  France,  he 
admitted  that  Charles  had  no  designs  upon  Spanish  terri- 
tory, and  could  only  repeat  the  argument  already  used 
at  Moulins  respecting  the  right  of  his  Sovereign  to  the 
Terre  dcs  Bretons  in  which  he  claimed  that  Florida  was 
included.  He  then  asked  Alba  to  explain  a  report  spread 
by  Diego  Flores,  that  Ribaut,  when  he  surrendered,  had 
told  Avil^s  he  was  waging  a  fair  war,  as  was  the  custom 
among  soldiers;  to  which  Aviles  had  answered  that  he 
was  no  soldier,  but  a  corsair,  whereupon  Ribaut  had  said 
that  he  could  show  him  his  royal  patents  by  which  it 
would  appear  he  had  come  there  in  obedience  to  the 
orders  of  his  King,  Alba  answered  that  Flores  had 
drawn  upon  his  imagination  if  he  had  really  said  such  a 
thing;  and  assured  him  that  such  an  idea  had  never 
crossed  his  mind,  for  had  such  been  the  case.  Aviles 
would  have  so  informed  Philip. 

Then  Fourquevaux  indignantly  protested  against  the 
great  cruelty  with  which  the  prisoners  had  been  treated 
in  putting  so  many  soldiers  to  death,  after  their  sur- 
render, which  was  not  customary  on  such  occasions,  as 
the  Duke  well  knew.  With  Alba's  answer  we  are  already 
familiar.  The  French  were  no  soldiers,  he  said,  for  they 
drew  no  pay  from  their  prince,  but  thieving  pirates,  and 
were  punished  according  to  their  deserts;  and  they  were 
heretics  as  well,  preaching  their  perverse  doctrines  and 
pernicious  sects ;  and  had  not  such  evil  roots  been  extir- 
pated, the  great  harm  of  it  would  soon  have  become  ap- 
parent.    Had  Aviles  spared  them,  his  own  people  would 


3o6  The  Spanish  Settlements 

have  perished  from  hunger,  as  there  was  not  sufficient  to 
feed  them  all.  The  Spaniards  were  too  few  to  retain 
them  as  prisoners.  As  Avil6s  was  compelled  to  go  else- 
where,  leaving  but  part  of  his  force  in  the  forts,  they 
would  have  risen  against  their  captors  and  killed  them. 
The  ships  he  had  were  too  small  to  contain  them,  nor 
could  he  safely  provide  them  with  ships,  which  would 
have  enabled  them  to  attack  him  elsewhere,  and  that, 
given  all  of  these  conditions,  "the  Duke  knew  of  no  man, 
however  pious  he  might  be,  who  would  have  resorted  to 
other  means  and  expedients  than  those  followed  by  Pedro 
Men^ndez."  Finally,  Fourquevaux  complained  of  the 
threatening  language  with  which  Alava  had  addressed  the 
Queen  in  the  Moulins  interview,  at  which  she  had  been 
greatly  disturbed  and  had  observed  "that  it  was  not  the 
path  by  which  the  King  her  son  was  to  be  led."  '  When 
the  interview  was  over  Fourquevaux  at  once  advised  his 
sovereigns  of  its  purport  and  of  Philip's  intention  to  pal- 
liate his  dastardly  treatment  of  the  French  prisoners 
under  cover  of  an  attack  on  Coligny.'' 

Simultaneously  with  Fourquevaux's  dispatch  Philip 
informed  Alava  of  Alba's  conversation  with  the  French 
ambassador,  and  of  the  arguments  which  had  been  used 
to  justify  the  massacre;  directed  him  to  tell  the  Queen 
that  in  view  of  certain  papers  found  in  Florida  and  con- 
fessions of  prisoners  "taken  alive"  it  very  clearly  ap- 
peared that  the  Admiral  was  responsible  for  the  enterprise 
and  had  harboured  designs  upon  Spanish  ports  and  towns 
in  the  West  Indies;  asked  that  his  punishment  should  be 
equal  to  the  offence,  as  he  himself  would  have  acted  under 
similar  circumstances,  and  enclosed  to  him  a  relation  of 

'Fourquevaux  to  Charles  IX.,  Feb,  22,  1566,  D/peckes,  p.  59;  Philip 
11.  to  Alava,  Feb.  23,  1566,  MS.  Arch,  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1505  (75).  There 
can  be  no  doubt  that  both  letters  refer  to  the  same  interview. 

*  Fourquevaux  to  Charles  IX.,  Feb.  22,  1566,  Dcpkkes,  p.  59  ;  same  to 
Catherine  de'  Medici,  Feb.  23,  1566,  ibid.,  p.  63. 


Philip  Notifies  France  of  the  Massacre    307 

the  expulsion  of  the  French.  While  commanding  him 
to  press  this  matter  with  the  greatest  urgency,  he  charged 
him  at  the  same  time  to  make  it  apparent  to  the  Queen 
and  her  son  that  he  harboured  "no  suspicion  or  thought 
that  the  site  where  the  heretics  had  been  found  was  occu- 
pied by  their  order,  but  rather  that  it  was  reasonable  to 
suppose  that  they  were  displeased  at  their  action,  as  was 
due  to  their  brotherly  relations."  ' 

The  French  Court  was  still  at  Moulins,  and  Catherine 
with  her  courtiers  was  in  attendance  upon  her  son,  who 
was  in  bed,  very  weak  from  a  recent  illness,  when  on  the 
i6th  of  March''  Alava  had  his  audience.  No  sooner  had 
he  touched  on  the  Florida  matter,  than  the  Queen  cut 
him  short  like  an  enraged  "lioness,"  and  turning  her  face 
in  order  that  she  might  be  heard  by  Montmorenci,  the 
Bishop  of  Valencia,  and  others  of  her  courtiers  whose 
curiosity  had  been  at  once  aroused,  exclaimed  :  "Neither 
Turks  nor  Moors  would  have  been  guilty  of  so  great  a 
cruelty  as  the  Spaniards  have  practised  on  the  subjects  of 
my  son."  It  was  a  queenly  speech,  the  gist  of  which  her 
artistic  Italian  wit  had  filched  from  Fourquevaux's  dis- 
patch.' "Raising  my  voice  slightly  I  asked  her  to  listen 
to  what  she  called  the  inexplicable  cruelty,  for  the  punish- 
ment of  those  who  were  there  was  well  deserved,"  wrote 
Alava  in  his  account  to  Philip.  He  related  to  her  the 
story  probably  much  in  the  form  in  which  we  have  it  in 
Aviles's  letters,  and  pressed  the  moral  home  with  the  in- 
cisive abruptness  which  Philip  had  ordered  him  to  ob- 
serve, repeating  in  substance  the  language  used  by  Alba, 
and  centring  his  attack  on  Coligny. 

1  Philip  II.  to  Alava,  Feb.  23,  1566,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1505 
(75),  and  see  same  to  same,  Feb.  25,  1566,  MS.,  ibid.,  K,  1505  (76). 

5  Catherine  de'  Medici  to  Fourquevaux,  March  17,  1566,  Gaffarel,  Hist, 
de  la  Floride,  p.  427. 

*  "  Laquelle  inhumanite  ne  fut  pas  usee  par  les  Turcs  aux  vieulx  soldatz 
qu'ilz  prindrent  i  Castelnovo  et  aux  Gerbes,  ne  jamais  barbares  uzirent  de 
telle  cruaulte."   Fourquevaux  to  Charles  IX.,  Feb.  22,  1566,  D/peckes,  p.  61. 


3o8  The  Spanish  Settlements 

As  the  covert  threats  against  her,  and  the  malicious 
insinuations  respecting  Cohgny  fell  from  the  lips  of  the 
ambassador,  mingled  with  the  vindictive  and  cold-blooded 
account  of  the  killing  of  her  subjects,  her  anger  kindled 
and  she  interrupted  him  incessantly.  Under  the  lash  of 
his  tongue  her  eyes  filled  with  tears  of  rage,  and  at  last, 
casting  aside  all  prudence,  her  nobler  nature  came  mo- 
mentarily to  her  rescue  and  she  exclaimed,  her  face  trem- 
bling with  agitation,  "that  the  Admiral  was  guiltless;  the 
armada  had  been  equipped  under  her  orders  and  that  of 
her  son;  that  in  the  performance  of  his  duty  as  a  minister 
the  Admiral  had  done  what  the  King  had  commanded; 
that  he  was  not  to  be  blamed  and  therefore  was  not  de- 
serving of  punishment  .  .  .  for  the  armada  had  gone 
to  their  own  land,  the  Isles  dcs  Bretons,  where  they  had  a 
fort  with  its  garrison,  and  what  would  the  world  say  when 
it  learned  that  in  a  season  of  such  brotherly  love  so  cruel 
a  war  had  been  waged  ? ' ' 

"I  answered,"  continues  Alava,  "that  your  Majesty 
would  not  fail  to  be  greatly  surprised  and  pained  on 
learning  that  the  said  armada  had  gone  to  occupy  the 
said  site  at  her  command  and  that  of  her  son,  for  Your 
Majesty  had  written  me  to  tell  them  both  that  he  enter- 
tained no  suspicion  or  thought  that  by  her  order  the 
armada  had  gone  directly  to  the  said  site,  where  that 
people  had  been  found,  having  heard  quite  the  contrary, 
as  I  had  told  them.  That  when  the  world,  as  she  called 
it,  should  hear  the  facts  it  would  not  fail  to  be  scandalised 
that  in  a  season  of  such  friendship  and  brotherly  love, 
when  they  had  received  so  many  benefits  from  Your 
Majesty,  they  should  send  the  greatest  and  most  infamous 
heretics  of  France  to  usurp  his  territories;  and  the  more 
so  when  it  learned  that  from  the  least  to  the  greatest  they 
were  all  notable  Huguenots.  ...  If  this  was  the 
office  of  the  Most  Christian  King,  let  them  judge.  And 
if,  in  order  to  extenuate  the  Admiral,  from  whom  they 


Philip  Notifies  France  of  the  Massacre    309 

received  such  marked  disservice  and  injury,  the  Most 
Christian  King  and  she  chose  to  burden  themselves  in 
this  wise  before  the  world,  let  her  see  to  it.  Like  a  mad 
woman,  not  allowing  me  to  speak,  she  returned  to  the 
Admiral,  saying  that  it  was  not  his  fault  .  .  .  and 
that  she  regretted  that  all  of  the  Huguenots  were  not 
there."  "But  be  that  as  it  may,"  continued  Catherine, 
"it  was  not  for  you  to  punish  our  subjects,  and  we  will 
not  discuss  their  religion,  but  the  murder  you  com- 
mitted." "I  said,  please  God  that  no  Huguenots  enter 
the  country  of  the  King  my  Master,  except  they  be  cut 
in  pieces."  ' 

Then  the  audience  degenerated  into  a  wordy  combat  in 
which  the  Queen,  still  labouring  under  great  excitement, 
harked  back  two  or  three  times  to  the  Isles  dcs  Bretons, 
at  which  the  King,  from  whom  Catherine  had  concealed 
the  defeat  on  account  of  his  illness,  exclaimed,  "Look  at 
the  map,  look  at  the  map  !  Have  you  seen  it?  "  "Yes," 
answered  Alava,  "and  that  must  be  the  title-deed  which 
your  Mother  holds,"  Then  she  returned  to  the  cruelty 
of  the  punishment  inflicted  upon  her  subjects  and  with 
renewed  ardour  took  up  the  defence  of  Coligny.  But 
Alava,  although  he  admitted  that  Avil6s  had  chastised 
the  French  with  a  little  more  severity  than  his  master 
had  intended,  relentlessly  pursuing  his  cross-questioning, 
asked  her,  "If  the  armament  was  that  of  your  son  and 
the  men  were  in  his  pay,  how  comes  it  that  no  money 
was  found  on  them  and  no  papers  such  as  you  say,  but 
that  everything  came  from  the  Admiral?"  "You  de- 
ceived yourselves, ' '  she  replied.  ' '  When  you  committed 
that  cruelty  and  carnage,  cutting  off  the  heads  of  Jean 
Ribaut  and  of  those  with  him  in  the  ship,  he  showed  his 
patents  from  my  son  and  myself."  Then  Alava  dwelt 
upon    the  absence  of    any    information    to    that   effect, 

'Catherine  de'  Medici  to  Fourquevaux,  March  17,  1566,  Gaffarel,  Hist. 
de  la  Floride,  p.  428. 


3IO  The  Spanish  Settlements 

reverted  to  the  attack  on  Enveja,  and  demanded  the 
punishment  of  the  offenders,  which  subject  Catherine 
again  evaded. 

But  the  importance  of  continuing  friendly  relations 
with  Philip  was  too  great  for  her  to  maintain  for  any 
length  of  time,  so  brave  a  front.  When,  in  reply  to  her 
remark  that  each  must  go  his  own  course,  Alava  answered 
that  what  she  had  said  would  relieve  Philip,  whose  desire 
had  ever  been  for  that  which  would  best  serve  the  inter- 
ests of  her  son,  she  became  very  grave  and  replied:  "I 
do  not  say  that."  "What  then  do  you  mean  when  you 
say  that  from  now  on  each  shall  look  to  what  concerns 
him?  Would  to  God  it  could  be  so !  "  exclaimed  Alava, 
"but  I  see  no  way  to  it."  And  so  the  interview  ended. 
"She  was  very  angry  because  I  did  not  answer- to  the 
point,"  concludes  Alava  in  his  dispatch,  "because  she 
was  provided  with  answers  prepared  by  her  council,  for 
which  reason  it  is  not  advisable  to  say  anything  to  the 
King's  ambassador  in  Your  Majesty's  Court,  since  it 
amounts  to  advising  them  here,  so  that  this  Queen  has 
her  answers  ready.  When  she  is  taken  by  surprise,  her 
embarrassment  is  great,  and  more  is  learned  of  their 
intentions."  ' 

At  the  same  time  that  Alava  was  ordered  to  make  the 
formal  announcement  of  Philip's  victory  in  Florida  to 
their  Most  Christian  Majesties,  the  King  and  Queen  of 
France,  his  ambassadors  in  Austria  and  England  were  in- 
structed to  convey  the  same  information  to  their  respect- 
ive Governments.  The  letters  to  Silva  in  England  and 
Chantone  in  Austria  were  couched  in  substantially  the 
same  language  as  to  the  material  facts  which  they  re- 
cited, and  were  both  accompanied  by  a  relation  of  the 
event  for  the  private  instruction  of  the  ambassadors,  but 

'Alava  to  Philip  II,,  March  i6,  1566,  MS.  Arch,  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1505 
So);  Catherine  de'  Medici  to  Fourquevaux,  March  17,  1566,  Gaffarel, 
Hist,  de  la  Floride,  p.  427. 


Philip  Notifies  France  of  the  Massacre    3 1 1 

there  was  a  signal  divergence  between  them  in  the  stress 
which  was  laid  upon  the  religious  aspect  of  the  question. 
To  the  Catholic  Emperor  and  Empress  of  Austria  the 
ambassador  was  bidden  to  relate  that  the  French  who 
had  gone  to  Florida  were  not  only  pirates  but  heretics 
as  well,  who  had  taken  with  them  preachers  and  quantities 
of  books  belonging  to  their  perverse  sect,  to  plant  it  in 
that  land.  The  Admiral  of  France  was  declared,  with 
some  little  reservation,  to  be  the  prime  mover  of  the 
enterprise,  and  the  ambassador  was  informed  that  the 
French  Queen  had  been  asked  to  visit  him  with  a  punish- 
ment commensurate  with  his  offence, 

"since  it  is  so  notorious  that  he  is  the  venom  of  that  kingdom; 
the  inventor  and  promoter  of  all  the  evil  which  they  contrive 
and  commit,  especially  in  matters  of  religion.  We  shall  see 
how  they  will  take  it  in  France,"  continued  Philip  in  his  in- 
structions. "  We  have  small  hope  that  it  will  be  in  a  reason- 
able way.  I  will  inform  you  of  their  answer  that  you  may 
tell  my  brothers,  as  I  now  wish  you  to  give  them  an  account 
of  all  this  in  particular,  and  that  they  may  understand  that 
the  occurrence  in  Florida  has  been  for  the  great  service  of 
God,  our  Lord,  since  in  killing  those  heretics,  a  stop  has  been 
put  to  the  perverse  doctrine  which  they  wished  and  had  already 
begun  to  sow.  The  sound  and  holy  doctrine  will  be  shown  to 
the  natives  of  that  land,  and  the  true  path  of  salvation,  which 
is  that  which  we  chiefly  desire  and  profess."  ' 

In  Philip's  letter  to  Silva,  no  reference  whatever  was 
made  to  the  heretical  religion  of  the  French  colonists, 
and  stress  was  laid  solely  on  the  unauthorised  invasion 
of  his  territory,  the  danger  which  it  threatened  to  the 

•  Philip  II.  to  Chantone,  Feb.  28,  1566,  Col.  Doc.  Inedit.  Espafia,  tomo 
ci.,  p.  126.  There  is  a  French  translation  of  this  letter  in  the  Bullethi  de 
la  Soci/U de  VHistoire  du  Protestantisme  fran^aise  of  Dec.  15,  1S94,  which 
is  reproduced  by  Maurice  Delpeuch  in  "  Un  glorieux  episode  maritime  at 
colonial,"  Revue  Maritime,  Oct.,  1902,  tome  civ.,  p.  1023. 


312  The  Spanish  Settlements 

commerce  and  navigation  of  the  West  Indies,  and  the 
complicity  of  Coligny,  whose  evil  influence  on  French 
affairs  he  stigmatised  in  identically  the  same  terms  which 
he  had  employed  in  his  letter  to  Chantone,  save  that  all 
reference  to  his  religion  was  omitted.'  On  the  28th  of 
March  Silva,  in  accordance  with  his  instructions,  notified 
the  Queen,  who  was  at  Greenwich,  of  the  defeat  of  the 
French.  Elizabeth  expressed  much  pleasure  at  Philip's 
success,  and  bade  Silva  convey  her  thanks  to  his  King 
for  having  advised  her  of  the  event.  But  the  crafty 
Queen  had  not  forgotten  her  own  intrigues  with  Ribaut 
some  two  years  before,  and  she  expressed  her  surprise  at 
learning  that  Florida  had  been  previously  discovered  and 
occupied  by  Spain.  In  her  ignorance  of  Philip's  right 
"she  had  always  believed  that  Captain  Ribaut  had  been 
the  first  to  have  discovered  it,  for  he  had  come  to  her 
with  the  news  of  its  discovery,  and  she  had  determined 
to  conquer  it  herself,"  and  she  asked  Philip's  pardon  for 
having  treated  of  the  matter.  "As  for  the  Admiral," 
observed  Elizabeth,  "she  understood  the  French,  and 
did  not  care  to  treat  of  their  affairs  nor  even  to  answer 
for  them,  for  they  were  old  enough  to  attend  to  them- 
selves." Although  she  expressed  no  opinion  to  the 
ambassador  on  the  action  taken  by  Coligny,  Silva  learned 
that  she  condemned  his  invasion  of  Florida,  after  the 
promise  of  the  French  sovereigns  not  to  occupy  Span- 
ish territory,  and  in  the  subsequent  interview  with  Cecil 
the  secretary  agreed  that  he  deserved  an  exemplary  pun- 
ishment and  thought  that  Philip  ought  to  proclaim  his 
discovery  of  Florida  in  order  that  it  might  be  generally 
known.' 

'  Philip  II.  to  Silva,  March  2,  1566,  Correspondencia  de  Felipe  II.  con 
sus  Embajadores  en  la  Corte  de  Inglaterra,  tomo  ii.,  p.  275.  English  trans- 
lation in  Spanish  State  Papers,  1558-67,  I.  Elizabeth,  527. 

''Silva  to  Philip  II.,  March  30,  1566,  Correspondencia,  tomo  ii.,  p. 
292.  English  translation  in  Spanish  State  Papers,  1558-67,  I.  Elizabeth, 
536. 


Philip  Notifies  France  of  the  Massacre    313 

The  news  had  also  reached  Rome  in  the  latter  part  of 
February,'  but  as  we  are  not  yet  in  possession  of  Philip's 
letter,  which  he  undoubtedly  addressed  to  his  ambassa- 
dor there,  we  can  only  infer  that  its  tone  was  similar  to 
the  one  he  sent  to  Austria. 

'  "  News  from  Rome  dated  Feb.  23,  1566,  with  intelligence  from  Spain  of 
Feb.  15th,  of  the  defeat  of  certain  Frenchmen  in  Florida,"  MS.  Record 
Office,  London,  Elizabeth  State  Papers,  1566-68,  Foreign,  No.  127,  MS. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE   FRENCH    REVENGE 

ABOUT  the  middle  of  March,  five  and  a  half  months 
after  his  departure  from  Florida,  Laudonnifere 
reached  Moulins,  where  the  French  Court  was  gathered. 
As  stated  in  a  previous  chapter  he  had  been  driven  out 
of  his  course  by  bad  weather,  delayed  by  illness,  and  had 
passed  through  London  on  his  way  to  Paris,  from  whence 
he  had  come  to  Moulins.  Events  which  subsequently 
occurred  seem  to  indicate  that  these  were  not  the  only 
reasons  for  his  prolonged  delay  in  presenting  himself  be- 
fore his  master.  He  had  left  Florida  while  he  was  still 
chafing  under  the  disgrace  of  his  recall.  The  mortifica- 
tion consequent  upon  his  ignominious  surprise  and  the 
loss  of  Fort  Caroline,  joined  with  his  evident  ill-health, 
had  made  him  querulous  and  discontented,'  a  disposition 
to  which  he  had  given  vent  in  his  quarrel  with  Jacques 
Ribaut  on  the  eve  of  his  return  to  France,''  and  the  ac- 
cusations which  had  given  rise  to  his  recall  were  still 
unexplained.  He  was  accompanied  by  an  unfortunate 
Spaniard,  who,  after  various  vicissitudes,  had  ended  by 
becoming  an  interpreter  for  the  French  at  Fort  Caroline. 
On  the  approach  of  Avil^s  he  had  been  removed  from  the 

>  The  whole  tone  of  Laudonniere's  relation  subsequent  to  the  loss  of 
Fort  Caroline  shows  a  defensive  attitude  and  a  disposition  to  exculpate 
himself  from  blame  for  the  catastrophe. 

^  Histoire  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  112  ;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  521. 

314 


The  French  Revenge  315 

fort  and  kept  under  guard  for  fear  lest  he  should  take 
flight  to  his  own  countrymen.  He  returned  with  Laudon- 
ni^re  to  France,  and  upon  arriving  at  Moulins  at  once 
became  a  tool  of  Alava,  who  used  him  to  ferret  out  the 
designs  of  the  defeated  Frenchmen.' 

On  reaching  Moulins  Laudonni(ire  found  Jacques  Ri- 
baut  the  hero  of  the  hour  and  himself  the  scapegoat 
for  the  disaster  which  had  overtaken  the  French  colony. 
Ribaut  had  improved  the  interval  between  his  own  arrival 
and  that  of  Laudonni^re  to  cast  the  responsibility  of  the 
defeat  on  the  latter,  and  in  the  conferences  which  took 
place  at  the  house  of  the  Admiral  Laudonni&re  was 
censured  for  his  neglect  in  the  defence  of  Fort  Caroline, 
his  failure  to  maintain  a  suflficient  garrison  when  he  could 
have  procured  at  least  two  hundred  men  for  its  defence, 
and  his, carelessness  in  allowing  himself  to  be  surprised 
during  his  sleep. 

At  these  meetings,  which  were  conducted  with  the 
greatest  secrecy,  the  Florida  disaster  filled  all  mouths, 
and  the  talk  was  already  of  vengeance  and  of  the  sinking 
of  all  Spanish  ships  that  should  be  encountered.'  A 
number  of  French  adventurers,  including  Laudonnifere, 
Ribaut,  and  Sandoval,'  the  piratical  governor  of  Belle- 
Isle-en-Mer,  off  the  Brittany  coast,  a  man  of  considerable 
wealth  in  ships  and  in  moneys  which  he  had  obtained  by 
plundering  Spanish  commerce,  were  among  the  chief  con- 
spirators.' Laudonni^re's  interpreter  was  caressed  and 
cajoled  and  taken  to  see  the  Queen,  where  in  her  presence 
and  that  of  the  Cardinal  de  Bourbon  he  was  made  to 
confirm  the  French  reports,  and  give  them  what  informa- 
tion he  could  concerning  the  gold  and  pearls  that  were 

'  Alava  to  Perez,  March  i8,  1566,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1505  (82). 

2  Alava  to  Philip  II.,  Jan.  19,  1566,  MS.,  ibid.,  K,  1505  (67). 

3  See  also  Alava  to  Philip  II.,  March  23,  1566,  MS.,  ibid.,  K,  1505  (95)  ; 
April  28,  1566,  MS.,  ibid.,  K,  1505  (96). 

*  Alava  to  Perez,  March  18,  1566,  MS.,  ibid.,  K,  1505  (82). 


3i6  The  Spanish  Settlements 

found  in  Florida  and  of  its  capacity  for  the  cultivation  of 
the  vine  and  of  wheat.' 

These  mutterings,  of  which  Alava  was  informed  through 
Laudonni^re's  interpreter,  and  which  the  ambassador 
faithfully  reported  to  his  master,  could  not  but  alarm 
Philip,  whose  suspicions  were  now  aroused  so  that  he 
looked  upon  every  movement  of  the  French  as  a  covert 
vengeance,  big  with  further  designs  upon  Florida."  En- 
veja  was  therefore  sent  to  remonstrate  with  Catherine 
against  the  machinations  of  Sandoval  and  his  compan- 
ions.' To  the  complaint  of  Philip's  agent  Catherine 
laughingly  replied  that  she  did  not  see  how  Laudonnifere, 
who  was  so  poor  that  she  had  herself  given  him  fifty 
crowns,  or  Ribaut,  who,  on  his  arrival,  had  been  ignorant 
of  the  massacre,  could  be  arming  ships  against  Florida. 
As  for  the  interpreter,  he  was  but  a  poor  beggar  who  had 
been  cared  for  in  the  Moulins  hospital  out  of  pure  charity, 
and  whom  she  had  never  seen."  Alava  also  had  an  audi- 
ence with  the  Queen  with  the  object  of  learning  what 
designs  she  was  harbouring.  Meanwhile  the  rumours  of 
French  preparations  continued,  and  now  began  to  assume 
a  more  definite  shape  and  to  centre  about  Montluc,'  who 
was  in  reality  preparing  for  his  attack  upon  Madeira, 
with  the  object  of  punishing  the  Portuguese,  whom 
Fourquevaux  had  accused  of  assisting  Men^ndez  in  his 
conquest  of  Florida.'  But  so  haunted  was  Spain  by  the 
one  idea  of  a  French  descent  in  that  region  that  she  con- 
tinued to  attribute  to  every  ship  that  sailed  from  a  French 


'  Alava  to  Philip  II.,  March  23,  1566,  MS.,  ibid.,  K,  1505  (95). 

2  Philip  II.  to  Alava,  March  29,  1566,  MS.,  ibid.,  K,  1505  (86). 

3  Alava  to  Philip  II.,  March  23,  1566,  MS.,  ibid.,  K,  1505  (95). 

*  Precis  d'une  reponse  donnee  par  la  Reine  mere  de  France  au  D*"* 
Enveja,  1566,  MS.,  ibid.,  K,  1505  (59). 

5  Alava  to  Philip  II.,  April  21.  1566,  MS.,  ibid.,  K,  1505  (93)  ;  April  28, 
1566,  MS.,  ibid.,  K,  1505  (96). 

^  Gaffarel,  Hist,  de  la  Floride  Fran^aise,  p.  255. 


The  French  Revenge  317 

port,  and  to  every  gathering   of   French  seamen,  some 
secret  design  against  her  territory. 

During  the  month  of  May  Alava  was  at  last  in  a  posi- 
tion to  assure  Philip  of  his  firm  conviction  that  Florida 
was  safe  for  that  year.  The  information  carried  with  it 
every  evidence  of  being  authoritative,  for  it  came  from  a 
man  whose  opportunities  for  learning  the  most  intimate 
councils  of  the  adventurers  appeared  to  be  beyond  dis- 
pute. After  a  short  stay  at  Moulins,  Laudonni6re  had 
left  the  Court  at  so  low  an  ebb  in  his  pocket  that,  as  we 
have  seen,  Catherine  had  given  him  money  to  pay  for  his 
food.  The  accusations  of  incompetency  heaped  upon 
him  by  his  former  companions  in  arms  had  soured  his 
soul,  and  the  commander  of  the  second  French  expedition 
to  Florida  had  finally  come  to  Alava  in  Paris  and  had 
offered  his  services  to  the  Spanish  King.  Some  qualms 
of  conscience  still  possessed  him  at  the  unworthy  office  to 
which  he  was  aspiring,  and  Alava  found  it  necessary  to 
hold  out  to  him  the  hope  of  securing  an  appointment  in 
Philip's  employ,  but  in  the  meantime  Laudonniere  assured 
the  ambassador  that  no  fleet  would  sail  for  Florida  during 
that  year,  especially  as  the  news  had  reached  the  French 
of  the  departure  of  Arciniega  with  a  large  complement  of 
men  to  the  assistance  of  Aviles.' 

Meanwhile  the  indignation  in  France  had  reached  the 
highest  possible  pitch.'  Following  their  return  home, 
Ribaut,  Laudonnibre,  and  Le  Challeux,  whose  account, 
published  in  May,  went  through  two  editions  in  the  same 
year,'  had  disseminated  abroad,  and  more  particularly 
among  the  friends  and  relatives  of  the  murdered  French, 

'Alava  to  Philip  II.,  May  7,  1566,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1505  (98); 
May  19,  1566,  MS.,  ibid.,  K,  1505  (loi). 

"Fourquevaux  to  Charles  IX.,  August  18,  1566,  D^pkhes,  p.  105.  and 
see  all  of  his  correspondence  as  well  as  that  of  Alava.  La  Reprise  de  la 
Floride     .     .     .     par  M.  Ph.  Tamizey  de  Larroque,  Bordeaux,  1867,  p.  27. 

2  Gaflarel,  Hist,  de  la  Floride  Francaise,  p.  339. 


3i8  The  Spanish  Settlements 

their  version  of  the  massacre,  and  had  stirred  the  deepest 
feelings  of  anger  and  hatred  against  the  Spaniards.  A 
deputation  of  the  widows  of  the  victims  went  to  Paris, 
probably  during  the  month  of  May,  and  raised  such  an 
outcry  in  the  city  that  it  had  called  for  a  Spanish  protest.' 
This  was  followed  by  a  second  deputation  of  one  hundred 
and  twenty  widows,  who  journeyed  all  the  way  from 
Normandy  to  Paris  during  the  month  of  August  to  ad- 
dress the  Queen  on  the  same  subject."  It  is  probable 
that  at  this  time  was  published  the  stirring  and  passionate 
"Petition  to  the  King  Charles  IX.  in  the  form  of  a  com- 
plaint by  the  widowed  women  and  orphaned  children, 
relatives,  and  friends  of  his  subjects,  who  were  slain  in 
the  said  country  of  Florida."  '  But  though  the  hearts  of 
both  Catherine  and  her  son  were  in  keen  sympathy  with 
those  of  their  outraged  subjects  and  burning  with  a  like 
indignation,*  their  interests  were  so  involved  with  those 
of  Spain  that  they  had  been  compelled  to  give  the  depu- 
tation an  unfriendly  reception  and  to  send  the  widows 
back  to  their  homes  in  order  not  to  appear  to  counten- 
ance a  public  demonstration  against  their  ally.^ 

It  was  an  inglorious  situation  for  the  Most  Christian 
Queen.  The  massacre  of  her  subjects  had  been  like  a 
stab  in  the  back,  to  which  she  was  compelled  to  submit 
without  even  lifting  her  hand,  and  Catherine  sought  what 
relief  she  could  find  for  her  outraged  feelings  in  continued 
and  repeated  complaints  in  which  she  persistently  dwelt 
upon  the  unusual  cruelty  of  Philip's  action  and  pressed 

'  Alava  to  Philip  II.,  June  5,  1566,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1506  (5). 
«Alava  to  Philip  II.,   Aug.  23,    1566,    MS.,  ibid.,  K,    1506  (39).     The 
date  of  their  arrival  at  Paris  was  August  19th. 
*  See  p.  426,  in  this  volume. 

4  See  Alava  to  Philip  II,,  April  21,  1566,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K, 
1505  (93);  April  28,  1566,  MS.,  ibid.,  K,  1505  (96);  May  7,  1566,  MS,, 
ibid.,  K,  1505  (98). 

5  Alava  to  Philip  II.,  April  21,  1566,  MS,,  ibid.,  K,  1505  (93);  Resume 
des  lettres  de  Fran9ois  de  Alava,  Feb.  13-Apr,  9,  1566,  MS.,  ibid.,  K, 
1507  (104) ;  Alava  to  Philip  II.,  Aug.  23,  1566,  MS.,  ibid.,  K,  1506  (39). 


The  French  Revenge  319 

her  demand  for  the  punishment  of  Avil^s.  But  Philip 
was  too  assured  of  her  weakness  to  give  the  slightest 
weight  to  her  protests,  meeting  them  at  first  with  the 
same  arguments  which  had  been  already  presented,  and 
then  with  that  policy  of  procrastination  of  which  he  was 
a  master.  No  means  were  left  untried  to  work  upon 
Philip,  and  Catherine  sent  Fourquevaux  to  her  daughter, 
who  informed  her  mother  that  she  "did  not  think  that 
the  slaughter  of  your  subjects  would  be  so  bitterly  felt"  ; 
nearly  burst  into  tears  "for  fear  some  change  should 
intervene  between  the  two  Kings,"  and  finally  promised 
to  urge  Philip  to  "execute  justice  upon  murderers  who 
had  exceeded  their  commission  by  so  execrable  a  massa- 
cre." Three  days  later,  the  Spanish  Queen  informed  the 
ambassador  that  she  had  spoken  to  her  husband,  and  had 
shown  him  the  contents  of  Catherine's  letter,  to  which 
his  answer  had  been  that  his  armada  had  not  gone  to 
Florida  until  after  he  had  first  notified  Charles  and  Cath- 
erine; that  he  could  not  tolerate  the  usurpation  of  his 
territories  by  any  nation  in  the  world,  and  least  of  all 
by  the  adversaries  and  enemies  of  his  religion. 

In  the  audience  with  Philip  which  followed  this  com- 
munication from  the  Queen,  Fourquevaux  went  over  his 
conversation  with  the  Duke  of  Alba,  and  Alava's  repre- 
sentations to  Catherine  and  her  response,  observing  that 
during  the  forty-one  years  he  had  borne  arms,  in  the 
course  of  which  the  two  Crowns  had  been  frequently  at 
war  with  each  other,  "so  execrable  a  deed  had  never 
occurred  ";  reiterated  the  assertion  that  the  French  had 
gone  to  the  Tcrre  dcs  Bretons;  demanded  the  punishment 
of  Avil^s,  and,  seeking  to  touch  Philip  in  the  interests 
which  he  had  most  at  heart,  observed  that  "it  was 
the  best  news  in  the  world  for  the  Huguenots,  to  find 
that  where  the  French  Sovereigns  had  looked  for  friend- 
ship and  alliance  and  assistance  in  all  of  their  great  under- 
takings, their  subjects  had  been  murdered,  overthrown. 


320  The  Spanish  Settlements 

and  hunted  out."  This  should  have  been  the  most  tell- 
ing of  Fourquevaux's  arguments,  for  French  sentiment 
was  outraged  at  the  insult  irrespective  of  party.' 

Philip  answered  that  if  he  had  allowed  such  an  inva- 
sion of  his  dominions  it  would  have  encouraged  the 
natives  to  rebel  and  rendered  the  country  uninhabitable 
for  Spaniards ;  that  he  could  suffer  no  descent  of  foreign- 
ers upon  the  Florida  coast  because  it  was  the  most  im- 
portant locality  in  the  Indies  for  the  navigation  of  his 
vessels;  that  France  had  been  warned  beforehand  at 
Bayonne ;  that  the  French  in  Florida  had  captured  and 
sunk  Spanish  vessels ;  that  Aviles  was  too  weak  to  have 
held  so  large  a  body  of  Frenchmen  prisoners,  and  that  it 
had  been  set  down  in  the  treaties  of  peace  that  each  party 
should  kill  pirates,  for  which  reason  there  was  no  occasion 
to  have  summoned  the  French  before  the  attack  on  Fort 
Caroline.  Fourquevaux  insisted  that  they  bore  patents 
from  the  Admiral  who  represented  the  person  of  the  King, 
but  Philip  put  him  off  with  the  remark  that  he  would  con- 
sult with  the  Duke  of  Alba.  "But  I  am  convinced  that 
it  was  to  get  rid  of  me,"  writes  the  ambassador  in  his  dis- 
patch, "for  the  said  Duke  will  never  contradict  himself, 
for  it  is  said  that  he  advised  the  massacre  of  all  those  who 
should  be  found  in  the  said  Florida,  if  there  were  no  bet- 
ter way. ' '  With  a  covert  threat  that  not  in  Spain  only 
were  there  ministers  eager  for  war,  Fourquevaux  ended 
the  colloquy  and  took  his  leave.  His  interview  with 
Alba,  which  took  place  the  following  morning,  was  a  mere 
repetition  of  that  with  the  King,  and  Fourquevaux,  finally 
convinced  of  Philip's  inflexible  determination  to  maintain 
his  haughty  attitude,  wrote  Catherine  that  "there  could 
be  no  hope  of  any  reparation  of  the  said  massacre."  " 

The  interview  between  Fourquevaux  and  Philip  had 
occurred  during  the  first  week  in  April,  and  throughout 

»Alavato  Philip  II.,  Sept.  i,  1566,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1506(44). 
*  Fourquevaux  to  Catherine  de'  Medici,  April  9,  1566,  D^pickes,  p.  69. 


The  French  Revenge  321 

the  following  months  the  controversy  dragged  slowly 
along,  once  stimulated  by  the  sending  of  a  memorial  by 
Charles  and  Catherine,'  and  at  other  times  by  occasional 
returns  to  the  subject  in  Fourquevaux's  audiences  with 
Philip.''  Only  in  December,  ten  months  after  the  incep- 
tion of  the  negotiations,  came  a  formal  reply  of  the 
Spanish  Government  to  the  French  complaints,  a  not 
unexpected  delay,  for  Ruy  Gomez,  Prince  of  EboH, 
whom  Fourquevaux  had  visited  in  the  pleasant  Bosque 
de  Segovia,  under  the  shadow  of  the  mountains,  had  told 
him  "that  it  was  the  custom  of  this  Court  to  proceed 
slowly  in  all  matters,  and  with  great  negligence  or  de- 
lay." '  The  Spanish  reply  is  a  brief  paragraph  only,  and 
as  it  practically  brought  the  issue  to  a  close,  it  is  here 
transcribed  in  full  because  it  affords  a  complete  and 
accurate  summary  of  the  Spanish  attitude  and  is  notable 
for  the  absence  of  any  reference  to  the  religious  aspect  of 
the  question.  The  words  read:  "To  all  the  articles 
which  treat  of  the  Florida  incident  there  is  little  new  to 
answer  other  than  what  has  been  previously  said,  that 
the  Adelantado,  Pero  Men^ndez  de  Avil^s  did  not  chastise 
the  men  he  found  there  as  vassals  of  the  Most  Christian 
King,  but  as  pirates  and  infractors  of  the  public  peace, 
having  possessed  themselves  of  that  country,  which  so 
properly  and  rightly  belongs  to  his  Catholic  Majesty,  as 
is  understood,  and  therefore  there  can  be  no  doubt  that, 
given  the  prudence  and  sense  of  justice  of  the  Most 
Christian  King,  he  will  be  satisfied  once  for  all  with  what 
is  here  said,  since  it  is  the  unvarnished  truth."  * 

'  "  Memoire  envoyee  par  Charles  IX.  et  Catherine  de  Medicis  k  Fourque- 
vaux," May  12,  1566,  in  Gaffarel,  Hist,  de  la  Floride,  p.  437. 

'Fourquevaux  to  Charles  IX.,  July  5,  1566,  D/peckes,  p.  93;  Aug.  11, 
1566,  ibid.,  p.  103;  Aug.  18,  1566,  ibid.,  p.  104;  same  to  Catherine  de' 
Medici,  Aug.  23,  1566,  ibid.,  p.  Il6. 

^Fourquevaux  to  Catherine  de'  Medici,  Aug.  23,  1566,  Dipeches,  p.  116. 

* "  La  pura  verdad."  "  Reponse  du  Roi  Catholique,"  Dec,  1566, 
D^eches,  p.  163. 


k 


322  The  Spanish  Settlements 

One  point,  however,  was  achieved.  The  women  and 
the  children  under  fourteen  years  of  age  taken  at  Fort 
Caroline,  to  the  number  of  forty-eight  in  all,  who  had 
been  sent  to  Santiago  de  Cuba,  were  set  at  liberty,  and 
the  balance  of  the  French  prisoners  were  to  be  forwarded 
to  the  Casa  de  Contrataci6n  at  Seville  and  to  be  detained 
there  until  their  cause  had  been  heard.'  This  was  fol- 
lowed in  the  course  of  two  months  by  the  release  of  at 
least  one  of  the  men  who  had  been  captured  at  the  fort.' 

Notwithstanding  the  submissive  attitude  of  the  French 
Government  and  the  chilling  reception  which  it  gave  to 
the  public  demonstrations  of  the  widows  and  orphans  of 
the  Florida  victims,  the  annual  treasure  fleet  delayed  its 
sailing  through  fear  of  the  French,'  and  Catherine  con- 
tinued in  her  favourable  attitude  towards  Coligny."  With 
the  successful  outcome  of  Montluc's  descent  upon  Madeira 
in  conjunction  with  the  English,  the  hope  for  vengeance 
was  revived,  and  "the  pirates,  openly  favoured,  moved 
freely  about  the  towns,  * '  where  none  dared  forbid  them 
in  spite  of  the  King's  order  to  apprehend  them.'  Their 
activity  on  the  high  seas  was  continued  with  unabated 
vigour,  and  some  of  them,  like  Captain  Mymy,  of  La 
Rochelle,  and  Sandoval,  of  Belle-Isle-en-Mer,  wreaked 

'  Fourquevaux  to  Charles  IX.,  Feb.  22,  1566,  Ddptches,  p.  61,  where  he 
says  there  were  30  women  and  18  children.  "  Reponse  du  Roi  Catho- 
lique,"  Dec,  1566,  ibid.,  p.  163.  In  the  "  Plaintes  et  Suppliques  de 
I'Ambassadeur  de  France  au  Roi  d'Espagne,  Philippe  II.,"  July  20,  1566, 
fol.  3,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1506  (23),  and  in  "Memento  pour 
I'Ambassadeur  de  France  en  Espagne,"  June  10,  1568,  MS.,  ibid.,  K, 
1506  (104),  there  is  mention  of  8  men  and  some  children  at  Puerto  Rico 
and  Santo  Domingo, 

«  Fourquevaux  to  Charles  IX.,  Feb.  13,  1567,  D^peches,  p.  179  ;  Feb.  23, 
1567,  ibid.,  p.  186. 

3  Fourquevaux  to  Charles  IX.,  July  5,  1566,  D^p^ches,  p.  97. 

4  Alava  to  Philip  II.,  June  5,  1566,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1506  (5). 
■^Alava  to  Philip  II.,  Nov.  20,   1566,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1506 

(80);  Nov.  26,  1566,  MS.,  ibid.,  K,  1506  (81);  Fourquevaux  to  Charles 
IX.,  Feb.  23,  1567,  Dipeches,  p.  182. 


The  French  Revenge  323 

their  vengeance  on  the  unfortunate  Spaniards  by  drown- 
ing the  crews  of  the  vessels  they  captured.' 

With  the  opening  of  1567  Fourquevaux,  who  during 
the  early  stage  of  the  negotiations  had  advised  his  mas- 
ters of  what  little  he  could  learn  concerning  the  poverty 
and  destitution  of  the  Spanish  settlements  in  Florida 
and  the  ease  with  which  the  French  could  overcome 
them/  now  wrote  that  the  Florida  garrisons  had  risen 
several  times  against  Avil^s  and  had  even  attempted 
to  kill  him ' ;  that  the  soldiers,  driven  to  desperation 
by  starvation  and  the  failure  of  their  pay,  had  scattered 
abroad  through  the  country,  and  were  thought  to  have 
fallen  victims  to  the  Indians;  that  but  one  hundred  men 
remained  in  the  fort,  thirty  of  whom  were  Frenchmen 
saved  from  the  wreck  of  Ribaut,  who  had  pledged  them- 
selves to  Men^ndez ;  that  Fort  Caroline  had  been  burnt 
to  the  ground  and  that  Avil^s  had  gone  to  the  Canaries, 
where  he  was  awaiting  the  arrival  of  two  companies  of 
foot  soldiers  from  Seville/  Although  Aviles  at  the  time 
of  this  writing  was  actually  at  Havana,  the  account  was 
substantially  correct.  The  time  was  so  opportune  for 
giving  vent  to  the  pent-up  spirit  of  revenge  which  was 
still  slumbering  in  the  bosom  of  every  honest  Frenchman 
that  it  seems  more  than  a  mere  coincidence  that  at  this 

'Fourquevaux  to  Charles  IX.,  1566?  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1507 
(4) ;  Raport  du  Docteur  Enveja  sur  la  situation  des  choses  en  France  au 
moment  de  son  depart  pour  revenir  en  Espagne,  Feb.  22,  1567,  MS.,  idid., 
K,  1507  (61);  Fourquevaux  to  Charles  IX.,  March  24,  1567,  Depeches,  p. 
193  ;  Eraso  to  Philip  II.,  May  13,  1567,  MS.  Direc.  de  Hidrog.,  Madrid, 
Col.  Navarrete,  tomo  xxi.,  Doc.  No.  81  ;  Alava  to  Philip  II.,  Aug.  3,  1567, 
MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1508  (42);  Aug.  12,  1567,  MS.,  ibid.,  K,  1508 
(45)  ;  Aug.  19,  1567,  MS.,  ibid.,  K,  1508  (47)  ;  Aug.  25,  1567,  MS.,  ibid., 
K,  1508  (49);  Aug.  28.  1567,  yi'a.,ibid.,  K,  1508  (50);  Catherine  de' 
Medici  to  Alava,  Aug.  30,  1567,  MS.,  ibid.,  K,  1508  (51). 

**  Fourquevaux  to  Charles  IX.,  April  30,  1566,  DJpeches,  p.  81. 

^Fontanedo  in  his  "Memoria,"  Col.  Doc.  Inedit.  Indias,  tomo  v.,  p. 
540,  mentions  the  plot  of  a  Basque  to  sell  Aviles  to  the  Indians. 

*  Fourquevaux  to  Catherine  de*  Medici,  Jan.  4,  1567,  Depeches,  p.  159. 


324  The  Spanish  Settlements 

very  moment  when  the  hour  was  found  the  man  had  also 
presented  himself.  There  is  not  a  scrap  of  evidence  that 
has  yet  been  produced  to  connect  Gourgues  with  this 
timely  warning  addressed  to  the  French  sovereigns,  but 
he  himself  says  that  "in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1567 
.  .  .  [he]  resolved  to  go  to  Florida  to  attempt  to  re- 
venge the  insult  offered  to  the  King  and  to  all  France."  ' 
If  the  French  Queen  and  her  royal  son  actually  did  lend 
their  aid  to  the  enterprise,  there  were  the  weightiest  of 
political  reasons  why  their  participation  should  have  been 
kept  profoundly  secret. 

Dominique  de  Gourgues  was  born  at  Mont  de  Marsan, 
in  the  Landes,  about  1530.'  He  came  of  a  distinguished 
Roman  Catholic  family,  and  was  himself  in  all  probabil- 
ity of  the  Roman  Catholic  religion."  He  had  seen  service 
in  Italy,  where  he  had  been  captured  by  the  Spaniards, 
and  had  served  them  chained  to  the  bank  of  one  of  their 
galleys,*  and  he  now  set  about  collecting  a  small  fleet 
with  which  to  punish  the  affront  put  upon  his  country- 
men. Although  conducted  with  the  greatest  secrecy,  it 
appears  that  these  preparations  did  not  entirely  escape 
the  sharp  eyes  of  the  Spanish  agent.  Dr.  Enveja,  who 
informed  his  Government  in  February  that  the  French, 

•  La  Reprise  de  la  Floride  .  .  publiee  par  M.  Ph.  Tamizey  de 
Larroque,  Paris,  Bordeaux,  1867,  p.  29. 

2  Gaffarel,  Histoire  de  la  Floride  Fran^aise,  p.  263. 

3M.  le  Vicomte  A.  de  Gourgues  in  the  Bulletin  du  Comity d' ArcUologie 
de  la  Province  EccUsiastique  d'Auch,  1861,  tome  ii.,  pp.  466-490,  estab- 
lishes that  Gourgues's  Protestantism  is  not  mentioned  by  early  historians, 
but  is  first  asserted  by  Haag  in  1853.  That  both  his  parents  were  Roman 
Catholics ;  that  his  brother,  who  aided  the  expedition,  was  a  Roman 
Catholic;  that  Gourgues's  intimacies  and  affiliations  were  with  the 
Roman  Catholics  and  that  he  was  subsequently  employed  by  the  King 
against  them.  While  the  Vicomte  does  not  absolutely  establish  that 
Gourgues  was  not  of  the  Reformed  religion,  he  certainly  creates  a  very 
strong  presumption  that  he  was  a  Roman  Catholic.  Writers  who  accept  the 
evidence  as  conclusive  have  gone  too  far. 

*  Gaffarel,  Histoire  de  la  Floride  Francaise,  p.  264. 


The  French  Revenge  325 

whose  "dissimulation,  malice,  deceit,  and  treachery  had 
never  reached  so  high  a  pitch  as  at  that  moment,"  were 
equipping  another  fleet  "for  the  slave  trade,  under  colour 
of  which  they  are  arming  to  commit  robberies  . 
for  they  bear  the  Florida  affair  as  fresh  before  their  eyes 
as  if  it  had  occurred  to-day."'  The  true  object  of 
Gourgues's  expedition  had  evidently  escaped  him,  for  its 
apparent  purpose  was  the  slave  trade,  as  Enveja  had  re- 
ported, and  its  real  destination  was  not  revealed,  even  to 
the  crew,  until  the  vessels  were  well  on  their  way." 

Gourgues  was  largely  assisted  in  his  preparations  by 
his  brother  Ogicr,^  who  had  served  as  prisoner  in  the 
Spanish  galleys  during  the  Florentine  war,  and  he  set  sail 
August  2d  from  Bordeaux  in  a  large  vessel  of  not  more 
than  two  hundred  and  fifty  tons  and  two  smaller  ones  of 
one  hundred  and  twenty  and  of  fifty  tons  respectively, 
with  a  complement  of  one  hundred  arquebusiers  and 
eighty  sailors,  all  well  armed.  So  cautious  was  he  that 
his  commission  made  no  mention  of  Florida,  but  author- 
ised him  to  visit  the  African  coast  in  order  to  make  war 
on  the  negroes.  Forced  by  contrary  winds  to  put  into 
the  mouth  of  the  Charente,  he  did  not  finally  leave  the 
coast  of  France  until  the  22nd  of  August.  The  first  ren- 
dezvous was  on  the  Barbary  coast,  whence  Gourgues 
sailed  to  Cape  Blanco,  where  he  had  two  encounters 
with  the  negro  chiefs,  incited  to  attack  him  by  the  Portu- 
guese,  who  had  a   stronghold   in   that   vicinity.     From 

'  Raport  du  Docteur  Enveja  sur  la  situation  des  choses  en  France,  etc., 
Feb.  22,  1567,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1507  (61). 

^  Dr.  Shea  (in  Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist.  Am.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  297)  states  :  "  That 
Gourgues  was  merely  a  slaver  is  evident  from  this  full  French  account." 
He  overlooks  the  existing  relations  between  the  French  and  Spanish  Gov- 
ernments and  the  treatment  openly  accorded  the  widows  of  the  Florida 
victims  by  their  own  Government,  which  rendered  a  subterfuge  of  primary 
importance. 

*Barcia,  Ensayo,  Afio  MDLXVII.,  p.  133,  Bulletin  du  Comitd d' Arch^' 
ologie  de  la  Pt-omnce  Eccldsiastique  d'Auch,  tome  ii.,  p.  479. 


326  The  Spanish  Settlements 

there  he  ran  to  the  West  Indies  and  visited  the  islands 
of  Dominica,  Puerto  Rico,  Mona,  and  Santo  Domingo. 
In  the  West  Indies  he  was  delayed  by  bad  weather  and 
drove  a  little  trade  with  the  natives  in  order  to  revictual 
his  ships." 

A  long  time  must  have  been  spent  in  wandering  among 
the  West  Indies,  for  the  following  year  had  already  set 
in,  when,  off  Cape  San  Antonio,  at  the  western  end  of 
Cuba,  Gourgues  assembled  his  people  and  finally  declared 
to  them  the  real  object  of  his  enterprise,  and  by  the  light 
of  a  full  moon  the  fleet,  increased  by  two  small  vessels, 
which  he  had  probably  captured  during  his  voyage, 
entered  the  Straits  of  Florida  and  soon  discovered  the 
shore.  While  he  was  coasting  along  to  the  north  the 
Spaniards  at  St.  Augustine  discovered  the  ships  and  fired 
a  gun  to  inform  them  of  the  vicinity  of  a  harbour  and  a 
settlement  in  case  they  were  Spaniards,  and  to  warn  them 
off  if  they  proved  to  be  pirates.  Gourgues  replied  to  the 
signal,  which  he  interpreted  to  be  a  salute,  but,  fearing 
discovery,  he  at  once  put  out  from  shore  and  did  not  re- 
turn till  the  night  had  fallen,  when  he  landed  on  an  island 
within  fifteen  leagues  of  San  Mateo.  His  good  fortune 
had  favoured  him,  for  the  island  was  that  of  Taca- 
tacuru,"  where  Father  Martinez  and  Captain  Pedro  de  la 
Rando  with  his  company  had  been  killed  by  the  Indians, 
and  whose  chief  was  a  close  ally  of  the  warlike  Saturiba. 
Gourgues  found  the  Indians  drawn  up  under  arms  along 

'  Dr.  Shea  {Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist.  Am.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  2S0)  says  he  sold  the 
slaves  he  had  captured  on  the  African  coast.  As  Dr.  Shea  in  his  notes 
{ibid.,  p.  297)  says  "  there  are  no  Spanish  accounts  whatever  "  of  Gourgues's 
expedition,  and  bases  his  own  account  on  the  Reprise  de  la  Floride,  in  which 
there  is  no  mention  of  any  such  traffic,  it  would  be  interesting  to  know  on 
what  authority  he  makes  the  statement.  Neither  is  there  any  mention  of  a 
trade  in  slaves  in  Barcia  quoted  by  Dr.  Shea.  It  is  true  that  the  relation 
in  La  Reprise  arouses  the  suspicion  that  such  may  have  been  the  case,  but 
not  to  the  extent  to  admit  of  so  positive  a  statement  as  he  makes. 

*  See  Appendix  AA,  Tacatacuru. 


The  French  Revenge  327 

the  shore  to  prevent  his  landing.  He  had  brought  with 
him  a  trumpeter,  who,  having  been  in  that  region  with 
the  French  colony  when  Fort  Caroline  was  built,  spoke 
the  native  language.  He  sent  the  trumpeter  ashore,  and 
as  soon  as  the  latter  was  recognised  by  the  natives  the 
French  were  allowed  to  land  and  were  received  with  the 
greatest  demonstrations  of  joy. 

Gourgues,  who  was  in  ignorance  of  the  hostile  attitude 
the  natives  had  assumed  towards  the  Spaniards,  did  not 
at  once  disclose  his  projects  to  them,  but,  by  tactful 
questions  and  suggestions,  sought  to  learn  their  temper 
and  to  what  extent  he  could  rely  upon  their  support  in 
his  designs  upon  the  fort.  Friendly  and  at  last  confiden- 
tial relations  were  speedily  established,  for  the  natives 
attempted  no  disguise  of  their  hatred  of  the  Spaniards; 
and  when  Gourgues,  having  ascertained  their  disposition, 
finally  revealed  to  them  his  purpose  to  deliver  them  from 
the  tyranny  of  their  oppressors,  he  found  them  ready  and 
anxious  to  render  him  all  of  the  assistance  in  their  power. 
Saturiba,  who  with  other  chiefs  visited  the  French  on 
the  day  following  their  arrival,  presented  Gourgues  with 
a  French  lad,  sixteen  years  old,  named  Pierre  Debray,' 
who  was  found  in  the  woods  by  the  Indians  after  the  cap- 
ture of  Fort  Caroline,  and  had  been  brought  up  by  them. 
From  Debray  Gourgues  learned  of  the  situation  of  the 
two  blockhouses  at  the  mouth  of  the  St.  John's,  and, 
having  sent  a  party  to  reconnoitre  them,  directed  the 
Indians  to  prepare  for  the  attack. 

In  the  course  of  three  days  the  scouting  party  re- 
turned, and  Saturiba,  having  assembled  his  forces,  de- 
parted by  night  for  the  mouth  of  a  river  which  the 
French  thought  was  the  Alimacany,  where  he  was  re- 
joined at  daybreak  by  Gourgues  in  two  boats  with  all  of 
his  soldiers  and  sixty  sailors.  Francois  Lague  was  left  in 
charge  of  the  ships,  which  he  was  to  put  in  condition  for 

'  Probably  the  Pedro  Breu  of  Barcia,  Ensayo,  Ano  MDLXVIIL,  p.  135. 


L 


328  The  Spanish  Settlements 

an  immediate  departure.  Crossing  the  river  the  march 
was  continued  from  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning  until 
five  in  the  evening,  through  the  marshes  and  water,  to 
the  river  Sarabay,'  Gourgues  carrying  his  cuirass  on  his 
back.  At  the  river  he  was  reinforced  by  three  more 
parties  of  Indians,  and  learning  that  the  blockhouses  were 
now  but  two  leagues  distant,  he  determined  to  recon- 
noitre them  in  person,  although  he  had  eaten  nothing 
during  the  entire  day.  Crossing  the  river  with  a  little 
company  of  soldiers  he  again  waded  through  marshes, 
and  creeks,  and  in  great  darkness,  to  the  neighbourhood 
of  the  first  fort,  where  he  was  halted  by  a  small  stream 
rendered  impassable  by  the  rising  tide.  Greatly  disap- 
pointed, for  he  had  hoped  to  begin  the  attack  on  the 
following  morning,  he  was  retracing  his  steps  when  an 
Indian  offered  to  conduct  him  to  the  neighbourhood  of 
the  fort  by  a  longer  but  better  path  along  the  shore.  With- 
out giving  his  weary  soldiers  time  to  rest,  he  set  out  again 
with  his  entire  force,  marched  all  night,  and  at  daybreak 
came  out  at  the  creek  again.  The  tide  was  full,  and  on 
the  failure  of  his  men  to  discover  a  ford,  he  was  obliged 
to  abandon  his  intention  of  surprising  the  Spaniards  dur- 
ing their  sleep,  and  withdrew  to  a  neighbouring  wood  to 
wait  for  low  water.  He  had  scarcely  reached  the  wood 
when  it  began  to  rain  so  hard  that  with  the  greatest  dif^- 
culty  his  soldiers  could  keep  their  matches  alight. 

With  the  increasing  daylight  Gourgues  observed  that 
the  intrenchments  about  the  blockhouse  had  been  just 
begun,  and  he  soon  saw  the  Spaniards  at  work  on  the 
fort,  which  caused  him  some  anxiety  lest  his  presence 
had  been  discovered.  At  ten  o'clock  the  tide  had  fallen 
sufificiently  to  allow  the  passage  of  the  creek,  and  select- 
ing a  spot  where  a  grove  of  trees  intervened  between  the 
creek  and  the  fort  and  concealed  the  approach,  the  men 

1  Parkman  suggests  Talbot  Inlet,  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World, 
Boston,  1893,  p.  168. 


The  French  Revenge  329 

waded  across,  with  the  water  waist-deep,  their  ammuni- 
tion tied  to  their  morions,  and  carrying  their  arquebuses 
and  matches  in  one  hand  and  their  swords  in  the  other. 
Most  of  the  men  had  their  shoes  cut  through  and  their 
feet  wounded  by  the  sharp  edges  of  the  oyster  shells 
which  covered  the  bed  of  the  creek.  Behind  the  grove 
they  re-formed,  still  unperceived  by  the  Spaniards,  who 
were  peacefully  digging  for  water.  A  lieutenant  was 
told  off  with  a  party  of  soldiers  and  sailors  who  carried  fire- 
pots  and  fire-lances  with  which  to  burn  down  the  door  of 
the  fort,  and  Gourgues  made  them  a  brief  harangue. 
Pointing  to  the  fort,  which  was  visible  between  the  trees, 
he  exclaimed:  "Yonder  are  the  thieves  who  have  stolen 
this  land  from  our  King.  Yonder  are  the  murderers  who 
have  massacred  our  French.  On  !  on  !  let  us  avenge  our 
King !  let  us  show  that  we  are  Frenchmen !  "  And  he  at 
once  commanded  his  lieutenant  to  attack  the  entrance 
with  his  company,  while  he  with  the  remainder  of  his 
troops  advanced  to  a  low  platform  alongside  of  the  fort, 
where  there  was  the  beginning  of  a  trench. 

The  Spaniards  had  just  dined,  "and  were  still  picking 
their  teeth,"  says  the  account,  which  M.  Larroque  attri- 
butes to  Gourgues  himself.'  A  Spanish  gunner  had  as- 
cended the  platform,  when  he  suddenly  perceived  the 
French  approaching  head  down  and  with  long  strides. 
' '  To  arms !  to  arms  !"  he  shouted.  ' '  Here  are  the  French, 
and  he  let  fly  at  them  twice  with  a  big  culverin  which 
stood  upon  the  terrace  towards  which  Gourgues  had 
directed  his  attack.  As  he  was  about  to  load  it  for  the 
third  time,  Olotoraca,"  an  Indian  chief  who  had  attached 
himself  to  Gourgues  and  served  him  as  guide,  sprang 
upon  the  platform  and  transfixed  the  gunner  with  his 
pike.     The  Spaniards,  who  had  rushed  to  arms  at  the 

'  La  Reprise  de  la  Floride,  p.  I2. 

*Gatschet  in  his  Migration  Legend  of  the  Creek  Indians,  vol.  i.,  p.  62 
says  that  the  Creek  olataraca  signifies  "great  leader." 


330  The  Spanish  Settlements 

first  alarm,  now  poured  out  of  the  fort,  still  uncertain 
whether  to  fight  or  to  retreat.  Then  Gourgues's  lieuten- 
ant, fearing  they  would  slip  through  his  fingers,  called  out 
to  the  Captain  that  they  were  escaping,  and  Gourgues, 
who  with  his  men  had  already  reached  the  terrace,  which 
he  was  about  to  ascend,  turned  to  one  side,  and  the  un- 
fortunate Spaniards  found  themselves  caught  between  the 
two  bands.  Not  one  of  the  sixty  members  of  the  garri- 
son escaped  death  except  those  who  were  captured.  "As 
many  as  possible  were  taken  alive,  by  Captain  Gourgues's 
order,  to  do  to  them  what  they  had  done  to  the  FreJich," 
continues  the  account. 

The  fort  taken,  Gourgues  immediately  turned  his  atten- 
tion to  the  second  fort,  which  had  greatly  impeded  the 
attack  by  keeping  up  a  continual  artillery  fire  from  across 
the  river.  The  French  had  discovered  four  pieces  of 
artillery  in  the  blockhouse,  one  of  which,  the  culverin 
which  had  been  fired  at  their  approach,  was  marked  with 
the  armorial  bearing  of  Henry  II.,  having  probably  been 
captured  from  the  French  at  the  time  of  the  massacre, 
and  the  sight  of  it  only  served  to  increase  their  irritation. 
These  guns  they  trained  on  the  second  fort,  while 
Gourgues,  crossing  the  St.  John's,  took  up  a  position  be- 
tween the  blockhouse  and  a  grove  of  trees,  close  at  hand, 
to  which  he  thought  the  Spaniards  would  attempt  to 
escape  in  order  to  retreat  to  Fort  Mateo,  which  was  but 
a  league  distant.  According  to  the  French  account 
Gourgues  had  scarcely  touched  the  other  shore,  when  his 
Indian  allies,  unable  longer  to  restrain  their  impatience 
and  wait  for  the  boat,  plunged  into  the  stream,  swimming 
with  one  arm  and  carrying  their  bows  aloft  with  the  other. 
At  the  sight  of  such  numbers,  the  Spaniards,  greatly  ter- 
rified and  altogether  unable  to  discern  between  the  white 
men  and  the  savages,  took  flight  for  the  woods,  where 
they  found  themselves  caught  between  the  Indians  and  the 
French.     In  their  panic  the  fugitives  were  all  mercilessly 


The  French  Revenge  331 

slaughtered  except  some  fifteen,  which  Gourgues,  with 
great  difficulty,  succeeded  in  saving  alive,  in  order  to 
mete  out  to  them  the  same  fate  which  he  had  reserved 
for  the  prisoners  taken  at  the  first  fort.  Las  Alas  with 
much  greater  probability  relates  that  when  the  Spaniards 
in  the  second  blockhouse  had  seen  the  slaughter  of  their 
companions  and  had  exhausted  their  ammunition  in  firing 
at  the  French  across  the  river,  they  spiked  their  guns  and 
withdrew  to  St.  Augustine.  The  date  of  this  victory  was 
April  1 2th,  the  eve  of  Quasimodo,  the  first  Sunday  after 
Easter.' 

Returning  to  the  first  blockhouse,  Gourgues  fortified 
his  position  and  rested  over  Sunday,  while  he  considered 
how  he  should  next  proceed  against  San  Mateo.  From 
one  of  his  prisoners  he  learned  the  plan  of  the  fort  and 
the  size  of  the  rampart,  and  had  eight  ladders  made 
of  sufficient  height  to  scale  it.  Monday  he  captured  a 
Spanish  spy  disguised  as  an  Indian,  who  had  been  sent 
out  by  Nufiez  to  learn  what  the  French  were  about. 
Interrogated  by  Gourgues,  the  spy  informed  him  that  the 
Spanish  garrison  did  not  exceed  two  hundred  men,  and 
were  so  surprised  that  they  were  at  a  loss  what  to  do,  for 
the  French  had  been  reported  to  them  as  two  thousand 
strong.  So  encouraged  was  Gourgues  by  this  informa- 
tion that  he  immediately  began  his  preparations  for  the 
attack.  The  blockhouse  was  placed  in  charge  of  a  cap- 
tain with  fifteen  soldiers,  and  the  following  night  the 
Indians  were  stationed  in  ambuscade  around  San  Mateo, 
Vvhile  he  himself  set  out  in  the  morning  with  part  of  his 
men,  and  with  the  prisoner,  who  had  given  him  the  de- 
scription, and  the  spy  tied  together  to  conduct  him  to 
the  fort,  and  to  verify  their  statements. 

The  garrison  at  San  Mateo,  however,  were  not  as 
entirely  unprepared  as  the  Spanish  spy  had  led  Gourgues 
to  believe.  On  seeing  the  strange  vessels  put  out  to  sea 
'  Gaffarel,  Hist,  de  la  Floride  Fran^aise,  p.  295. 


332  The  Spanish  Settlements 

in  place  of  entering  the  harbour  in  reply  to  his  signal  Las 
Alas  had  advised  Nunez  of  their  presence,  warned  him  to 
be  on  his  guard  against  a  descent  of  the  pirates,  for  such 
he  took  them  to  be,  and  had  sent  the  garrison  a  boat- 
load of  provisions.  Sunday  following  the  capture  of 
the  two  blockhouses  he  had  despatched  two  soldiers  by 
land  to  Outina,  from  where  with  half  a  dozen  Indians 
they  were  to  reach  San  Mateo  by  river  and  deliver  a 
second  letter  of  warning  to  Nunez  and  the  commander, 
Castellon ;  but  this  reinforcement  was  destined  to  arrive 
too  late.' 

On  approaching  San  Mateo  the  garrison  soon  discovered 
the  French  and  opened  upon  them  with  their  artillery, 
which  commanded  the  banks  of  the  river.  Gourgues  as- 
cended the  wooded  hill  at  the  foot  of  which  the  fort  was 
situated,  perhaps  the  very  height  from  which  Le  Challeux 
had  looked  back  and  seen  the  massacre  of  his  companions 
in  the  court.  Advancing  amidst  the  trees,  which  con- 
cealed and  protected  him  from  the  Spaniards,  he  drew  as 
close  to  the  fort  as  he  wished,  where  he  halted,  intending 
to  attack  it  the  following  morning.  But  the  impatient 
Spaniards  could  brook  no  delay  and  made  a  sortie  with 
sixty  soldiers  to  reconnoitre  his  forces.  It  was  a  fatal 
mistake.  From  his  commanding  position  Gourgues  saw 
them  advance  along  the  trench,  crouching  low  to  escape 
observation.  He  at  once  sent  his  lieutenant  with  twenty 
men  to  place  themselves  in  their  rear,  between  them  and 
the  fort,  and  then  charged  them  in  person,  having  ordered 
his  troops  to  hold  their  fire  until  they  were  close  to  the 
enemy,  and  then  to  draw  their  swords.  On  reaching 
the  foot  of  the  hill  where  the  French  were  concealed, 
the  Spaniards  were  received  with  a  volley,  and  then  fol- 
lowed a  hand-to-hand  combat  in  which  the  French  used 
their  swords  so  well  that  the  Spaniards  turned  to  withdraw 

'  See  Appendix  BB,  The  Spanish  Account  of  Gourgues's  Attack  on  Saa 
Mateo. 


The  French  Revenge  333 

into  the  fort ;  but  their  retreat  was  cut  off  by  the  lieuten- 
ant and  they  were  all  slain. 

On  seeing  the  reception  their  comrades  had  met  with, 
those  who  had  remained  in  the  fort  attempted  to  escape 
into  the  forest  only  to  fall  a  prey  to  the  Indians,  by 
whom  they  were  shot  down  and  cut  to  pieces.  Gourgues, 
who  had  followed  after  them,  succeeded  in  saving  a  few 
of  them  alive,  but  the  majority  were  killed,  with  the  ex- 
ception of  the  commander,  and  several  of  his  com- 
panions, who  finally  managed  to  make  their  escape,' 
cutting  their  way  through  with  their  swords.  A  large 
quantity  of  arms  was  found  in  the  captured  fort;  but  a 
fatality  seemed  to  haunt  the  place,  and  for  the  second 
time  the  magazines  and  houses  were  consumed  by  a  fire 
accidentally  lighted  by  an  Indian.  The  artillery  was 
saved,  carried  on  board  the  vessels,  and  brought  back  to 
France. 

There  now  remained  but  one  more  act  to  complete  the 
drama. 

"  The  Spaniards  captured  alive  in  the  last  fort  were  con- 
ducted to  the  place  where  they  had  hanged  the  French,  after 
that  Captain  Gourgues  had  shown  them  the  affront  they  had 
put  upon  the  King.  .  .  .  '  And  though  you  cannot  suffer 
the  punishment  you  deserve,'  he  said,  '  it  is  necessary  that  you 
undergo  that  which  the  enemy  can  honestly  inflict  upon  you, 
that  by  your  example  others  may  learn  to  preserve  the  peace 
and '  alliance,  which  you  have  violated  in  so  wicked  and  un- 
fortunate a  way.'  Having  said  this,  they  are  swung  from  the 
branches  of  the  same  trees  on  which  they  had  hung  the  French, 
and  in  place  of  the  inscription  which  Pedro  Menendez  had 
put  up  containing  these  words  in  Spanish:  I  do  this  not  as  to 
Frenchmen  but  as  to  Lutherans^  Captain  Gourgues  causes  to  be 
inscribed  with  a  hot  iron  on  a  pine  tablet :  /  do  this  not  as  to 
Spaniards^  nor  as  to  Marranos,  but  as  to  traitors,  robbers  and 
murderers. ' ' 

'  Barcia,  Ensayo,  Ano  MDLXVIII.,  p.  136. 


334  The  Spanish  Settlements 

His  work  now  completed,  and  the  insult  to  France 
wiped  out  in  blood,  Gourgues  turned  his  face  for  home. 
Before  his  departure  he  assembled  his  men  and  offered 
thanks  to  God  for  his  victory,  and  on  Monday,  May  3d, 
set  sail  for  France.  Bartolom^  Menendez,  on  his  return 
to  Spain  in  1569,  informed  Aviles  that  Gourgues  left 
three  or  four  of  his  men  among  the  Indians  friendly  to 
the  French  to  preach  their  evil  sect  to  them.'  But  from 
the  character  of  the  French  raid,  it  is  much  more  prob- 
able that  these  men,  if  they  really  belonged  to  the  com- 
pany of  Gourgues  and  were  not  survivors  of  the  Fort 
Caroline  massacre,  were  deserters  rather  than  mission- 
aries ( ! )  left  behind  by  the  French  adventurer.  On  his 
way  back  he  captured  three  Spanish  vessels,  the  crews 
of  which  were  thrown  into  the  sea,  and  on  the  6th 
of  June  reached  the  harbour  of  La  Rochelle  with  his 
captured  cannon  and  a  large  booty  of  gold,  silver,  pearls, 
and  merchandise  which  his  soldiers  declared  had  been 
found  at  San  Mateo,  but  which  the  Spanish  ambassador, 
with  far  greater  probability,  thought  to  be  the  proceeds 
of  his  robberies  on  the  high  seas.'  From  La  Rochelle 
he  proceeded  to  Bordeaux,  barely  escaping  a  Spanish 
fleet  sent  out  to  burn  his  vessels,"  and  in  that  city  he  al- 
most immediately  sold  the  captured  artillery."  So  great 
was  the  enthusiasm  aroused  by  his  return  that  Spes, 
the  Spanish  ambassador  to  England,  who  was  passing 
through  Bordeaux  at  the  time  on  his  way  from  Spain  to 
Paris,  was  mobbed  and  threatened,  and  on  crossing  the 

1  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  November  20,  1569,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo 
ii.,  p.  188. 

'^  La  Reprise  de  la  Floride,  pp.  29-65  ;  Alava  to  Philip  II.,  June  25.  1568, 
MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1511  (56);  June  28,  1568,   MS.,  ibid.,  K,  1511 

(59). 

*  La  Reprise  de  la  Floride,  p.  67. 

4 "  Estimation  des  pieces  d'artillerie  rapportees  par  Dominique  de 
Gourgues  de  la  Floride,"  Aug.  27,  156S,  in  La  Reprise  de  la  Floride,  p. 
71  ;  Gaffarel,  Hist,  de  la  Floride  Fran^aise,  p.  317. 


The  French  Revenge  335 

river  the  ships  were  pointed  out  to  him  with  which  the 
French  "had  avenged  their  friends  dead  in  Florida."  * 

Alava  notified  Philip  II.  as  early  as  the  25th  of  June 
of  the  defeat  of  the  Spaniards  in  Florida,  and  four  days 
later  the  news  reached  the  Spanish  Court."  Alava  at 
Paris  protested  at  once  against  the  outrage  committed  by 
the  French,  to  which  Catherine  merely  remarked:  "See 
how  they  have  only  just  written  me  that  they  have  taken 
Florida!"  "I  assure  your  Majesty,"  he  wrote,  "that 
she  said  it  with  a  manner  which  showed  her  great  joy."  " 
To  Spes,  who  also  protested  on  his  arrival  in  Paris,  she 
observed,  that  "the  Florida  affair  has  been  without  my 
knowledge  or  wish,"  and  Spes  in  his  report  to  Philip, 
added  that  "  the  artillery,  which  is  known  to  belong  to 
Your  Majesty,  has  been  ordered  to  be  returned  to  Spain."  * 

The  Gourgues  incident  practically  terminated  the  con- 
test between  Spain  and  France  for  the  possession  of 
American  territory  south  of  Canada,  until  the  curious 
attempt  of  Don  Diego  de  Penalosa,  more  than  a  century 
later,  to  enlist  the  French  Government  in  the  conquest 
of  New  Biscay,  which  probably  paved  the  way  for  La 
Salle's  colony  in  Texas.  The  subsequent  careers  of  the 
protagonists  of  the  French  colonies,  Laudonnitre  and 
Gourgues,  do  not  belong  to  this  history.  With  regard 
to  the  latter,  circumstances  were  such  that  a  public  ex- 
pression of  approval  on  the  part  of  his  government  was 
quite  out  of  the  question,  however  much  the  report  of  his 
achievement  had  quickened  the  heart-beats  of  his  King 

'Spes  to  Philip  II.,  July  19,  1568,  Correspondencia,  tomo  iii.,  p.  127. 
English  translation  in  Spanish  State  Papers,  1568-79,  II.  Elizabeth.  68, 
where  the  letter  is  dated  July  loth. 

2  Fourquevaux  to  Catherine  de'  Medici,  July  2,  1568,  Depeches,  p.  367. 

3  Alava  to  Philip  II.,  June  25,  1568,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1511 
(56) ;  June  28,  1568,  MS.,  ibid.,  K,  1511  (59)  ;  see  also  same  to  same,  July 
27,  1568,  MS.,  ibid.,  K,  1510  (12),  fol.  3b. 

*Spes  to  Philip  II.,  July  19,  1568,  Correspondencia,  tomo  iii.,  p.  127. 
English  translation  in  Spanish  State  Papers,  1568-79,  II.  Elizabeth,  68. 


33^  The  Spanish  Settlements 

and  Queen,  but  that  he  ultimately  received  the  recogni- 
tion which  he  deserved  of  his  country  there  is  no  longer 
any  doubt.  '  As  for  Laudonniere,  apparently  disap- 
pointed in  his  hopes  of  obtaining  anything  from  Philip, 
we  only  know  that  in  June,  1567,  he  was  still  lingering 
about  the  French  Court  in  company  with  some  of  the 
Normans  who  had  been  to  Florida.* 

'  Gaffarel,  I/ist.  de  la  Floride  Fran^aise,  p.  314  ei  seq. 

2  Alava  to  Philip  II.,  June  20, 1567,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1508  (24). 


J 


BOOK  III 

THE  QUALE  AND  VIRGINIA  MISSIONS; 
CONDITION  OF  THE  COLONY 


337 


BOOK  III 

THE  GUALE  AND  VIRGINIA  MISSIONS 
CONDITION  OF  THE  COLONY 


CHAPTER  I 

THE  GUALE    MISSION— DESTITUTION  OF  THE  COLONY 

THE  task  which  had  fallen  to  the  lot  of  Father  Rogel 
proved  arduous  and  thankless.  Despite  his  efforts 
to  acquire  the  language  of  the  Caloosas,  he  still  found  it 
necessary  to  employ  interpreters  in  preaching  among 
them  and  in  explaining  to  them  the  principal  articles  of 
the  Christian  religion.  The  instruction  was  of  the 
simplest  kind  and  probably  consisted  in  teaching  them 
to  recite  the  Pater  Noster,  the  Ave  Maria,  the  Credo, 
Salve,  and  the  Commandments.  Together  with  this  the 
attempt  was  made  to  inculcate  into  their  savage  hearts 
the  first  principles  of  Christian  morals.  It  was  a  difBcult 
task  to  turn  them  from  their  ancient  customs.  He  suc- 
ceeded in  gathering  about  him  a  great  number  of  the 
children  on  whom  he  hoped  to  make  some  impression, 
using  every  effort  to  attract  them,  and  distributing  among 
them  for  a  time  the  corn-meal  which  Fr.  Francisco  de 
Toral,  the  Franciscan  Bishop  of  Yucatan,  had  sent  him, 
when  he  learned  of  his  missionary  labours.  But  "the 
339 


340  The  Spanish  Settlements 

children  who  assembled  to  chant  the  doctrine  recited 
only  the  call  of  hunger,"  and  their  interest  ceased  when 
the  corn-meal  became  exhausted. 

With  the  adults  he  fared  no  better.  Like  Fray  Luis 
Descalona  in  Cicuye,  he  only  succeeded  in  arousing 
the  jealousy  of  the  shamans,  who  directed  all  of  their 
endeavours  to  create  a  breach  between  the  natives  and 
the  Spaniards.  One  day,  while  conducting  a  masked 
procession,  the  shamans  resolved  to  ascend  to  the  fort 
with  their  idols,  either  with  the  intention  of  compelling 
the  Spaniards  to  worship  them,  or  of  arousing  the  indig- 
nation of  the  Christians  and  providing  a  motive  for  killing 
Father  Rogel.  In  this  they  were  partly  successful,  for, 
as  the  procession  approached,  Father  Rogel  reprehended 
them  and  ordered  them  to  return  to  the  town.  As  the 
shamans,  regardless  of  his  warning,  continued  to  advance, 
Captain  Reynoso  rushed  upon  them  and  with  the  shaft 
of  his  lance  gave  one  of  the  masked  priests  so  severe  a 
blow  that  he  wounded  him  in  the  head.  The  enraged 
savages  rushed  at  once  to  their  huts,  where  they  armed 
themselves  with  their  clubs  and  staves,  and  some  fifty 
Indians  returned  to  the  fort,  but  they  found  the  Span- 
ish garrison  already  under  arms,  and  concluded  not  to 
attack  it. 

At  Tegesta  Brother  Villareal  found  the  natives  far  more 
docile.  He  made  much  progress  with  their  language, 
confirmed  many  of  the  adults  in  the  faith,  baptised  some 
of  the  children  and  even  a  few  of  the  older  people,  among 
others  an  old  chieftainess  on  the  point  of  death.  Large 
crosses  were  also  erected,  around  which  the  natives  gath- 
ered for  instruction.  But  on  the  whole  the  labours  of 
the  missionaries  bore  little  fruit,  for  the  older  converts 
soon  fell  away  and  returned  to  their  idols. 

The  Spaniards  had  been  settled  for  a  year  at  San  An- 
tonio when  it  was  discovered  that  Carlos  was  plotting 
their  death,  and,  their  patience  being  exhausted,  he  was 


The  Guale  Mission  341 

killed  to  make  place  for  his  successor,  Don  Felipe,  The 
new  chieftain  showed  himself  so  friendly  to  the  Spaniards 
that  hopes  were  entertained  that  on  the  return  of  Avil6s 
he  and  his  family  would  submit  to  baptism  and  that  he 
would  carry  the  entire  tribe  with  him.  But  again  Father 
Rogel  came  into  conflict  with  rooted  custom,  which  put 
his  teachings  at  defiance.  Don  Felipe  wished  to  marry 
his  sister,  and  when  the  Father  sought  to  impress  upon 
him  the  enormity  of  such  a  sin  committed  on  the  very 
verge  of  his  baptism,  the  Indian  coldly  replied  that  when 
he  should  be  baptised  he  would  repudiate  his  sister,  but 
that  in  the  meantime  he  was  compelled  to  conform  to  the 
customs  of  his  country,  the  laws  of  which  not  only  coun- 
tenanced such  a  marriage,  but  even  considered  it  neces- 
sary. With  the  absence  of  Avil6s  matters  had  now 
reached  such  a  pass  that  the  Spanish  garrison  was  subject 
to  the  same  privations  as  were  the  Indians,  and  Father 
Rogel  left  for  Havana  to  collect  alms  for  his  mission  and 
to  seek  assistance  for  the  settlement."  Here  he  appears 
to  have  remained  until  the  arrival  of  Father  Segura  and 
his  company  at  St.  Augustine  in  June,  1568. 

Among  the  first  matters  to  which  the  Adelantado  had 
turned  his  attention  on  reaching  Spain  was  the  increase 
of  the  number  of  missionaries  among  his  Florida  In- 
dians, and  in  no  wise  discouraged  by  the  sad  fate  which 
had  befallen  Father  Martinez,  Francisco  Borgia  readily 
lent  him  his  assistance.  Father  Juan  Bautista  de  Segura 
with  three  other  priests  and  ten  brothers "  were  selected 

1  Francisco  Javier  Alegre,  Historia  de  la  Compaiiia  de  Jesus  en  Nueva 
Espana,  Mexico,  1842,  tomo  i.,  pp.  14-17. 

^  Their  names  were  Fathers  Juan  Bautista  de  Segura,  Gonzalo  del  Alamo, 
Antonio  Sedeno,  and  Luis  de  Quires,  and  Brothers  Juan  de  la  Carrera,  Pedro 
Linares,  Domingo  Augustin,  otherwise  called  Domingo  Vaez,  Pedro  Ruiz 
de  Salvatierra,  Juan  Salcedo,  Gabriel  Gomez,  Sancho  Cevallos,  Juan  Bau- 
tista Mendez,  Gabriel  de  Solis,  and  Cristobal  Redondo.  Alegre  (tomo  i., 
p.  17),  says  three  fathers  and  three  coadjutors  were  appointed,  but  in  the 
course  of  his  account  he  gives  a  number  of  other  names  (see  pp.  18,   21, 


342  The  Spanish  Settlements 

to  renew  the  spiritual  conquest  of  the  country.  With 
them  went  a  number  of  Florida  Indians  who  had  been 
baptised.  Father  Segura,  who  was  appointed  the  Vice- 
Provincial,  was  a  native  of  Toledo,  and  after  his  entrance 
into  the  Society  had  been  named  rector  of  the  College 
of  Villimar  by  Francisco  Borgia.  From  Villimar  he  had 
been  transferred  to  the  College  of  Monterey  and  subse- 
quently to  Valladolid,  where  he  was  stationed  at  the  time 
when  he  was  selected  for  the  Florida  mission.  On  the 
13th  of  March  the  company  set  sail  from  the  port  of  San 
Lucar.  Touching  at  the  Canaries  and  Puerto  Rico,  at 
each  of  which  places  a  brief  stay  was  made,  St.  Augustine 
was  reached  on  the  29th  of  June.' 

The  missionaries  found  the  colony  in  a  sad  condition, 
a  veritable  wave  of  misfortune  having  overwhelmed  it. 
Gourgues  had  but  just  sailed  away  on  his  return  to 
France,  leaving  San  Mateo  a  heap  of  ruins.  Tocobaga 
was  deserted,  for  the  Indians  had  fallen  upon  the  garrison 
and  slain  them  all.  At  Tegesta  the  soldiers  were  in  the 
greatest  extremity.  They  had  killed  an  uncle  of  the 
chieftain  for  some  trifling  reason,  and  the  infuriated  sav- 

24).  Father  Luis  de  Quiros  replaced  Father  Alamo,  who  was  subsequently 
ordered  to  return  to  Europe.  Philip  Alegambe  in  his  Mortes  Illustres 
(Romae,  1567,  pp.  62,  63),  gives  only  the  list  of  the  names  of  the  Fathers 
who  accompanied  Father  Segura  to  Axacan,  which  agrees  with  the  corre- 
sponding list  given  by  Alegre  {ibid.,  p.  25),  except  that  Alegre  mentions  an 
additional  Brother,  Juan  Bautista  Mendez.  Garcilaso  in  La  Florida  del 
Inca  (Madrid,  1723,  lib.  vi.,  cap.  22,  p.  267),  also  gives  a  list  of  their  names. 
'  Barcia  {Ensayo,  Ano  MDLXVIII.,  p.  137)  states  that  Aviles  sailed 
March  13,  1568,  with  Segura  for  Florida.  In  this  error  he  has  been  fol- 
lowed by  Alegre  in  his  Historia  de  la  Companla  de  Jesus  en  Nuex'a  Espaiia 
(Mexico,  1842,  tomo  i.,  p.  22),  who  states  that  Aviles  came  over  with  Segura; 
by  Fairbanks  in  his  History  of  Florida  (Philadelphia,  1871,  p.  156),  who 
gives  the  date  of  March  17,  1568,  for  his  sailing,  and  by  Shea  in  his  The 
Catholic  Church  in  Colonial  Days  (New  York,  1886,  p.  143),  and  in  his 
"Ancient  Florida"  {Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist.  Am.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  281),  who 
gives  the  same  date.  Aviles  was,  however,  still  in  Spain  two  months  sub- 
sequent to  the  sailing  of  Segura:  see  his  letter  dated  at  Santander,  May  I2, 
1568  (Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  171). 


The  Guale  Mission  343 

ages  had  torn  down  the  crosses  which  Brother  Villareal 
had  set  up,  burned  their  huts,  and  withdrawn  into  the 
forest.  There  they  held  the  path  by  which  the  Spaniards 
went  to  draw  water,  killed  a  large  number  of  the  colo- 
nists, and  drove  the  survivors  to  take  refuge  with  the 
garrison  at  Santa  Lucia.  This  unexpected  increase  of 
its  population  created  so  great  a  famine  at  Santa  Lucia 
that  the  unfortunate  colonists  had  been  driven  to  the 
practice  of  cannibalism,  in  order  to  keep  alive.'  Of  the 
settlements  so  laboriously  founded  by  Avil^s  only  St. 
Augustine  and  San  Antonio  remained,  with  the  fort  of 
San  Felipe  at  Santa  Elena. 

At  St.  Augustine  the  half-naked  soldiers  and  the  settlers 
were  pallid  with  exhaustion  and  hunger,  say  the  Jesuit 
accounts,  for  Avil^s,  stirred  by  the  alarming  rumours 
which  reached  him  of  the  destruction  of  his  colonists  and 
the  miserable  plight  of  his  garrisons, '  notwithstanding  all 
of  his  efforts  to  assist  them  in  time,  had  found  it  impos- 
sible to  hasten  the  departure  of  relief  owing  to  the 
vexations  and  delays  of  his  old  enemy,  the  Casa  de  Con- 
trataci6n.^  Father  Segura  distributed  among  them  the 
garments  and  provisions  which  he  had  brought  with  him, 
and  the  soldiers,  being  "attracted  by  these  temporal  bene- 

'  Velasco,  Geografla  de  las  Indias,  iS7^~^574>  P-  i^^-  Francisco  Sac- 
chini,  Hist.  Societatis  "Jesu,  Pars  tertia,  Romce,  1650,  p.  200.  Alegre, 
Historia  de  la  Compania  de  fesus  en  Nueva  Espaiia,  tomo  i.,  p.  18.  Re- 
lacion  que  da  Juan  de  Velasco  cosmografo  mayor  de  Su  Majestad  de  lo 
sucedido  en  el  descubrimiento  de  la  Florida  desde  el  ano  de  14  hasta  el  de 
65.  MS.  Arch.  Gen.  de  Indias,  Seville,  Patronato,  est.  i,  caj.  i,  leg. 
1/19,  ramo  23.  Relacion  de  las  cosas  que  han  pasado  en  la  Florida  to- 
cantes  al  servicio  de  Dios  y  del  Rey.  Vino  con  carta  de  Juan  Mendez  6  de 
Abril,  1584,  MS.,  ibid.,  est.  54,  caj.  5,  leg.  i6,  fol.  i. 

'Fourquevaux  to  Charles  IX.,  Nov.  19,  1567,  Dipkhes,  p.  295.  Advis 
au  Roi  par  le  Prebtre,  Nov.  30,  1567,  ibid.,  p.  305  ;  Fourquevaux  to  Charles 
IX.,  March  9,  1568,  ibid.,  p.  336  ;  April  6,  1568,  ibid.,  p.  345. 

^  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Sept.  23,  1567,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p. 
170  ;  Deposition  of  the  Adelantado  Pero  Menendez  [de  Aviles],  March  28, 
1568,  Brit.  Mus.  Add.  MSS.,  33,  983,  fol.  328. 


344  The  Spanish  Settlements 

fits,  it  became  an  easy  matter  to  make  them  recognise  the 
hand  of  the  Lord  which  was  afflicting  them,  and  to  turn 
them  to  Him  by  confession,  with  which  they  all  prepared 
themselves  to  merit  the  Jubilee  which  was  immediately 
promulgated."  ' 

Father  Segura  shortly  realised  how  impossible  it  was 
for  the  depleted  colony  to  maintain  all  of  the  missionaries 
in  his  company,  a  conclusion  confirmed  by  the  experience 
of  Father  Rogel,  who  had  come  to  him  from  Havana. 
He  cherished  in  his  mind  the  plan  of  founding  a  Jesuit 
college  in  that  city,  not  only  for  the  Spanish  colonists 
but  also  for  the  instruction  of  the  sons  of  the  Floridian 
chiefs,  a  plan  which  had  its  inception  with  Father 
Rogel  during  one  of  his  previous  visits  there,  and  the 
opportunity  appeared  to  be  most  favourable  for  its  execu- 
tion. Brothers  Domingo  Augustin  and  Pedro  Ruiz  de 
Salvatierra  were  sent  to  Quale,"  and  with  Father  Rogel 
and  the  balance  of  his  companions  Father  Segura  pro- 
ceeded to  Havana,  where  it  would  appear  that  the  winter 
was  spent  in  establishing  the  college  and  in  work  among 
the  Spaniards  and  negroes.'  Both  Barcia  and  Pulgar* 
relate  an  incident  of  the  voyage  to  Havana.  On  the 
way  over  a  violent  storm  arose,  which  so  provoked  the 
pilot  that  he  swore  it  was  wholly  due  to  the  Jesuits  he 
had  on  board  ;  for  nothing  of  the  kind  had  ever  happened 
to  him  in  his  many  crossings  "with  Lutherans,  and  even 
with  Turks."     The  Fathers  succeeded   in   calming  the 

'  Alegre,  tomo  i.,  p.  i8. 

*Alegre(tomo  i.,  p.  i8)  says  the  two  brothers  were  sent  "to  Sutariva 
.  .  .  near  Santa  Elena,"  referring  probably  to  the  Indian  village  of 
Saturiba  at  the  mouth  of  the  St.  John's,  but  on  p.  22  he  says  they  were 
both  at  Guale  when  Father  Segura  returned  the  following  year.  Sacchini, 
p.  200. 

^Alegre,  tomo  i.,  pp.  18-21. 

*  Barcia,  Ensayo,  Afto  MDLXVIII.,  p.  137.  Pulgar,  Historia 
general  de  la  Florida,  Biblioteca  Nacional,  Madrid,  MSB.  2999,  fol, 
173. 


The  Guale  Mission  345 

storm  by  their  prayers,  but  the  unfortunate  pilot,  on  his 
return  to  Florida  "without  the  Jesuits,"  was  shortly  af- 
ter lost  with  all  of  his  belongings  at  the  very  place  where 
he  had  blasphemed. 

It  was  during  this  visit  of  Father  Segura  to  Havana 
that  Avil6s,  who  had  been  appointed  Governor  of  Cuba, 
arrived  there  on  his  second  visit  to  Florida,  We  have 
no  reliable  record  and  no  details  of  this  visit,  and  his 
presence  in  Florida  is  largely  a  matter  of  conjecture.  We 
have  no  knowledge  of  the  date  of  his  sailing,  but  it  was 
some  time  after  May  22,  1568,  and  possibly  at  the  end  of 
June  or  early  in  July,  after  Philip  had  received  the  news 
of  the  Spanish  defeat  in  Florida.  He  was  in  Havana  in 
April  of  the  following  year  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the 
fleet  from  New  Spain,  which  he  was  to  accompany  on  its 
return  home,'  and  is  said  to  have  visited  Tegesta  with 
Father  Segura.'  By  the  month  of  September  he  was  back 
again  in  Spain. 

In  the  following  year  (1569),  probably  in  the  early 
spring.  Father  Gonzalo  del  Alamo  and  Brother  Villareal 
were  sent  to  San  Antonio,  and  Father  Sedeiio  joined  the 
missionaries  at  Guale.  The  Vice-Provincial,  leaving 
Father  Rogel  and  three  brothers  at  Havana,  himself 
departed  for  Tegesta  with  one  of  the  neophytes,  a 
brother  of  the  cacique  of  Tegesta,  who  had  accompanied 
the  Jesuits  on  their  journey  from  Spain. ^  The  return  of 
their  tribesman,  whom  the  natives  had  long  thought  to 
have  died  at  the  hands  of  the  Spaniards,  secured  a  peace- 
ful reception  for  the  missionaries.  Laying  aside  their 
former  suspicions,  they  renewed  their  alliances  with  the 
Spaniards  and  restored  the  crosses.  But  this  peace- 
ful condition  of  affairs  lasted  only  for  a  time  and,  the 

'  See  Appendix  CC,  The  Second  Voyage  of  Aviles  to  Florida. 
'  Alegre,  tomo  i.,  p.  22. 

^Sacchini,  p.  20i,  calls  him  Jacob  ;  Alegre,  tomo  i.,  p.  32,  San- 
tiago. 


346  The  Spanish  Settlements 

difficulties  with  the  natives  reviving,  the  Spanish  garrison 
was  finally  withdrawn  in  1570.' 

The  settlement  at  San  Antonio  was  likewise  doomed. 
The  crafty  Don  Felipe  had  easily  imposed  upon  the  mis- 
sionaries, whom  he  allowed  to  destroy  his  venerated  idols, 
while  he  showed  a  ready  compliance  with  their  teaching. 
But  Reynoso  was  not  so  easily  deceived,  and,  another  plot 
being  soon  discovered,  Don  Felipe  and  fourteen  of  the 
chief  accomplices  were  all  put  to  death  by  order  of  Pedro 
Men6ndez  Marques.  The  execution  of  so  many  of  their 
principal  men  struck  a  final  blow  at  any  further  under- 
standing between  the  Spaniards  and  the  Caloosas.  The 
Indians  suddenly  rose,  burned  their  village,  and  fled  to 
the  forest.  The  Spaniards,  who  had  largely  depended 
upon  the  natives  for  their  subsistence,  now  found  them- 
selves utterly  helpless ;  the  attempt  to  maintain  the  settle- 
ment was  finally  abandoned,  the  mission  was  withdrawn, 
the  fort  destroyed,  and  the  garrison  transferred  to  St. 
Augustine.^ 

Such  was  the  condition  of  affairs  on  the  Peninsula,  when 
Father  Segura,  despairing  of  the  success  of  his  college  at 
Havana,  which  he  found  it  impossible  to  maintain  on  ac- 
count of  the  insufficiency  of  the  alms  of  the  faithful, 
determined  to  remove  the  missionaries  to  Florida.  The 
first  difficulty  which  presented  itself  was  the  distribution 
of  his  spiritual  forces.  With  a  keen  appreciation  of  the 
situation,  the  Vice-Provincial  sought  to  isolate  his  mis- 
sions as  far  as  possible  from  the  Spanish  settlements. 
We  have  already  seen  enough  of  the  habits  of  the  soldiers 

'  Velasco,  Geograf/a  de  las  Indias,  i57T-iS74^  P-  162. 

'Alegre,  tomo  i.,  p.  22.  Relacion  que  da  Juan  de  Velasco  cosmografo 
mayor  de  Su  Majestad  de  lo  sucedido  en  el  descubrimiento  de  la  Florida 
desde  el  ano  de  14  hasta  el  de  65.  MS.  Arch.  Gen.  de  Indias,  Seville, 
Patronato,  est.  i,  caj.  i,  leg.  1/19,  ramo  23.  In  this  Velasco  appears  to 
set  the  date  in  1568,  but  in  his  Geografia  de  las  Indias,  i57i-i574y  P-  ^^l, 
he  says  the  settlement  continued  until  1571.  Sacchini,  p.  266,  says  the 
Carlos  garrison  was  withdrawn  in  1569. 


The  Guale  Mission  347 

to  understand  that  they  had  not  endeared  themselves  to 
the  natives.  In  their  frequent  extremities  for  food  they 
had  been  compelled  to  wrest  from  the  Indians  by  force 
what  supplies  they  could,  and  the  hostile  environment 
thus  created  was  an  unpromising  field  for  missionary 
labours.  Another  object,  which  it  was  equally  desirable 
to  attain,  was  the  avoidance  of  any  friction  with  the  civil 
authorities.  The  missionaries  were  officially  the  protect- 
ors of  the  Indians,  the  governor  and  his  subordinates 
were  their  rulers.  The  method  pursued  in  all  of  the 
Roman  Catholic  missions  among  the  natives  was  such  as 
to  render  the  slightest  interference  of  the  secular  arm 
subversive  of  all  missionary  authority  and  prestige.  Nor 
were  the  civil  authorities  less  jealous  of  the  protection 
which  the  missionaries  afforded  the  natives  against  their 
rapacity.  To  what  serious  conflicts  between  the  two 
authorities  these  mutual  jealousies  led  we  shall  see  in  the 
course  of  this  history. 

St.  Augustine  and  San  Mateo,  where  the  savages  were 
in  a  state  of  revolt,  seeming  to  be  entirely  out  of  the 
question,  the  provinces  of  Santa  Elena  and  Guale  were 
selected  as  the  field  for  the  further  labours  of  the  mis- 
sionaries. Father  Rogel  and  Brother  Juan  Carrera  were 
appointed  to  Santa  Elena,  where  they  arrived  during  the 
month  of  June,'  and  Brother  Villareal  joined  the  three 
Jesuits  who  were  labouring  in  Guale.'     The  Vice-Provin- 

'  Rogel  to  Aviles,  Dec.  9,  1570,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  301. 
In  his  letter  to  Hinestrosa  of  Dec.  Ii,  1569  (C?/.  Doc.  Inedit.  Indias,  tomo 
xiii.,  p.  302),  Rogel  says  "A  mediado  Agosto." 

'  Brinton  {Notes  on  the  Floridian  Peninsula,  p.  152),  Gatschet  {Migration 
Legend  of  the  Creek  Indians,  vol.  i.,  p.  11),  Shipp  {Hernando  de  Soto  and 
Florida,  p.  560),  Shea  ("  Ancient  Florida,"  A'a^^.  and  Crit.  Hist.  Am., 
vol.  ii.,  p.  282),  and  Fairbanks  {History  of  St.  Augustine,  p.  125)  all  incor- 
rectly identify  the  Guale  of  the  Segura  mission  with  Amelia'Island.  There 
can  be  no  question  that  it  was  the  Guale  previously  visited  by  Aviles  in  the 
province  of  Santa  Elena,  situated  on  a  river  in  the  interior  flowing  into 
Port  Royal  and  but  a  few  leagues  distant  from  San  Felipe  and  Crista.  In 
addition  to  the  proof  offered  by  the  story  as  told  in  the  text,  the  identity  of 


348  The  Spanish  Settlements 

cial  accompanied  them,  and  after  he  had  stationed  Father 
Rogel  at  Crista,  but  five  leagues  distant  from  San  Felipe, 
proceeded  himself  to  Guale,  where  he  remained  for  some 
time  to  study  the  expediency  of  distributing  the  mission- 
aries singly  among  the  natives.  The  Indians  at  Orista» 
which  consisted  of  about  twenty  houses,  built  the  Father 
a  church  and  a  dwelling,  where  he  lived  with  only  three 
lads  as  companions,  one  of  them  a  little  boy  named  Juan, 
of  so  sweet  and  obedient  a  disposition  that  the  Father 
was  at  a  loss  to  find  an  occasion  to  whip  him  "in  or- 
der that  he  should  not  forget  the  wholesome  fear  of  the 
discipline."  ' 

Father  Rogel  lost  no  time  in  applying  himself  to  learn 
the  native  language,  and  at  the  end  of  six  months  had 
made  sufificient  progress  both  to  converse  and  to  preach 
in  it,  and  he  began  his  instruction  by  teaching  them  "the 
unity  of  God,  His  power  and  Majesty;  that  He  was  the 
Cause  and  Creator  of  all  things;  His  love  of  the  good; 
His  horror  of  evil  .  .  .  the  rewards  and  punishment 
of  the  next  life,  the  immortality  of  the  soul,  and  the  re- 
surrection of  the  dead."  He  found  the  savages  about 
him  far  more  tractable  and  moral  than  those  he  had 
known  among  the  Caloosas.  After  three  months  spent 
at  Crista  he  enthusiastically  exclaims  that  "their  manner 
of  living  was  so  well  ordered  and  regulated  that  there 
was  not  a  single  thing  to  touch  or  to  change  among  them 

the  languages  of  Orista  and  of  Guale  proved  by  the  recognition  by  Father 
Rogel  at  Orista  of  the  utility  of  the  grammar  prepared  by  Brother  Agos- 
tino  at  Guale  is  further  evidence.  That  the  name  Guale  Island  may  at  a 
later  date  have  been  applied  to  Amelia  Island,  see  Velasco,  Geografia  de 
las  Indias,  1371-137 4^  P-  169,  "  La  barra  de  Guale." 

1  Rogel  to  Hinestrosa,  Dec.  11,  1569,  Col.  Doc.  Inedit.,  tomo  xiii.,  p. 
305.  This  is  the  letter  dated  Dec.  2,  1569,  by  Dr.  Shea  ("Ancient  Florida," 
Narr.  andCrit.  Hist.  Am.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  282,  note  2),  a  date  which  he  probably 
obtained  from  the  Buckingham  Smith  North  American  MS.,  136 1,  13^3, 
pp.  337-341,  in  the  New  York  Historical  Society,  where  it  is  written 
"a  IJ  de  Dizie  de  1569  anos." 


The  Guale  Mission  349 

even  if  they  become  Christians."  Each  Indian  had  but 
one  wife,  worked  hard  at  his  planting,  and  the  children 
were  carefully  trained.  They  were  neither  cruel  nor 
thievish,  and  unnatural  crimes  were  entirely  unknown. 
They  were  great  traders,  expert  at  barter,  carrying  their 
merchandise  into  the  interior.  The  elders  met  in  the 
council  house,  where  the  affairs  of  the  tribe  were  ordered. 
The  Indians  were  truthful,  dwelt  peaceably  among  them- 
selves, and  were  given  to  but  one  vice, — they  were  great 
gamblers  and  would  stake  all  that  they  possessed  at  a 
game  of  dice.  During  the  year  they  passed  but  two 
and  a  half  months  at  their  village,  planting  their  corn  in 
the  spring ;  but  when  the  acorn  season  arrived  they  scat- 
tered through  the  forests  to  gather  them  and  other  wild 
fruits  in  their  season,  and  only  met  together  at  intervals 
of  two  months  to  celebrate  their  festivals,  now  at  one 
locality,  now  at  another.  Their  provisions  were  held  in 
common,  and  it  was  their  custom  to  give  away  their  food 
without  demanding  anything  in  return. 

From  Guale  Father  Gonzalo  de  Alamo,  a  talented 
preacher,  but  ungifted  for  the  work  of  the  missions,  was 
ordered  back  to  Europe  after  four  months'  service,  and 
his  place  was  filled  by  Father  Luis  de  Quiros.  Brother 
Domingo  Augustin  made  such  progress  in  the  language 
that  in  six  months  he  had  translated  the  catechism  and 
prepared  a  grammar  that  proved  of  great  service  to  his 
companions,'  the  first  instance  of  the  reduction  to  a  sys- 
tem of  one  of  our  native  languages.  But  he  was  not  de- 
stined to  continue  in  his  useful  employment.  Towards 
the  close  of  the  first  year  which  the  missionaries  had 
spent  in  the  country  about  Santa  Elena  an  epidemic 
broke  out  among  the  natives,  and  the  Fathers,  exhausted 
by  their  unceasing  care  of  the  sick  and  dying,  were  suc- 
cessively attacked  by  it.     Fortunately  they  all  recovered 

'  Alegre,  tomo  i.,  pp.  23,  24  ;  Rogel  to  Aviles,  Dec.  9,  1570,  Ruidiaz,  La 
Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  307. 


k 


350  The  Spanish  Settlements 

except  Brother  Domingo,  who  fell  a  victim  to  his  duty, 
after  a  year's  service  among  the  savages.' 

Meanwhile  Father  Rogel  continued  with  his  instruction, 
to  which  the  natives  listened  with  some  attention,  plying 
him  with  curious  questions,  such  as  their  simple  under- 
standing suggested.  Particularly  were  they  impressed 
with  the  punishment  of  the  wicked,  "for  I  assure  you, 
sir,"  writes  Father  Rogel  to  Hinestrosa,"  "that  I  have 
seen  them  shed  tears  at  the  terrors  of  hell,  when  they 
were  told  that  their  souls  would  burn  in  hell  like  a  fire- 
brand if  they  did  not  die  Christians."  But  it  was  a 
difficult  matter  to  reach  them,  and  although  the  Father  at- 
tended their  feasts  and  assemblies  in  order  to  hasten  their 
conversion,  the  interruption  caused  by  their  nine-months' 
migrations  in  search  of  provisions  made  his  ministrations 
of  little  effect,  and  his  teaching  was  met  with  a  constantly 
growing  spirit  of  mockery.  In  vain  he  sought  to  culti- 
vate among  them  more  domestic  habits,  and  gave  them 
hoes  to  aid  them  in  making  larger  plantings,  in  order  that 
their  wandering  should  not  be  so  prolonged.  The  natives 
gladly  accepted  the  gift,  but  their  inherited  customs  were 
incorrigible,  and  they  persisted  in  spreading  over  the  sur- 
rounding country  in  every  direction,  making  their  plant- 
ings at  distances  of  six,  ten,  and  even  twenty  leagues 
from  the  village,  while  only  two  of  the  villagers  cultivated 
fields  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood.  The  reason  was 
not  far  to  seek,  and  Father  Rogel,  a  sensible  and  intelli- 
gent man,  as  well  as  a  devoted  one,  was  quick  to  recog- 
nise it.  The  soil  was  so  poor  that  it  soon  became 
exhausted,  and  it  was  necessary  that  the  cultivators  go 
elsewhere. 

At  the  expiration  of  eight  months  Father  Rogel  had 
brought  them  to  the  belief  in  the  Trinity  and  to  under- 

'  Alegre,  tomo  i.,  p,   23;  Rogel  to  Aviles,   Dec.  9,    1570,   Ruidi'az,  La 
Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  307,  who,  however,  does  not  mention  the  pestilence. 
"  Letter  of  Dec.  11,  1569,  Col.  Doc.  Inedit.  Jndias,  tomo  xiii.,  p.  303. 


The  Guale  Mission  351 

stand  the  significance  of  the  Roman  Catholic  veneration 
of  the  Cross,  and  had,  as  it  seemed  to  him,  gained  their 
good-will  so  that  they  had  grown  to  love  him.  Then 
"I  began  to  declare  to  them  how,  in  order  to  be  the  sons 
of  God,  it  was  needful  for  them  to  be  enemies  of  the 
devil,  for  the  devil  is  evil,  and  loves  all  evil  things;  and 
God  is  good  and  loves  all  good  things,"  says  Father 
Rogel.  To  his  consternation  and  alarm  the  effect  pro- 
duced by  this  teaching  was  altogether  the  reverse  of  that 
which  he  had  intended,  while  not  wanting  in  a  ludicrous 
side.  "When  I  began  to  treat  of  this,"  he  continues, 
"so  great  was  the  vexation  and  hatred  which  they  con- 
ceived at  my  words,  that  never  again  would  they  come 
to  listen  to  me ;  and  they  said  to  my  people  that  they 
were  very  angry  and  did  not  believe  a  thing  I  said,  since 
I  spoke  ill  of  the  devil."  And  even  the  two  remaining 
dwellers  in  the  village  abandoned  him  for  the  same 
reason.  It  is  permissible  to  think  that  the  good  Father 
was  here  the  innocent  victim  of  a  foreign  vocabulary,  and 
that  in  his  choice  of  names  with  which  to  designate  the 
Spirit  of  Evil  he  had  fallen  upon  that  of  some  beneficent 
Indian  deity,  whose  office  he  imperfectly  understood,  and 
to  whom  in  his  ignorance  he  had  attributed  all  of  the 
qualities  of  the  arch-fiend. 

Undismayed  by  the  discouraging  result  of  his  labours, 
and  with  that  consummate  devotion  to  his  vocation 
which  has  everywhere  distinguished  the  missionaries  of 
the  Society,  the  Jesuit  Father  journeyed  from  chief  to 
chief,  offering  to  live  in  their  midst  that  he  might  teach 
them  the  Divine  Word,  provided  they  honestly  wished 
to  become  Christians ;  otherwise  he  would  depart  from 
them  and  return  to  Spain.  But  he  met  with  no  response 
whatever.  At  last,  at  a  great  council  of  Orista's  vassals, 
after  he  had  repeated  his  offer,  the  Indians  sadly  observed  : 
"How  can  you  say  that  you  love  us  so  greatly  when 
you  say  you  wish  to  leave  us?"     "From  that  time  on," 


I 


352  The  Spanish  Settlements 

continues  the  Father,  "I  certainly  expected  to  lose  my 
skin,'  and  as  soon  as  I  saw  it  I  changed  my  language  and 
praised  them  like  children,  and  was  thus  able  to  return  in 
safety  to  my  post." 

Father  Rogel's  work  was  brought  to  an  end  in  July, 
1570,  by  the  occurrence  of  one  of  the  very  incidents  which 
the  Vice- Provincial  had  taken  so  many  precautions  to 
avoid.  There  was  a  small  settlement  of  twenty  married 
men  at  Santa  Elena, ^  consisting  of  farmers  who  had  been 
colonised  there  by  Aviles,'  but  the  land  was  poor,  and 
fear  of  the  natives  prevented  them  from  going  any  dis- 
tance to  establish  their  farms.  The  fort  was  falling  into 
decay,  the  soldiers  were  half  naked  and  poorly  armed/ 
and  hunger  was  again  staring  the  garrison  in  the  face,  for 
their  supplies  had  become  greatly  reduced.  Their  only 
resource  was  to  obtain  relief  from  the  Indians.  To- 
wards the  end  of  June  Juan  de  la  Vandera,  who  still  re- 
mained in  command  at  San  Felipe,  attended  an  Indian 
festival  at  Escamacu,  and  ordered  four  of  the  chiefs, 
among  whom  were  Orista,  Hoya,  and  Escamacu,  to  send 
some  canoe-loads  of  corn  to  the  fort.  At  the  same  time, 
in  order  to  reduce  the  number  of  mouths  at  San  Felipe, 
he  quartered  forty  of  his  soldiers  among  the  natives  to 
await  the  arrival  of  supplies.  The  necessary  consequence 
was  not  slow  to  follow.  Shortly  after  the  arrival  of  the 
soldiers  the  Indians  rose  in  revolt,  and  the  disturbance 
continued  until  the  arrival  of  Marques  and  Las  Alas,  who 
finally  succeeded  in  restoring  order. 

As  soon  as  Father  Rogel  learned  of  Vandera's  inten- 
tion he  foresaw  what  would  come  of  it,  its  evil  effect 
upon  his  work,  and  the  false  position  in  which  it  would 

'  "  Dar  la  piel  "  (to  be  killed). 

*  "  Diligencias  hechas  en  Sevilla  con  motivo  de  la  venida  de  Esteban  de 
las  Alas,  de  la  Florida,  1570,"  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  572,  579. 
^Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Nov.  24,  1569,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  190. 
*"  Diligencias,"  1570,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  576,  580,  583,  584. 


The  Guale  Mission  353 

place  him.  If  he  remained  among  the  Indians,  they 
would  turn  to  him  for  a  protection  which  he  could 
not  give,  for  he  realised  the  stern  necessity  under  which 
the  Spanish  commander  was  acting.  If  they  rose  in  in- 
surrection they  would  visit  their  vengeance  upon  him, 
and  in  every  event  the  ill-will  stirred  up  among  the  na- 
tives would  bring  his  labours  to  an  end.  The  Vice- 
Provincial  had  ordered  him  to  withdraw  to  Santa  Elena 
in  case  his  life  was  threatened,  and  with  sorrowful  heart 
he  determined  to  abandon  his  mission.  He  commended 
his  little  flock  to  God,  and,  eight  or  ten  days  before  the 
arrival  of  the  soldiers  at  Crista,  pulled  down  his  house 
and  his  church,  and  on  the  13th  of  July  departed  for 
Santa  Elena,  leaving  word  that  whenever  the  Indians 
should  have  need  of  him  they  were  to  call  on  him  and 
he  would  return  to  live  among  them. 

Father  Sedeflo  and  probably  all  of  the  other  mission- 
aries were  withdrawn  from  Guale,  where  their  work  had 
borne  but  little  fruit,— seven  baptisms  in  all,  administered 
when  the  recipients,  four  of  whom  were  children,  were 
on  the  point  of  death.  The  instruction  of  the  mission- 
aries concerning  the  devil  had  met  with  a  reception 
similar  to  that  accorded  to  it  at  Crista.  Father  Rogel 
was  ordered  back  to  Havana  and  Father  Sedeflo  to  in- 
struct the  native  children  collected  at  St.  Augustine  from 
the  villages  of  Saturiba  and  Tacatacuru;  but  the  Jesuits 
found  the  fort  so  poorly  garrisoned  and  in  so  bad  a  con- 
dition and  the  Indians  so  turbulent  that  the  plan  was 
given  up,  and  Father  Sedeflo  accompanied  Father  Rogel 
to  Havana. 

Father  Rogel  had  rightly  apprehended  one  of  the  chief 
causes  of  his  failure  to  produce  any  lasting  impression 
upon  the  Indians  when  he  ascribed  it  to  their  migra- 
tory habits,  and  the  impossibility  of  obtaining  any  per- 
manent ascendency  over  their  minds  during  two  or 
three  months,  when  for  the  balance  of  the  year  they 


354  The  Spanish  Settlements 

roamed  the  forest  in  search  of  food  like  wild  beasts.  As 
a  result  of  his  experience  he  included  in  his  letter  to 
Avil^s  some  suggestions  as  to  the  proper  course  to  pur- 
sue in  such  circumstances,  and  his  observations  are  highly- 
interesting,  as  they  embody  for  the  first  time  the  method 
which  the  missionaries  subsequently  adopted  throughout 
the  length  and  breadth  of  our  land  irrespective  of  the 
Order  to  which  they  belonged,  a  method  which  may  be 
studied  in  some  of  its  most  interesting  phases  in  the 
California  missions  more  than  two  centuries  later. 

"  In  order  to  obtain  fruit  in  the  blind  and  sad  souls  of  these 
provinces,  it  is  necessary  first  of  all  to  order  the  Indians  to 
come  together,  and  live  in  towns  and  cultivate  the  earth,  col- 
lecting sustenance  for  the  entire  year;  and  after  they  have 
thus  become  very  settled,  then  to  begin  the  preaching.  Un- 
less this  is  done,  although  the  rehgious  remain  among  them  for 
fifty  years,  they  will  have  no  more  fruit  than  we  in  our  four 
years  among  them,  which  is  none  at  all,  nor  even  a  hope,  nor 
the  semblance  of  it." 

And  even  then  it  will  be  a  most  severe  labour  of  many 
years, 

"for  it  must  be  done  rightly,  as  our  Lord  God  commands, 
neither  by  compelling  them  nor  with  a  mailed  hand.  And 
this  for  two  reasons :  the  first  that  they  have  been  accustomed 
to  live  in  this  manner  for  thousands  of  years,  and  to  take  them 
out  of  it  is  like  death  to  them ;  the  second,  that  even  were  they 
willing,  the  poverty  of  the  soil  and  its  rapid  exhaustion  will 
not  admit  of  it;  and  so  it  is  that  they  themselves  give  this 
reason  for  their  scattering  and  change  of  boundaries."  ' 

'  Rogel  to  Aviles,  Dec.  9,  1570,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  301-308.  There  is  a 
translation  of  this  letter  by  Daniel  G.  Brinton  in  the  Historical  Magatitte, 
1861,  p.  327.  See  also  his  Notes  on  the  Floridian  Peninsula,  pp.  152,  153. 
There  is  an  unimportant  reference  to  Rogel  made  by  Mooney  in  ig  Ann. 
Rep.  Bu.  Ethn.,  Pt.  I.,  p.  201. 


The  Guale  Mission  355 

The  deplorable  state  of  the  San  Felipe  garrison,  which 
had  driven  Vandera  to  the  necessity  of  quartering  part  of 
his  forces  on  the  Indians,  and  thus  compelled  the  with- 
drawal of  Father  Rogel,  was  but  one  instance  of  the  con- 
ditions reigning  throughout  the  settlements.  At  St. 
Augustine  the  suffering  was  so  great  that  on  the  arrival 
of  a  vessel  to  receive  the  military  accounts  it  had  been 
compelled  to  anchor  outside  of  the  harbour  for  fear  the 
colonists  would  seize  it  and  abandon  the  town.'  The 
soldiers  were  almost  naked,  some  going  about  in  a  shirt, 
which  was  all  they  possessed ;  others  dressed  only  in  the 
wadded  cotton  armour,  which  had  been  adopted  from 
the  Mexicans  as  a  protection  against  the  arrows  of  the 
Indians.  Their  weapons  were  in  as  miserable  a  condi- 
tion :  the  arquebuses  worn  out  or  burst,  the  swords,  which 
only  some  of  them  had,  old  and  damaged,  and  no  means 
were  at  hand  with  which  to  repair  them.  But  one  mar- 
ried man  was  left  in  the  settlement  in  addition  to  the 
soldiers  forming  the  garrison.  A  few  horses  still  sur- 
vived, some  fifteen  or  sixteen,  but  it  was  a  difficult 
matter  to  keep  them  alive,  for  they  were  devoured  by 
mosquitoes"  or  killed  by  the  Indians,  and  no  fodder  had 
been  raised  for  their  food.  As  the  Indian  war  still  con- 
tinued,' the  colonists  were  exposed  to  the  greatest  risks 
in  leaving  the  fort  in  search  of  food.  For  this  reason 
they  went  without  fish  or  meat  and  were  compelled  to 
subsist  on  corn  and  inferior  meal.  The  fort,  which,  in 
the  absence  of  more  enduring  material,  was  constructed 

'  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Nov.  24,  1569,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii,, 
p.  190. 

'Both  Le  Challeux  in  the  "  Histoire  Memorable"  (reprint  in  GafTarel, 
Hist,  de  la  Floride,  p.  461),  and  Meleneche  in  his  deposition  (Noriega  to 
Philip  II.,  March  29,  1565,  MS.  Direc.  de  Hidrog.,  Madrid,  Col.  Navar- 
rete,  tomo  xiv..  Doc.  No.  33,  fol.  4b),  mention  the  plague  of  mosquitoes 
about  the  St.  John's. 

'Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Nov.  24,  1569,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p. 
190. 


356  The  Spanish  Settlements 

of  wood  and  sand,  was  rotting  away  on  account  of  its 
age  and  the  great  humidity  of  the  climate,  and  had  even 
fallen  down  in  places  so  as  to  afford  hardly  any  protec- 
tion against  the  descent  of  pirates  or  the  attacks  of  the 
natives.' 

The  conditions  at  San  Pedro  on  the  island  of  Tacata- 
curu,  where  most  probably  was  the  blockhouse  which 
Avil^s  had  ordered  built,  were  equally  bad.  The  soldiers 
were  naked,  half-armed,  and  famished,  and  the  fort  was 
falling  into  decay."  It  would  appear  that  in  April, 
1569,  succour  had  been  sent  to  Las  Alas  from  Spain,'  but 
it  had  also  brought  with  it  more  mouths  to  feed,  and 
during  the  summer  Avil^s's  brother,  Bartolome,  had 
himself  departed  for  Spain,  taking  with  him  the  renewed 
complaints  of  the  unpaid  soldiers.*  He  probably  also 
bore  with  him  the  demands  of  Las  Alas  and  Gover- 
nor Marques  for  their  salaries  as  Accountant  and  Treas- 
urer of  Florida  respectively,  offices  to  which  they  had 
been  appointed  by  Avil^s,  since  payments  to  them  had 
been  stopped  owing  to  some  Court  intrigue." 

Patiently  the  sorely  tried  colony  waited  for  the  arrival 
of  the  much-needed  help,  while  Avil6s  in  Spain  pressed  the 
necessity  of  sending  reinforcements  to  protect  the  farmers 
from  the  natives  and  urged  the  fear  of  a  descent  upon  the 
coast  by  Hawkins,  who  was  reported  to  be  preparing  a 
great  armada,  and  predicted  the  imminent  abandonment 
of  the  forts  by  the  desperate  soldiery,"  unless  help  was 

'  "  Diligencias  hechas  en  Sevilla  con  motivo  de  la  venida  de  Esteban  de  las 
Alas  de  la  Florida,  1570,"  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  572,  578,  579.  580,  582-584, 
587,  588. 

2  "Diligencias,"  1570,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  578-580,  583,  584,  587. 

'Barcia,  Ensayo,  Ano  MDLXIX.,  p.  138. 

*  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Nov.  20,  1569,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p. 
185. 

» Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  May  12,  1568,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  178. 

•Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Dec.  4,  1569,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  195;  Dec.  31, 
1569,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  199  ;  Jan.  4,  1570,  ibid.,  tomo  ii..  p.  201. 


The  Guale  Mission  357 

soon  forthcoming.  But  his  old  enemy,  the  Casa  de  Con- 
tratacidn,  and  other  obstacles  impeded  the  sailing  of  the 
fleet.'  At  last  the  patience  of  Las  Alas  became  exhausted 
and  he  determined  to  take  matters  into  his  own  hands,  to 
reduce  the  garrisons  of  the  three  remaining  forts,  and, 
after  abandoning  Ays  and  Carlos,  to  sail  himself  for 
Spain  with  the  troops  he  had  withdrawn  from  the 
colony. 

In  the  month  of  June  he  equipped  a  vessel  named  the 
Espiritu  Santo,  and  embarking  with  most  of  the  garrison 
at  St.  Augustine,  where  he  left  but  fifty  soldiers  in  charge 
of  Pedro  Menendez  Aviles,  a  nephew  of  the  Adelantado, 
he  proceeded  to  Tacatacuru,  where  he  reduced  the  garri- 
son to  the  same  number,  leaving  Antonio  Fernandez  in 
command  and  taking  with  him  Juan  Gutierrez  and  the 
balance  of  the  soldiers.  At  Santa  Elena  the  same  meas- 
ures were  repeated ;  Vandera  was  left  in  command,  and 
the  lieutenant-governor.  Marques,  who  happened  to  be 
at  San  Felipe  at  the  time,  left  for  Havana,"  where  he  had 
been  appointed  to  a  similar  office  during  the  absence  of 
Aviles.  August  13,  1570,  Las  Alas  set  sail  from  Santa 
Elena  and  reached  Cadiz  on  the  20th  of  October  with 
about  one  hundred  and  twenty  men,  including  a  number 
of  officers  and  officials.  It  was  virtually  an  abandonment 
of  the  country,  for  only  one  hundred  and  fifty  soldiers 
had  been  left  there,  with  barely  sufficient  food  and  am- 
munition to  sustain  them  a  few  months.  It  is  probable 
that  such  was  also  the  opinion  of  the  King,  for  Las  Alas 
had  been  but  two  weeks  in  Spain  when  Philip  ordered  a 
secret  investigation '  to  be  made  into  the  reason  of  his 
return.  The  result  was  the  pitiable  showing  which  we 
have  just  reviewed.     But  no  further  consequences  seem 

'Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Sept.   22,  1569,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  180;  Nov.  27, 
1569,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  191  ;  Dec.  31,  1569,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  196. 
'"  Diligencias,"  1570,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  572. 
'  "  Diligencias,"  1570,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  569,  Nov.  3,  1570. 


358  The  Spanish  Settlements 

to  have  followed  Las  Alas's  desertion  of  his  post,  owing 
either  to  the  imperative  necessity  under  which  he  had 
acted,  or,  what  is  much  more  likely,  to  the  powerful  in- 
fluence which  Avil^s  was  able  to  exert  at  Court  in  his 
favour. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE   VIRGINIA   MISSION 

DURING  his  brief  visit  to  Havana  Marques  wrote  to 
Spain  an  account  of  the  condition  of  affairs  in 
Florida,  and  then  returned  to  San  Mateo,  which  for  the 
third  time  had  been  put  in  a  state  of  defence.  On  his 
arrival  he  was  greeted  with  the  news  that  shortly  after 
the  departure  of  Las  Alas  from  St.  Augustine  the  soldiers 
there  had  mutinied.  Their  intention  was  to  seize  a  boat 
lying  in  the  harbour  and  to  put  to  sea  in  her  without  a 
pilot,  sailors,  anchors,  or  any  equipment  whatever,  so 
eager  were  they  to  abandon  the  fort  and  escape  from  that 
fateful  region.  Marquis's  only  resource  was  to  tempo- 
rise, and  he  wrote  from  San  Mateo  to  the  mutineers, 
that  in  case  assistance  did  not  arrive  by  the  following 
month  of  March  he  would  himself  come  to  St.  Augustine 
in  April  with  his  ships  and  transport  them  to  Havana, 
together  with  all  of  the  armament  of  the  fort.  From 
there  he  promised  them  that  they  should  have  leave  to 
return  to  Spain  to  obtain  their  pay.  He  even  authorised 
them  to  leave  in  any  vessel  they  could  secure  in  the 
event  of  his  own  failure  to  arrive  at  the  time  he  had  set, 
offering  to  meet  a  deputation  of  the  garrison  on  board 
his  ship  to  discuss  the  matter,  and  stating  his  willingness 
to  lend  them  money  with  which  to  send  one  of  their  num- 
ber to  Havana  to  purchase  provisions.  To  this  low  ebb 
had  discipline  fallen.' 

^  Traslado  autorizado  de  una  carta  que  escribio  el  Gobernador  de  la 
Florida  Pedro  Menendez  Marques  desde  San  Mateo  a  los  soldados  de  el 

359 


360  The  Spanish  Settlements 

The  failure  of  the  Santa  Elena  missions  had  brought 
no  abatement  in  the  zeal  of  the  Vice-Provincial,  and  at 
the  very  time  when  he  had  withdrawn  the  missionaries 
from  Guale  and  Crista  he  was  contemplating  his  depart- 
ure for  new  fields  in  the  country  about  Chesapeake 
Bay,  to  which  his  attention  had  been  turned  by  an  Indian 
of  that  region,  whom  the  Jesuits  had  found  in  Havana. 
This  was  Don  Luis,  who,  it  will  be  remembered,  had  ac- 
companied the  Dominican  friars,  sent  by  Aviles  prior  to 
his  departure  for  Spain  to  visit  that  neighbourhood,  and 
who  had  returned  with  them  to  Spain  when  they  aban- 
doned the  enterprise.'  On  his  arrival  at  Court  Don  Luis, 
who  was  intelligent  and  of  an  agreeable  address,  ingrati- 
ated himself  to  such  an  extent  into  the  good-will  of 
Philip  IL  that  he  lived  at  the  royal  expense  during  all 
of  his  stay.  From  Spain  he  had  gone  to  Havana  in  com- 
pany with  some  Dominicans,  who  were  on  their  way  to 
Florida  to  assist  them  in  their  work,  but,  the  mission 
having  been  abandoned,  Don  Luis,  in  his  apparent  zeal 
to  convert  his  countrymen,  joined  the  Jesuits  under 
Father  Segura  on  their  departure  for  Florida.''  He 
was  a  valuable  accession  to  their  party  on  account  of 
his  rank  among  the  natives,  and  his  ability  to  act  as 
interpreter. 

y'Cn  the  5th  of  August,  1570,  Father  Segura  sailed  from 

x'^anta  Elena  for  Chesapeake  Bay  with  seven  companions,* 

the  Indian  Don  Luis,  and  a  small  boy  named  Alonso, 

fuerte  de  San  Agustin  de  la  Florida,  Sept.  7,  1570,  MS.  Arch.  Gen.  de 
Indias,  Seville,  est.  54,  caj.  5,  leg.  9. 

1  Barcia,  Ensayo,  Ano  MDLXVL,  p.  123. 

*  Alegre,  Historia  de  la  Compama  de  Jesus  en  Nueva  Espana,  Mexico, 
1842,  tomo  i.,  p.  25. 

'  Father  Luis  de  Quiros,  Brothers  Gabriel  Gomez,  Sancho  Cevallos,  Juan 
Bautista  Mendez,  Pedro  de  Limares,  Gabriel  de  Solis,  who  was  related  to 
Aviles,  and  Cristobal  Redondo  (Alegre,  tomo  i.,  p.  25).  Quiros  and 
Segura  to  [Hinestrosa  ?],  Dec.  12,  1570.  Buckingham  Smith,  Florida 
MSS.,    1S26,  1743,  p.  255,  MS.  New  York  Historical  Society. 


The  Virginia  Mission  361 

son  of  a  settler  at  Santa  Elena,  who  had  been  trained  by 
the  Fathers  to  serve  at  mass.'  The  journey  was  pro- 
longed owing  to  bad  weather  and  difficulties  in  finding 
the  region  of  which  they  were  in  search,  and  the  Jesuits 
were  compelled  to  share  their  provisions  with  the  crew  of 
the  ship,  so  that  on  reaching  their  destination  they  had 
consumed  all  of  their  flour  and  two  of  the  four  barrels  of 
biscuit  with  which  they  had  provided  themselves  for  the 
voyage.  Finally  they  discovered  the  bay,  up  which  they 
ascended,  and  on  the  loth  of  September  reached  the 
province  of  ^xacan,'  in  Virginia,  where  they  entered  a 
river  and  landed.  They  found  the  country  poor  and 
sparsely  inhabited  owing  to  a  prolonged  drought  of  six 
years,  and  the  famine  which  had  followed  in  its  wake  had 
killed  some  of  the  inhabitants  and  driven  others  to  change 
their  abode.  All  the  corn  of  the  scant  harvests  had  been 
eaten ;  the  forest  fruits  had  perished,  as  well  as  the  roots 
upon  which  the  natives  subsisted,  and  what  little  food 
could  still  be  found  was  obtained  with  great  difficulty  on 
account  of  the  severity  of  the  winter  and  the  deep  snow. 
Only  a  small  number  of  the  principal  men  of  the  tribe 
remained,  "that  they  might  die  where  their  fathers 
had  died."  Some  of  these  proved  to  be  relatives  of  Don 
Luis,  whom  they  received  "as  if  he  had  risen  from  the 
dead  and  had  come  from  heaven,"  and  in  their  gratitude 
they  gave  the  Fathers  "the  only  thing  the  Indians  had 
to  offer,"  their  "good  will,"  writes  Father  Quiros.  The 
Jesuits  began  their  ministrations  at  once,  and  hearing 
that  a  three-year-old  son  of  a  chief,  a  brother  of  Don 
Luis,  living  seven  or  eight  leagues  from  their  landing- 
place,  lay  at  the  point  of  death,  sent  one  of  their  number 
the  night  of  their  arrival  to  baptise  him. 

On  account   of  the   low  state  of  its  supplies,   it  was 

'  Pedro  Fernandez  de  Pulgar,  Historia  gefieral  de  la  Florida,  Biblioteca 
Nacional,  Madrid,  MSS.  2999,  fol.  176. 
*  See  Appendix  DD,  Axacan. 


362  The  Spanish  Settlements 

impossible  for  the  vessel  which  had  brought  the  Fathers  to 
remain  any  length  of  time  at  the  harbour  where  the  landing 
had  been  made,  and  on  the  following  morning  it  departed 
on  its  return  voyage,  bearing  a  letter  written  by  Father 
Quiros  under  the  direction  of  the  Vice-Provincial,  who 
added  a  short  postscript.  This  was  the  last  message  that 
was  ever  received  from  them.  It  described  the  desolate 
condition  of  the  country,  and  showed  in  a  pathetic  way 
the  utter  dependence  of  the  Jesuits  in  their  isolated  and 
distant  mission  upon  the  precarious  assistance  of  the  In- 
dians for  the  very  food  they  had  to  eat.  Both  Fathers 
pleadingly  insisted  upon  the  absolute  necessity  of  dis- 
patching a  vessel  to  their  succour  with  corn  for  the  Indians 
to  plant  not  later  than  the  beginning  of  April  of  the  fol- 
lowing year,  if  it  was  found  impracticable  to  send  it  during 
the  winter.  As  the  Fathers  proposed  to  establish  their 
mission  on  a  stream  not  far  from  the  landing-place,  they 
directed  that  the  relief  ship  on  reaching  the  river  signal 
its  presence  by  a  bonfire  at  night  or  a  column  of  smoke 
by  day,  and  added  a  brief  and  indefinite  description  of 
the  place  to  which  they  were  going  and  of  what  little 
they  had  been  able  to  learn  from  the  natives  of  "the  en- 
trance through  the  mountains  and  China."  "Three  or 
four  days'  journey  from  yonder,"  wrote  Father  Quiros, 
referring  to  the  lower  reach  of  the  river  which  they  had 
ascended,  "were  the  mountains,  and  two  of  these  days' 
journey  were  by  a  river,  and  one  or  two  days'  travel  be- 
yond the  mountains  another  sea  is  observed." 

Father  Quiros  concluded  his  letter  with  the  remark  that 
the  Indians  freely  gave  the  Jesuits  food  from  their  own 
impoverished  stores  without  expecting  any  return,  and 
in  order  not  to  awaken  their  cupidity  he  requested  that 
the  crew  of  the  relief  ship  be  forbidden  to  trade  with 
them,  and  that  all  articles  of  barter  which  the  sailors 
might  bring  be  deposited  with  Don  Luis,  who  would  pay 
them  its  equivalent,  all  bartering  to  be  conducted  only 


The  Virginia  Mission  363 

in  accordance  with  the  judgment  of  the  Fathers.'  Brief 
as  the  letter  is,  it  is  highly  interesting,  for  it  illustrates 
the  spirit  which  has  always  distinguished  the  Society,  the 
unselfish  devotion  of  its  missionaries,  their  bent  for  scien- 
tific investigation,  and  the  policy  which  Father  Segura 
probably  intended  to  follow  in  the  mission  of  the  com- 
plete dependence  of  the  natives  upon  the  will  of  the 
missionaries,  even  in  matters  of  trade. 

With  the  departure  of  the  vessel,  the  Jesuits,  conducted 
by  the  Indians,  who  carried  their  baggage  for  them,  pro- 
ceeded to  a  neighbouring  stream,''  which  was  but  two 
leagues  distant,  and  ascending  it  in  canoes,  fixed  their 
settlement  near  a  village  governed  by  a  younger  brother 
of  Don  Luis.  The  Fathers  erected  there  a  hut  and  a 
small  chapel,  where  mass  was  celebrated,  and  for  some 
time  Don  Luis  remained  in  their  company,  serving  them 
as  interpreter  and  preacher.  Patiently  they  waited  for 
the  return  of  the  vessel  which  was  to  bring  succour  from 
their  compatriots;  and  when  the  winter  sped  by  and 
nothing  came,  Don  Luis,  lured  back  to  his  native  cus- 
toms, abandoned  them  under  the  pretence  of  preparing 
a  place  for  their  reception  at  another  village.  The 
Fathers  were  now  reduced  to  providing  for  themselves, 
and  searched  the  forest  for  herbs  and  roots  on  which  to 
subsist. 

On  the  2nd  of  February,  1571,  four  months  having 
passed  since  their  arrival  in  the  Virginia  wilderness, 
Father  Segura  determined  to  send  Father  Luis  de  Quiros 
with  Brothers  Gabriel  de  Solis  and  Juan  Bautista  Mendez 
to  induce  Don  Luis  to  return,  and  the  embassy  started 
on  its  perilous  mission.  But  they  were  marching  to  their 
martyrdom.  Don  Luis,  completely  alienated,  had  al- 
ready planned  their  death.     He  received  them  with  a 

'  Quiros  and  Segura  to  [Hinestrosa?],  Dec.  I2,  1570,  Buckingham  Smith, 
Florida  A/SS.,  1526,  164J,  pp.  355  et  seq. 

^  See  Appendix  EE,  The  Site  of  the  Segura  Mission. 


364  The  Spanish  Settlements 

show  of  great  friendship,  promising  to  return  on  the  fol- 
lowing day,  and  the  Father  with  his  two  companions, 
believing  his  word,  retraced  his  steps  to  the  little  cabin. 
The  same  night  Don  Luis  collected  a  band  of  Indians, 
followed  them,  and,  overtaking  them  on  the  way,  received 
a  friendly  salutation  from  Father  Quiros,  who  supposed 
him  to  be  alone,  for  the  darkness  concealed  the  presence 
of  his  companions.  The  answer  to  the  kindly  greeting 
was  a  shower  of  arrows,  which  pierced  the  heart  of  the 
Jesuit,  and  he  fell  dead.'  Then  Don  Luis  stripped  him 
of  his  possessions,  while  his  companions  with  their  clubs 
made  an  end  of  the  two  Brothers. 

But  the  savage  purpose  of  the  renegade  was  not  yet 
fully  attained,  and  in  the  course  of  a  few  days  Don 
Luis  again  prepared  to  exterminate  the  surviving  minis- 
ters of  the  faith  which  he  had  either  professed  as  a  mask 
to  his  evil  intentions  or  else  had  been  weaned  from  by 
his  return  to  his  native  wilds.  There  still  remained  to 
the  missionaries  a  few  hatchets  and  knives,  which  served 
them  in  their  daily  offices,  and  Don  Luis,  fearing  that 
they  would  defend  themselves  with  these,  employed  a 
transparent  strategy  to  disarm  them.  On  the  morning 
of  the  8th  of  February  '^  some  Indians  were  sent  to  borrow 
the  hatchets  of  the  Fathers  in  order  to  chop  wood,  and 
the  simple  Jesuits  fell  into  the  trap.  Then  Don  Luis 
and  his  party  descended  upon  them.  On  the  way  they 
encountered  Brother  Cevallos,  who  had  gone  to  cut 
wood  in  the  forest,  and  killed  him.  Then  they  attacked 
Father  Segura  and  killed  him  with  a  blow  on  the  head 
with  an  ax,  and  the  remaining  missionaries  shared  his  fate. 

Only  one  person  escaped,  the  little  boy  Alonso,  who 

'  Father  Luis  de  Quiros  was  of  a  noble  family  of  Xerez  de  la  Frontera, 
and  in  1566  had  been  rector  of  a  college  at  the  Albaycin  at  Granada. 
Pulgar,  Historia  general  de  la  Florida,  Bib.  Nac,  Madrid,  MSS.  2999, 
fol.  175. 

*  Tanner,  Societas  Militans,  pp.  449-451. 


The  Virginia  Mission  365 

was  saved  by  the  brother  of  Don  Luis,  and  upon  whose 
account  rests  the  story  of  the  martyrdom  of  the  Virginia 
missionaries.  He  was  finally  rescued  from  the  Indians 
by  AviMs,  when,  in  1571,  the  latter  visited  Axacan  to 
wreak  vengeance  on  the  natives  for  the  murder  they  had 
committed.  Father  Rogel  has  left  us  a  legend  of  an  in- 
cident  which  followed  the  death  of  the  Jesuits  typical  of 
the  stories  which  surround  the  career  of  the  early  mis- 
sionaries to  the  Indians: 

"  It  happened  that  an  Indian,  coveting  the  spoils,  went  to 
a  coffer  in  which  there  was  a  crucifix,  and  wishing  to  open  it 
or  break  into  it,  in  order  to  extract  its  contents,  fell  dead  on 
the  spot  as  he  began  to  unlock  it.  Then  another  Indian  pos- 
sessed with  the  same  covetousness,  sought  to  follow  the  same 
intent,  and  likewise  the  same  thing  occurred.  Then  none 
dared  further  approach  the  coffer,  but  they  preserve  it  to  this 
day  with  much  veneration  and  fear,  without  daring  to  approach 
it.  And  this  was  told  me  by  some  old  soldiers  who  came  from 
Florida  of  those  who  had  been  to  Axacan,  to  whom  it  was  told 
by  the  Indians  how  the  coffer  was  still  in  the  country  and  no 
one  dares  approach  it,  even  now,  after  the  lapse  of  forty 
years."  ' 

'  Alegre,  tomo  ii.,  p.  32  ;  Andres  Perez  de  Ribas,  Historia  de  los  Trivm- 
phos  de  nvestra  Santa  Fee,  etc.,  Madrid,  1645,  lib.  xii.,  cap.  14,  pp.  746- 
749.  There  was  a  tradition  that  the  crucifix  was  preserved  in  the  Jesuit 
College  at  Guaraca  (ibid.,  p.  749).  Francisco  Sacchini,  Historia  Societatis 
Jesu,  Pars  tertia,  Romse,  MDCL.,  pp.  323,  324;  Pedro  de  Ribadeneyra, 
Vida  del  P.  Franciso  de  Borja,  Madrid,  1592,  fol.  I4ib-i43  ;  Vita  Fran- 
cisi  BorgicE  ...  a  P.  Ribadeneira  Hispanice  scripta  ;  Latine  vero  ab 
And.  Schotto  Antverp,  Moguntias,  1603,  lib.  iii.,  cap.  6,  p.  257.  (This  is 
a  translation  of  the  preceding.)  John  Gilmary  Shea,  "  The  Segura  Mis- 
sion" in  the  United  States  Catholic  Magazine,  1846,  vol.  v.,  p.  604.  This 
is  based  on  the  accounts  given  by  Barcia  and  Garcilaso  de  la  Vega.  "  The 
Spanish  in  the  Chesapeake,"  in  the  Historical  Magazine,  1859,  vol.  iii.,  p. 
268.  This  is  based  on  the  accounts  of  Barcia.  Algambe,  and  Tanner. 
"  The  Log  Chapel  on  the  Rappahannock,"  in  The  Catholic  World,  March, 
1875,  p.  847,  a  much  more  mature  production  than  the  two  preceding,  but, 
unfortunately,  without  references. 


k 


366  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Father  Rogel  had  been  enjoined  to  send  a  ship  to  the 
assistance  of  the  Virginia  missionaries  after  the  expiration 
of  four  months,  and  had  made  every  effort  to  follow  out 
his  instructions.  As  soon  as  he  could  find  a  pilot  ac- 
quainted with  the  coast  he  set  sail  for  the  Bay  of  Santa 
Maria  in  company  with  Brother  Juan  de  Salcedo  in  a 
vessel  commanded  by  Vincente  Gonzalo.  On  reaching 
the  harbour  where  the  Jesuits  were  to  have  met  him  the 
absence  of  the  signal  which  had  been  agreed  upon  between 
them  awakened  his  suspicions,  and  he  did  not  land. 
The  savages,  in  order  to  induce  him  to  come  ashore,  dis- 
guised some  of  their  companions  in  the  garments  they 
had  stolen  from  their  victims,  and,  causing  them  to  walk 
along  the  shore  in  sight  of  the  ship,  shouted  out:  "Come, 
here  are  the  Fathers  you  seek."  This  grotesque  strata- 
gem failed  to  deceive  the  rescuers,  but  rather  confirmed 
their  suspicions.  At  the  same  time  two  of  the  natives, 
casting  themselves  into  the  water,  swam  out  to  the  ship, 
where  they  were  seized  and  dragged  aboard.  Then, 
raising  the  anchor,  Father  Rogel  immediately  set  sail  for 
Havana,  carrying  the  two  Indians  with  him.  In  order  to 
avoid  the  full  force  of  the  Gulf  Stream  the  vessel  returned 
along  the  coast,  close  to  the  land,  an  opportunity  which 
one  of  the  Indians  improved  to  make  his  escape,  throw- 
ing himself  into  the  water  and  swimming  ashore.  The 
other  Indian  was  secured  and  taken  to  Havana,  where 
every  effort  was  made  to  learn  from  him  the  final  fate  of 
the  missionaries,  but  without  success.  The  party  appears 
to  have  reached  Havana  about  the  time  of  the  arrival  of 
Avil6s  in  July.' 

•  Pulgar,  Historia,  fol.  176  ;  Alegre,  tomo  i.,  p.  33  ;  Ribas,  lib.  xii.,  cap. 
14,  p.  748. 


CHAPTER   III 

THE   LAST   VISIT   OF  AVILES   TO    FLORIDA 

IN  addition  to  the  unremitting  care  which  he  continued 
to  bestow  on  his  colony,  Avil^s  took  advantage  of  his 
presence  in  Spain  to  present  Philip  the  plans  of  the 
extended  exploration  and  conquest  which  he  had  first 
conceived  shortly  after  his  arrival  in  Florida.  Not  even 
the  disheartening  news  which  reached  him  from  time  to 
time  of  starvation  and  mutiny,  Indian  wars,  and  French 
revenge  could  curb  his  enterprising  and  self-reliant  tem- 
perament. Four  months  after  his  return  from  his  first 
expedition  to  Florida  he  was  already  maintaining  his 
favourite  theory  of  a  passage  to  the  Pacific  and  to  China 
by  way  of  Chesapeake  Bay,'  and  Fourquevaux  informed 
Catherine  that  Philip  was  so  taken  with  the  proposition 
that  he  had  advanced  two  hundred  and  thirty  thousand 
crowns  for  the  undertaking.^  Avil6s  also  called  the  at- 
tention of  his  master  to  the  Portuguese  settlements  "on 
the  coast  of  Florida  in  Newfoundland,  the  discovery  of 
which  was  under  his  charge."  According  to  his  account 
the  Portuguese  had  been  fortifying  themselves  for  two 
years  at  a  place  in  the  interior  near  some  large  Indian 
towns  two  hundred  leagues  away,  and  reached  from 
Newfoundland  by  an  arm  of  the  sea,  and  were  threaten- 
ing the  passage  to  China  and  the  Moluccas,  unless  they 
were  driven  out.' 

>  Advis  au  roi  par  le  Prebtre,  Nov.  30,  1567,  D^peches,  p.  305. 
*  Fourquevaux  to  Catherine  de'  Medici,  May  S,  1568,  ibid.,  p.  358. 
"  Deposition  by  Pedro  Menendez  (de  Aviles)  relating,  among  other  mat- 
ters, to  Portuguese   settlements  in    Florida,  and    the  urgent  necessity  of 
367 


i 


368  The  Spanish  Settlements 

As  if  these  considerations  were  not  enough  for  his  un- 
bounded ambition,  Avil^s  had  also  conceived  the  design 
of  extending  his  domain  to  the  confines  of  Mexico, 
and  applied  to  the  King  for  a  licence  to  settle  in  the 
northern  part  of  Panuco,  "which  was  in  Florida,"  giving 
as  one  of  his  titles  to  its  possession  the  proximity  of  the 
country  to  the  region  he  had  already  conquered,  and  in 
compliance  with  his  suggestion  a  royal  c^dula  '  was  dis- 
patched to  the  Audiencia  of  Mexico  for  its  opinion.  The 
Audiencia,  jealous  of  his  pretensions,  reported  adversely. 

"  For  measured  by  an  air  line  from  the  corner  of  Panuco  to 
the  corner  of  Santa  Elena,"  it  said,  "  there  are  four  hundred 
and  fifty  leagues,  and  it  is  a  common  practice  among  cosmo- 
graphers  to  add  a  third  more  of  the  way  by  land,  on  account 
of  the  sinuosities  of  the  mountains,  lagoons,  and  valleys  which 
usually  occur.  And  we  are  informed  that  they  exist  there  in 
great  number,  and  it  is  more  difficult  to  conduct  the  road  by 
the  mountains,  on  account  of  the  great  ravines,  and  hollows 
and  valleys,  and  the  excessively  mountainous  condition  of  the 
county,  so  that  the  distance  is  not  the  eighty  leagues  which 
Pedro  Menendez  says,  but  six  hundred  according  to  this 
computation." 

Another  reason  for  discountenancing  the  grant,  and 
one  more  especially  intended  to  appeal  to  the  royal  purse, 
was  that  the  colonists  "would  extract  silver  there  to  mint 
for  foreign  kingdoms,  or  for  where  they  chose,  and  would 
introduce  all  kinds  of  merchandise,  without  its  being  sub- 
ject to  the  proper  accounting."  The  Audiencia  also  in- 
sisted that  all  of  the  turbulent  element  of  the  country 

provisioning  the  soldiers  in  Florida,  March  28,  1568,  Brit.  Mus.  Add.  MSS., 
33.983,  fol.  324.  Aviles  apparently  thought  that  the  Portuguese  were  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  range  of  mountains  eighty  leagues  to  the  north  of  Chesa- 
peake Bay  (see  p.  212  in  this  volume),  and  not  a  great  distance  from  the 
channel  connecting  the  bay  with  the  South  Sea. 
'  Dated  Madrid,  July  21,  1568. 


The  Last  Visit  of  Aviles  to  Florida   369 

would  gather  about  the  new  colony,  and  it  would  become 
a  source  of  trouble  to  New  Spain. 

"The  site  he  lays  claim  to  settle  is  sixty  leagues  from 
Mexico,  and  in  case  the  Rio  del  Espiritu  Santo  should  have 
to  be  discovered  in  order  to  go  to  the  point  of  Santa  Elena,  it 
would  have  to  be  done  from  this  New  Spain  in  order  to  avoid 
these  inconveniences,  and  in  no  way  does  it  profit  the  service 
of  Your  Majesty  and  the  peace  of  this  land,  to  accede  to  the 
pretensions  of  Pero  Menendez," 

concludes  the  Audiencia.' 

The  opinion  is  interesting  as  showing  the  extent  of  the 
geographical  knowledge  of  the  time  among  those  having 
the  best  opportunities  to  be  correctly  informed.  The 
concluding  paragraph,  relating  to  the  short  distance  from 
the  City  of  Mexico  to  the  proposed  Panuco  settlement, 
raises  more  than  a  mere  suspicion  that  the  Audiencia 
seriously  dreaded  the  presence  of  the  enterprising  Aviles 
in  its  neighbourhood,  and  was  still  mindful  of  Cor- 
tes's  dreams  of  independent  conquest.  And  perhaps  its 
caution  was  well  advised,  for  the  atmosphere  of  Mexico 
has  possessed  the  peculiar  property  of  disturbing  the  im- 
agination of  soldiers  from  the  time  of  Cortes  to  that  of 
Bazaine.  The  protest  of  the  Audiencia,  however,  could 
not  check  a  man  of  such  determination  as  the  Adelan- 
tado,  although  it  may  have  served  the  purpose  of  some- 
what delaying  the  execution  of  his  plan.  Four  years 
later  his  request  was  granted  and  the  limits  of  his  Florida 
grant  were  extended  west  to  the  Rio  Panuco  "eighty 
leagues,"  and  to  the  north  to  the  confines  of  Mexico, 
and  east,  north-east,  and  north  from  Santa  Elena.' 

'  ■'  Parecer  que  da  a  S.  M.  la  Audiencia  de  Nueva  Espana,  sobre  lo  pro- 
puesto  por  Pero  Menendez  de  Abiles,  de  poblar  en  el  rio  de  Panuco  que  es 
en  la  Florida,"  Mexico,  Jan.  ig,  1569.  MS.  Direc.  de  Hidrog.  Madrid, 
Col.  Navarrete,  tomo  xiv,  Doc.  No.  42. 

-  "  Real  Cedula  ordenando  al  Adelantado  Pero  Menendez  de  Aviles  la 
continuacion  de  la  conquista  de  la  Florida  por  la  parte  de  Panuco," 
Madrid.  Feb.  23,  1573,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  368. 


i 


370  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Throughout  the  month  of  February,  1568,  Avil^s  was 
in  Biscay  preparing  the  fleet  that  was  to  sail  for  Flanders, 
which  at  the  time  it  was  thought  that  he  would  himself 
command.'  In  the  summer  he  appears  to  have  made  his 
fifth  voyage  to  the  Indies,  returning  in  the  summer  or 
early  fall  of  the  following  year,  between  which  terms  it  is 
among  the  possibilities  that  he  made  one  visit  to  Florida 
as  recorded  in  a  previous  chapter.^  On  reaching  Spain 
he  found  a  letter  from  the  austere  Pius  V.,  a  man  of 
deep  but  rigid  religious  convictions,  congratulating  him 
upon  his  appointment  as  Governor  of  Florida,  and  en- 
joining upon  him  "the  good  sense  and  discretion"  which 
he  should  observe  in  his  government  of  the  Indians,  "to 
effect  the  increase  of  our  holy  Catholic  faith,  and  gain 
more  souls  to  God."  With  the  same  sound  sense  which 
he  recommended  to  the  observation  of  the  Adelantado, 
the  Pope  dwells  upon  the  moral  standard  to  be  main- 
tained among  the  colonists. 

"  But  nothing  is  more  important  in  the  conversion  of  these 
Indians  and  idolaters,"  he  observes,  "  than  to  endeavour  by 
all  means  to  prevent  scandal  being  given  by  the  vices  and  im- 
moralities of  such  as  go  to  those  western  parts.  This  is  the 
key  of  this  holy  work,  in  which  is  included  the  whole  essence 
of  your  charge."  ^ 

During  most  of  1570  Avil^s  appears  to  have  been  at 
sea,  protecting  the  arriving  and  departing  fleets  from  the 
depredations  of  pirates,  probably  accompanying  the  out- 
going India  squadrons  on  their  way  to  the  Canaries,  and 

'Fourquevaux  to  Charles  IX.,  Feb.  r8,  1568,  D^peches,  p.  328. 

2  See  A43pendix  CC,  The  Second  Voyage  of  Aviles  to  Florida,  p.  457, 
in  this  volume. 

3  Pius  V.  to  Aviles,  Aug.  18,  1569,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  299. 
English  version  in  Shea's  The  Catholic  Church  in  Colonial  Days.  New 
York,  1886,  p.  145. 


The  Last  Visit  of  Avil^s  to  Florida   371 

returning  with  the  treasure  ships.'  On  land  his  time  was 
actively  occupied  with  his  Cuban  Government  in  addition 
to  his  other  cares. 

Ever  since  the  arrival  of  Aviltis  in  Spain  rumours  had 
been  afloat  of  his  impending  return  to  Florida,  mostly  in 
connection  with  the  discovery  of  the  Northwest  Passage,* 
but  his  various  occupations  had  so  far  prevented  his  de- 
parture. With  the  arrival  of  Las  Alas,  the  knowledge  of 
the  defenceless  and  desperate  condition  of  his  colony 
must  have  pressed  heavily  upon  him,  but  it  was  only  in 
the  spring  of  1571  that  he  was  enabled  again  to  visit  his 
conquest,  and,  as  it  happened,  for  the  last  time.  May 
15th  he  was  at  San  Lucar  to  hasten  the  sailing  of  his 
fleet,  which  had  been  delayed  by  the  weather,  the  sinking 
of  one  of  his  ships,  and  the  unremitting  meddling  of  the 
officials  of  the  Casa  de  Contratacion."  On  the  17th  of  the 
month  he  set  sail  with  seven  galleons,  two  hundred  and 
fifty  sailors  and  soldiers,  and  four  hundred  persons  in 
addition.*  So  great  was  the  danger  from  pirates  to  which 
a  small  fleet  was  exposed  that  secret  instructions  appoint- 
ing a  meeting-place  were  left  for  Diego  Flores,  who  was 
to  follow  him  with  two  galleons,  and  Las  Alas  remained 
in  Spain  to  afford  Flores  his  assistance.' 

'  See  Appendix  CC,  The  Second  Voyage  of  Aviles  to  Florida,  p.  457, 
in  this  volume. 

Tourquevaux  to  Charles  IX.,  Aug.,  1567,  D^peches,  p.  263.  Gaffarel, 
p.  452,  dates  this  letter  Sept.  12,  1567.  Same  to  same,  Oct.  15,  1567, 
Ddpeches,  p.  280;  Apr.  6,  1568,  ibid.,  p.  345.  Same  to  Catherine  de' 
Medici,  May  8,  1568,  ibid.,  p.  358.  Advis  au  Roi  par  le  Prebtre,  Nov.  30, 
1567,  ibid.,  p.  305. 

^Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  May  15,  1571,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii,  pp. 
222,  224. 

■»  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  July  22,  1571,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  228,  235.  This 
letter  (p.  235)  contains  a  statement  that  "mi  muger  y  casa  "were  in  a 
vessel  of  the  fleet  which  sailed  for  Carthagena.  It  must  be  an  error  of  the 
copyist,  for  Aviles  intended  to  return  shortly  to  Spain  and  could  not  have 
taken  his  family  with  him. 

*  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  May  16,  1571,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii., 
p.  226. 


L 


372  The  Spanish  Settlements 

July  3rd  Aviles  reached  Havana,  where  he  spent  a  few 
days  attending  to  the  sailing  of  the  armada,  which  was  to 
escort  the  returning  treasure  fleet.  During  his  stay  he 
lost  some  men  by  desertion,  and  as  a  considerable  num- 
ber of  his  company  had  fallen  ill,  he  was  obliged  to  put 
the  sick  ashore.  Here  he  found  his  nephew,  Pedro 
Men^ndez  de  Aviles,  whom  Las  Alas  had  left  in  charge 
of  St.  Augustine,  and  who  had  fallen  very  ill,'  and  he 
learned  from  Father  Rogel  the  fate  which  had  over- 
whelmed the  Segura  mission.  His  resolution  was  quickly 
taken,  and  he  determined  to  visit  Axacan  and  verify  the 
details  of  the  death  of  the  missionaries.  Taking  with  him 
Father  Rogel  and  two  Brothers,^  he  promptly  set  sail  for 
Santa  Elena,  which  he  reached  on  the  22nd  of  July.  He 
found  the  small  garrison  at  San  Felipe  in  a  satisfactory 
condition,  and  the  natives  "humble  and  obedient," 
but  engaged  in  war  with  "the  Indians  friendly  to  the 
French."'  "For  the  Indians,  as  a  rule,"  he  observes, 
"are  better  friends  of  the  French,  who  leave  them  to  live 
in  freedom,  than  to  my  people  and  the  Teatines  (monks), 
who  restrict  their  way  of  living;  and  the  French  can  ac- 
complish more  [with  them]  in  one  day  than  I  in  a  year." 
To  increase  the  attachment  of  the  natives  to  his  interests 
he  sent  to  Campeche  for  supplies  to  distribute  among 
them." 

Having  reinforced  the  garrison  at  San  Felipe,  his  next 
step  was  to  proceed  to  Axacan.  On  his  arrival  he  found 
that  the  Indians  had  fled  to  the  mountains.  Aviles,  who 
was  determined  to  read  the  savages  a  lesson  which  they 
should  not  forget,  disembarked  with  a  company  of  soldiers 

•Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  July  22,  1571,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  228. 

^  Alegre,  tomo  i.,  p.  34. 

^It  does  not  appear  what  Aviles  means  by  this  expression,  unless  he 
attributed  the  continuance  of  the  Indian  war  to  French  influence. 

*  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  July  22,  1571,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p. 
228  et  seq. 


The  Last  Visit  of  Aviles  to  Florida   373 

to  go  in  search  of  them,  but  only  succeeded  in  captur- 
ing eight.  He  had,  however,  the  good  fortune  to  rescue 
the  lad  Alonso,  and  from  him  he  learned  the  details  of 
the  cruel  death  that  had  overtaken  the  missionaries.  The 
boy  also  informed  him  that  the  prisoners  which  he  had 
taken  were  among  their  murderers,  and  the  Adelantado 
hung  them  all  from  the  yard-arms  of  his  ship,  after  they 
had  been  converted  and  baptised  by  Father  Rogel. 
Father  Rogel  asked  Aviles  for  a  company  of  soldiers  to 
search  for  the  bodies  of  the  martyred  missionaries  and  to 
give  them  burial,  but  the  season  was  far  advanced,  Avil6s 
anxious  to  return,  and  the  request  of  the  Father  had  to 
be  denied.'  This  was  the  last  of  the  Jesuit  missions  on 
our  eastern  coast.  In  July,  1572,  Father  Sedeno  went 
to  Mexico  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  first  Jesuit  mission 
to  that  country,  and  from  there  he  was  sent  to  the  Philip- 
pines, where  he  passed  the  remainder  of  his  life,"  Father 
Rogel  lived  to  a  ripe  old  age,  for  the  legend  of  the  cruci- 
fix related  by  him  was  written  forty  years  after  the 
martyrdom  of  Father  Segura  and  his  companions. 

It  was  late  in  the  fall  when  Aviles  arrived  at  St.  Augus- 
tine, and  after  attending  to  the  necessities  of  the  garrison 
he  set  sail  on  the  20th  of  December  for  Havana,  with  the 
Jesuits  and  Alonso,  whom  Father  Rogel  had  taken  with 
him,  in  two  small  tenders  and  a  bark.  While  pursuing 
the  usual  course  along  the  coast  the  vessels  were  over- 
taken by  a  storm  which  separated  them.  The  bark  suc- 
ceeded in  making  Havana.     A  second  boat  was  driven 

'  Pulgar,  Historia  general  de  la  Florida,  fol.  176b,  Biblioteca  Nacional, 
Madrid,  MSS.  2999.  Ribas,  Historia  de  los  Trivmphos  de  nvestra  Santa 
Fee,  etc.,  Madrid,  1645,  lib.  xii.,  cap.  ii.,  pp.  748,  749.  Alegre,  tomo  i., 
p.  34.  Labor  Evangelica,  Ministerios  Apostolicos  de  los  Obreros  de  la  Coni- 
pania  de  Jesvs,  Fvndacion  y  Progresses  de  sv  Provincia  en  las  Islas  Filipinos. 
Historiadores  per  el  Padre  Francisco  Colin.  Parte  primera,  Madrid, 
MDCLXIII.,  lib.  ii.,  cap.  i.,  p.  168. 

2  Alegre,  tomo  i.,  p.  50.  Geographia  Historica,  El  P.  Pedro  Murillo 
Velarde,  Madrid,  1752,  lib.  ix.,  cap.  ii.,  p.  80. 


k 


374  The  Spanish  Settlements 

ashore  in  the  province  of  Ays/  where  the  crew  was  at- 
tacked by  the  natives.  Unable  to  defend  themselves 
because  the  water  had  rendered  their  arquebuses  useless, 
they  were  all  killed  and  their  boat  was  burned. 

The  boat  containing  Avil^s  and  the  Jesuits  was  cast 
ashore  near  Cape  Canaveral,  probably  not  far  from  the 
locality  where  Ribaut  had  suffered  a  like  fate;  its  oc- 
cupants, some  thirty  in  number,  escaped  to  the  land, 
constructed  a  kind  of  fort  with  the  wreckage,  and  with  a 
few  arquebuses,  which  were  still  uninjured  by  the  wet, 
defended  themselves  from  the  attacks  of  the  Indians  until 
nightfall,  when  they  set  out  in  the  direction  of  St.  Augus- 
tine, a  distance  of  thirty-one  leagues.  Struggling  onward 
through  the  forest,  crossing  the  streams  in  canoes,  in  great 
danger  from  the  sea,  from  which  they  managed  to  escape 
"by  means  of  some  reliques  which  the  companion  of 
Father  [Rogel]  cast  upon  the  waters,"  *  and,  fighting  the 
Indians,  they  accomplished  the  entire  distance,  finally 
reaching  St.  Augustine  without  the  loss  of  a  single  mem- 
ber of  the  company.  They  came  as  a  timely  reinforce- 
ment, for  a  few  days  after  their  arrival  three  large  English 
vessels,  fully  manned,  attacked  the  town,  but  were  suc- 
cessfully driven  off. 

The  boat  which  escaped  to  Havana  had  announced 
that  the  other  two  vessels  would  arrive  the  following  day. 
As  time  passed  without  news  of  them  or  of  the  Adelan- 
tado,  the  report  spread  that  he  had  been  lost.  At  the 
end  of  four  months  a  small  vessel  set  sail  on  the  loth  of 
April,  1572,  in  search  of  Avil^s,  and  finally  found  him  at 
St.  Augustine,  where  he  embarked  in  time  to  reach 
Havana  on  Good  Friday.  Here  he  remained  but  two 
weeks,  and,  having  sent  the  news  of  his  arrival  to  New 
Spain,  set  out  again  in  the  same  vessel  for  Puerto  de 

•Osorio  in  his  letter  of  May  24,  1572  (Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tcmo  ii.,  p. 
487)  says  "  Ris,"     This  is  in  all  probability  a  misprint  for  "  Ais." 
'Pulgar,  Historia  general  de  la  Florida,  fol.  173b. 


The  Last  Visit  of  Aviles  to  Florida   375 

Plata,  in  Hispaniola.  The  date  of  his  return  to  Spain 
does  not  appear,  but  it  is  not  improbable  that  he  sailed 
with  the  treasure  fleet  during  the  summer  of  1572,  leaving 
Pedro  Mcnendez  Marqu6s  in  charge  of  his  government. 
At  the  time  of  his  arrival  at  Havana  Las  Alas  was  already 
on  his  way  to  Florida  and  the  West  Indies.' 

As  this  was  the  last  visit  of  Aviles  to  the  country 
which  he  had  undertaken  to  subdue  and  colonise,  it  will 
be  of  interest  to  learn  the  condition  in  which  he  finally 
left  it  and  to  consider  what  profit  he  derived  from  the 
enormous  expense  to  which  he  and  his  friends  had  been 
put  in  its  conquest  and  maintenance.  We  have  seen  that 
Aviles,  who  at  the  outset  had  so  keenly  appreciated  the 
importance  of  cultivating  the  soil,^  sent  out  farmers  at 
different  times  to  colonise  his  province.^  These  were 
settled  for  the  most  part  on  the  little  island  at  Santa 
Elena,  on  which  was  situated  Fort  San  Felipe.  There 
are  two  accounts  of  the  condition  of  the  colony,  of  par- 
ticular interest  because  they  emanate  from  the  colonists 
themselves,  and  as  a  consequence  present  their  side  of 
the  story,  which  has  an  unhappy  ring  of  truth  about  it, 
despite  what  may  be  some  inevitable  exaggeration. 

In  1572  the  settlement  on  the  island,  in  addition  to 
soldiers  in  the  garrison,  consisted  of  some  twenty-odd 
farmers   with  their   families,   most   of   whom    had  been 

'  Osorio  to ,  May  24,  1572,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  487. 

In  the  "  Declaracion  de  Juan  de  Saravia  vecino  de  Sevilla  sobre  las  nuevas 
de  la  Armada  y  flota  de  Indias  que  se  apresaba  del  cargo  del  General  D? 
Cristoval  de  Eraso,"  Seville,  Oct.  19,  1572  (MS.  Direc.  de  Hidrog.,  Madrid, 
Col.  Navarrete,  tomo  xxii.,  Doc.  No.  7),  it  appears  that  Aviles  had  ordered 
the  Governor  of  Havana  to  notify  him  in  Florida  of  the  arrival  of  the 
galleons  in  order  that  he  might  return  to  Spain  with  Eraso's  armada. 

*  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Sept.  11,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomoii.,p.  83. 

2  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Dec.  3,  1570,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  208,  in  which  he 
says  he  has  sent  out  200  farmers.  Same  to  same,  Nov.  27.  1569,  ibid., 
tomo  ii.,  p.  190,  where  he  mentions  the  presence  of  farmers  in  Guale. 
Same  to  same,  Nov.  29,  1566,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  170,  where  he  refers  to  the 
farmers  in  Florida. 


k 


37^  The  Spanish  Settlements 

farmers  and  raisers  of  stock  in  Spain.  These  the  Adelan- 
tado  had  induced  to  emigrate  to  Florida  by  representing 
to  them  the  fertility  of  the  country,  "as  good  as  the  plain 
of  Carmona,"  says  one  of  the  Andalusians,  the  memory 
of  that  beautiful  valley  watered  by  the  Guadalquivir  and 
dotted  with  olive  groves  and  orange  trees  rising  before 
his  eyes.  The  farmers  were  promised  an  assignment  of 
good  farming  land  and  twelve  head  of  stock  apiece,  and 
some  of  them  had  even  brought  cows  and  sheep  of  their 
own.  They  were  soon  at  work  planting  corn  and  wheat, 
oats  and  pumpkins,  chick-peas  and  beans,  and  perhaps 
the  sugar-cane,  as  Fontanedo '  informs  us;  and  cows, 
horses,  sheep,  and  goats  were  brought  to  the  fort  for 
their  use.  Pigs  were  given  to  them  with  the  curious 
condition,  according  to  one  of  the  deponents,  that  they 
were  not  to  be  slaughtered  for  ten  years,  after  the  expira- 
tion of  which  the  increase  was  to  be  divided  between  the 
settlers  and  Aviles. 

As  already  stated,  the  island  was  small  and  low,  sub- 
ject to  be  flooded  by  the  sea  at  the  high  tides,  and  the 
soil  sandy  and  unproductive.  The  frost  and  cold  of 
winter  proved  extremely  trying  to  the  crops.  During 
April  and  May  it  rained  continually.  The  wheat  failed 
entirely ;  worms,  rats,  and  moles  devoured  the  seed  which 
had  been  planted,  and  the  only  vegetables  that  gave  any 
results  were  the  pumpkins  and  melons.  The  cattle, 
roaming  at  large  over  the  island,  got  into  what  little  corn 
that  grew  and  ate  it  up.  The  cows  and  sheep  perished, 
owing,  as  the  settlers  thought,  to  the  extensive  marshes. 
The  Indians  killed  the  pigs,  and  as  starvation  pressed 
upon  them  the  balance  of  the  stock  was  consumed  by  the 
soldiers  and  the  wretched  settlers.  For  a  while,  on  the 
arrival  of  relief  at  St.  Augustine  or  Santa  Elena,  rations 
of  corn  and  wine,  oil  and  vinegar  were  regularly  distrib- 
uted among  them,  and,  as  we  have  seen,  pigs  were  sent 

•  "  Memoria,"  Col.  Doc.  Inedit.  Indias,  tomo  v.,  p.  544.  ' 


The  Last  Visit  of  Aviles  to  Florida   377 

to  them  a  second  time  on  the  arrival  of  Aviles  in  June, 
1566.'  But  these  soon  shared  the  fate  of  the  other  pigs, 
and  as  the  other  garrisons  felt  the  pressure  of  necessity, 
the  supplies  became  less  frequent.  Then  the  settlers, 
driven  by  hunger,  hunted  the  shores  for  oysters,  sea- 
food, and  herbs.  What  little  corn  could  be  obtained  was 
laboriously  pounded  in  a  mortar,  but  the  sick  were  unable 
to  eat  it,  and  some  of  the  settlers  died  from  starvation. 

Nor  was  this  the  only  misfortune  which  befell  them. 
Juan  de  la  Vandera,  who  was  in  charge  of  the  fort  and 
beyond  the  reach  of  control,  exercised  the  ofifice  of  a 
tyrant  and  plundered  the  colonists  without  mercy.  He 
sold  the  provisions  to  his  own  advantage.  When  a 
settler  refused  him  anything  that  he  wished  he  caused 
him  to  be  beaten,  and  when  his  permission  was  asked  to 
leave  the  country  and  go  to  Havana,  he  had  the  petitioner 
seized  and  imprisoned  in  the  fort  and  condemned  to  the 
payment  of  penalties  which  enabled  him  to  get  possession 
of  his  property,  and  he  took  from  the  settlers  all  of  their 
arms.  It  was  a  virtual  slavery,  and  only  by  trickery  and 
stratagem  was  it  possible  to  leave  the  island.  One  of  the 
exiles  relates  how  he  escaped  from  Santa  Elena  on  the 
pretence  of  returning  to  Spain  for  more  colonists.  Four 
years  later,  after  frequent  and  useless  applications  to 
Aviles  for  permission  to  abandon  Santa  Elena,  the  in- 
habitants of  the  settlement,  "ruined,  aged,  weary,  and 
full  of  sickness,"  "maltreated  and  insulted  by  the  gover- 
nors," petitioned  the  King  to  the  number  of  twenty-three 
for  leave  to  return  to  Spain  and  for  a  vessel  in  which  to 
make  the  voyage.  The  conditions  were  still  unchanged, 
and  the  notary  public  was  an  inexperienced  boy  under  the 
legal  age. 

At  St.  Augustine  there  appear  to  have  been  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  a  dozen  farmers.  The  supplies  which 
Arciniega  had  brought  from   Spain   had   profited  them 

'  Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  Jan.  30,  1566,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  144. 


I 


37^  The  Spanish  Settlements 

little,  for  peculation  had  been  rife,  and  it  was  said  that 
the  of^cials  in  charge  of  the  settlement  had  reloaded 
them  on  the  very  vessels  in  which  they  had  come  and 
sent  them  to  be  sold  on  their  own  account  in  the  Wind- 
ward Islands  and  elsewhere  in  the  Indies.  It  is  true  that 
the  land  at  St.  Augustine  was  better  than  at  Santa  Elena, 
and  the  plantings  which  the  settlers  had  made  were  more 
successful.  But  though  stock  was  distributed  to  the 
farmers,  as  had  been  done  at  Santa  Elena,  it  suffered  the 
same  fate  as  elsewhere,  for  many  of  the  pigs  were  killed 
by  the  Indians,  and  the  balance  was  given  no  time  for 
natural  increase,  being  eaten  up  by  the  colonists  and  the 
soldiery  in  their  extremity.  At  San  Mateo  and  at  San 
Pedro  on  Cumberland  Island  there  appear  to  have  been 
no  colonists.' 

So  far  as  the  discovery  of  mineral  wealth  was  concerned, 
an  equal  want  of  success  had  attended  the  conquest. 
Fourquevaux,  it  is  true,  had  reported  the  finding  of  a 
gold  mine  thirty  or  forty  leagues  beyond  San  Mateo,  on 
the  authority  of  one  of  the  captains  who  had  accom- 
panied Aviles ;  and  also  the  discovery  of  a  mine  of  azurite 
of  the  finest  quality.''  But  these  stories  find  no  confirma- 
tion in  any  of  Men^ndez's  letters;  and  as  the  only  expedi- 
tion made  into  the  gold-bearing  region  of  the  country,  that 
of  Juan  Pardo,  occurred  subsequent  to  Fourquevaux's 
report  and  was  without  results,  the  alleged  discoveries 
may  be  dismissed  as  merest  rumours.  The  anticipated 
pearl  fisheries  had  proved  as  illusory.     As  a  consequence 

'  Informacion  hecha  en  Madrid  por  el  Licenciado  Gamboa  sobre  cosas 
tocantes  a  la  Florida,  Madrid,  Feb.  4,  1573,  MS.  Arch.  Gen.  de  Indias, 
est.  2,  caj.  I,  leg.  1/27  ;  Instancia  a  S.  M.  de  Francisco  Ruiz  en  nombre  de 
los  vecinos  y  pobladores  de  la  Florida  solicitando  cambiar  de  residencia 
acompanada  de  informacion  de  testigos,  MS.,  ibid.,  est.  54,  caj.  5,  leg.  16; 
Relacion  de  las  cosas  que  ban  pasado  en  la  Florida  tocantes  al  servicio  de 
Dios  y  del  Rey.  Vino  con  carta  de  Juan  Mendez,  6  de  Abril,  1584,  MS., 
ibid.,  est.  54,  caj.  5,  leg.  16,  p.  i. 

»  Advis  au  Roi  par  le  Prebtre,  Nov.  30,  1567,  D/pickcs,  p.  305. 


The  Last  Visit  of  Aviles  to  Florida   379 

trade  and  commerce  were  non-existent,  and  the  vast  con- 
quest, undertaken  at  such  an  expense  of  lives  and  money, 
reduced  itself  to  two  or  three  miserable  outposts  contain- 
ing a  handful  of  starving  and  naked  soldiers,  stationed  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  the  Florida  Straits  to  protect  the 
passage  of  the  treasure  fleets  and  to  prevent  the  descent 
of  foreign  powers  upon  its  shore.  How  utterly  inade- 
quate these  outposts  were  for  the  latter  purpose  we  see 
by  the  ease  with  which  Drake  sacked  the  city  of  St. 
Augustine  but  a  few  years  later.  It  will  be  recalled  that 
the  salary  of  the  Adelantado  was  to  be  paid  out  of  the 
produce  of  the  country  without  recourse  to  the  King  in 
event  of  his  failure '  to  find  it,  and  that  some,  at  least,  of 
the  royal  officials  in  Florida  were  in  the  same  case,^  so  the 
anxiety  of  Aviles  on  his  own  account,  as  well  as  on  theirs, 
will  be  easily  understood. 

The  Spanish  occupation  had  led  to  the  discovery  of 
two  plants — the  sassafras  and  the  nut  grass.  The  de- 
privation of  food  to  which  the  soldiers  were  subjected, 
the  roots  and  herbs  which  they  were  driven  to  eat, 
coupled  with  the  drinking  of  impure  water,  caused  much 
sickness,  which  the  Spaniards  alleviated  to  a  considerable 
extent  by  the  use  of  the  sassafras,  whose  virtues  they 
had  learned  from  the  French.  A  decoction  of  the  root 
was  prepared,  which  was  drunk  in  and  out  of  season,  at 
every  meal  and  even  when  fasting,  the  well  using  it  in 
place  of  wine.  The  Florida  soldiers  who  arrived  in  Spain 
in  1569  were  strong  and  healthy,  which  they  attributed 
to  the  use  of  the  root.  Dr.  Nicolas  Monardes,  who  wrote 
at  the  time  a  treatise  upon  the  medicinal  plants  of  the 
West  Indies,  relates  that 

"these  [Florida]  soldiours  doeth  trust  so  muche  in  this  woodde, 
that  I  beyng  one  daie  emongest  many  of  them,  informing  my 

'  "  Asiento,"  March  30,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  420. 
'Aviles  to  Philip  II.,  May  12,  1568,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  178. 


k 


38o  The  Spanish  Settlements 

self  of  the  thynges  of  this  Tree,  that  moste  parte  of  them 
tooke  out  of  their  pokettes,  a  good  peece  of  this  woodd,  and 
said;  Maister,  doe  you  see  here  the  woodde,  that  euery  one 
of  vs  doth  bryng  for  to  heale  vs  with  all  if  we  do  fall  sicke,  as 
we  haue  been  there;  and  thei  began  to  praise  so  muche,  to 
confirme  the  meruelous  workes  of  it,  with  so  many  examples 
of  them  that  were  there  that  surely  I  gaue  greate  credite  vnto 
it." 

The  Indians,  he  says,  called  it  paiiame,  and  he  informs 
us,  in  the  curious  medical  terminology  of  the  period,  that 
it  is  cold  and  dry  in  the  second  degree,  although  its  bark 
reaches  the  third  degree ;  and  among  its  marvellous  prop- 
erties it  relieves  the  liver,  drives  fevers  away,  restores 
the  appetite,  voids  the  stone,  quiets  toothache,  cures 
gout,  preserves  from  pest,  and  is  most  serviceable  in  all 
cold  sicknesses.' 

The  nut  grass,  a  plant  resembling  the  galanga,  was 
described  by  the  Spaniards  at  the  time  as  having  roots 
which  presented  the  appearance  of  a  string  of  beads,  and 
the  nodules  when  cut  apart  were  dry  and  hard  as  pebbles, 
black  without  and  white  within,  and  of  an  aromatic 
flavour.  The  Indians  crushed  the  herb  into  a  powder, 
with  which  they  rubbed  their  bodies  when  they  bathed, 
saying  it  refreshed  the  skin,  and  they  also  used  the  pow- 
der for  the  stomach-ache.  The  plant  grew  plentifully 
about  Santa  Elena,  and  the   Spaniards  used  it  for  the 

'  Nicolas  Monardes,  Historia  medicinal  de  las  cosas  que  se  iraen  de  tiues- 
tras  Indias  occidentales,  que  sirven  en  medicina,  Sevilla,  1 565-1574.  The 
translation  given  in  the  text  is  that  of  the  English  version,  entitled  :  loyfvll 
Nevves  ovt  of  the  newe  founde  worlde  .  .  .  Englished  by  John  Framp- 
ton,  London,  1577,  fol.  47.  There  is  a  cut  of  the  tree  in  Frampton's  ver- 
sion on  fol.  45b,  which  is  reproduced  by  De  Laet  in  his  Histoire  du 
Nouveau  Monde,  Leide,  1640,  p.  127,  where  he  gives  an  account  of  its 
properties.  The  2nd  edition  of  the  Latin  version  of  Monardes's  work  is 
entitled  :  Simplicium  medicamentorum  ex  novo  orbe  delatorum,  quorrtm  in 
medica  usus  est,  historia  .  .  .  Latino  .  .  .  donata  ,  ,  .  a 
Carolo  Clusio,  Antverpiae,  1579. 


The  Last  Visit  of  Aviles  to  Florida   381 

same  purpose  as  did  the  Indians,  besides  discovering 
other  virtues  which  it  possessed,  and  held  it  in  such 
esteem  that  all  the  soldiers  carried  rosaries  of  beads 
made  from  the  roots.' 

In  1573,  a  year  after  the  protest  of  the  Santa  Elena 
colonists,  Pedro  Menendez  Marques  made  an  extended 
reconnaissance  of  the  entire  coast,  from  the  head  of  the 
Florida  Keys  to  Chesapeake  Bay.  Unfortunately  there 
was  no  cosmographer  in  the  party,  so  the  report  of 
Marques  was  unaccompanied  by  maps.  The  original 
extensive  and  detailed  report  which  he  prepared  for  the 
Council  of  the  Indies  was  given  to  the  cosmographer, 
Juan  Lopez  de  Velasco,  who  probably  received  it  after  he 
had  com^\Q.\.QA'\\\sGeografia  y  Descripcidn  Universal  de  las 
Indias,''  since  his  great  work  gives  no  details  whatever  of 
this  discovery.  The  report  was  subsequently  lost,  and 
we  are  indebted  to  the  historian  Barcia  for  a  brief  of  the 
original  which  escaped  a  similar  fate.  The  coast  was 
carefully  examined  and  its  trend  noted.  Depths  and 
distances  were  recorded.  Shoals  and  bars,  bays,  rivers, 
and  headlands  were  set  down,  with  conspicuous  objects 
by  which  the  entrance  of  the  harbours  could  be  recog- 
nised, and  sailing  directions  were  also  given.  Marques 
also  appears  to  have  entered  the  Bay  of  Santa  Maria  and 
explored  it  for  some  distance.  It  is  not  improbable  that 
he  was  accompanied  in  this  expedition  by  the  pilot  Vin- 
cente  Gonzalo,  on  account  of  his  previous  familiarity  with 
the  coast,  for  we  find  Gonzalo  again  visiting  the  Chesa- 
peake at  a  later  date.  During  the  course  of  his  expedi- 
tion Marques  rescued  a  number  of  Christian  captives 
from   the  Indians  and  brought  them  back  with  him  to 

1  Barcia,  Ensayo,  Ano  MDLXVII.,  p.  131.  Mr.  Frederick  V.  Coville, 
Botanist  of  the  Department  of  Agriculture,  thinks  the  plant  is  in  all  proba- 
bility the  nut  grass,  Cyperus  rotundus,  which  has  an  aromatic  odour,  similar 
to  but  less  pronounced  than  that  of  the  true  Asiatic  galanga. 

*  First  published  at  Madrid  in  1894  by  the  learned  Don  Justo  Zaragoza. 


382  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Santa  Elena.  Avil^s  had  in  the  meantime  exerted  him- 
self to  send  missionaries  in  the  place  of  those  who  had 
withdrawn  from  the  province,  and  on  the  arrival  of 
Marques  at  Santa  Elena  he  found  there  a  number  of 
Franciscan  friars  who  had  been  sent  out  to  him  from 
Spain.' 

Pedro  Men^ndez  de  Avil^s  has  filled  too  prominent  a 
place  in  this  part  of  our  history  to  be  dismissed  without 
casting  a  glance  at  the  few  remaining  years  of  his  event- 
ful career.  On  his  return  to  Spain  he  continued  his 
active  employment  in  naval  affairs,  his  attention  being 
particularly  given  to  the  equipment  of  a  fleet  directed 
against  the  English  corsairs  and  Cimarron  negroes,*  and 
on  the  loth  of  February,  1574,  he  was  appointed  Captain- 
General  of  the  formidable  armada  which  Philip  was  form- 
ing ostensibly  with  the  view  of  clearing  the  western  coast 
and  the  Flanders  channel  of  pirates,  an  armada  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  sail  and  twelve  thousand  men  accord- 
ing to  some,  of  three  hundred  sail  and  twenty  thou- 
sand men  according  to  others.^  Not  on  this  account  did 
Avil^s  neglect  his  Florida  interests,  for  in  the  early  spring 
of  1573  he  obtained  a  royal  licence  to  send  fifty  families 
from  the  Asturias  to  Florida,  an  undertaking  he  was  in 
haste  to  put  into  execution,*  while  his  remarkable  ver- 
satility is  shown  in  his   invention  of  an  instrument  for 

'  Barcia,  Ensayo,  K\\o  MDLXIII.,  p.  146.  On  p.  149  he  says  nine 
monks,  but  note  that  the  two  following  references  mention  only  six.  ' '  Real 
orden  a  los  officiales  de  Sevilla  que  prouean  de  lo  necesario  a  seis  religiosos 
q  uan  a  la  florida."  "Real  orden  al  comisario  general  de  s  ixzxsF-°  que 
nombre  seis  religiosos  que  uayan  a  la  florida."  Both  dated  Madrid,  Feb. 
23,  1573,  MSS.  Arch.  Gen.  de  Indias,  Seville,  est.  154,  caj.  i,  leg.  iS,  tomo 
i.,  fol.  82. 

*  Vigil,  Noticias,  pp.  31,  177-179. 

^  Ibid.,  pp.  31,  32  ;  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  pp.  ccvi,  ccix. 

*  "  Real  licencia  concedida  a  Pero  Menendez  de  Aviles  para  llevar,  previa 
informacion,  cinquenta  familias  asturianas  a  la  Florida,"  Madrid,  March  3, 
1573,  Ruidiaz,  idid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  373  ;  Aviles  to  Marques,  Sept.  8,  1574, 
ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  290,  291. 


The  Last  Visit  of  Aviles  to  Florida   383 

measuring  longitude,'  for  which  he  was  conceded  a  ten- 
years'  patent. 

In  the  midst  of  these  various  and  engrossing  occupa- 
tions his  heart  yearned  for  the  white  sands  and  palmetto 
groves  of  Florida,  brilliant  amidst  her  torrid  waters. 
Almost  his  last  thoughts  and  last  words  were  for  her. 
September  8,  1574,  he  wrote  to  his  nephew  and  lieutenant, 
Marques : 

"  Expressing  to  His  Majesty  my  discontent  at  finding  my- 
self separated  from  Florida,  he  has  graciously  told  me  that  as 
often  as  it  is  possible  to  allow  me  to  return  he  will  very  gladly 
do  so.  And  I  hope  to  God  he  will  do  so  in  the  spring,  for  I 
do  not  doubt  that  the  affair  of  Flanders  will  be  arranged  this 
winter.  And  with  that  I  shall  be  free  to  go  at  once  to  Florida, 
not  to  leave  it  for  the  rest  of  my  life;  for  that  is  the  sum  of  my 
longings  and  happiness.  May  our  Lord  permit  it,  if  possible, 
and  if  He  sees  fit."  ^ 

Whether  the  armada  assembled  at  Santander  was  really 
intended  for  Flanders,  or,  as  has  been  supposed,'  was  to 
attack  England,  Aviles  was  not  destined  to  lead  it,  nor  to 
see  his  beloved  Florida  again.  Nine  days  after  writing 
the  letter  just  quoted  he  died  at  Santander  from  an  at- 
tack of  indigestion.^  He  was  buried  first  at  Llanes,  but 
his  body  was  transferred  in  1591  to  the  Church  of  St. 
Nicholas  in  his  native  city  of  Avil6s,  where  it  now  re- 
poses in  a  niche  on  the  Gospel  side  of  the  altar,  with 
this  inscription : 

"  Here  lies  interred  the  very  illustrious  cavalier  Pedro 
Mene?  de  Aviles,  native  of  this  town,  Adelantado  of  the  Pro- 
vinces of  Florida,  Commander  of  the  Holy  Cross  of  La  ^arga 

^  Real  cedula  of  Feb.  17,  1573,  Pardo,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  366. 

*  Aviles  to  Marques,  Sept.  8,  1574,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  288. 

^  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  ccix,  and  see  Aviles  to  Marques,  Sept. 
8,  1574,  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  290, 

*  Ibid,,  tomo  ii.,  p.  513. 


3^4  The  Spanish  Settlements 

of  the  Order  of  Santiago  and  C"  Gen^'  of  the  Ocean  Sea  and 
of  the  Catholic  Armada  which  the  Lord  PhiHp  II.  assembled 
against  England  in  the  year  1574,  at  Santander,  where  he  died 
on  the  17th  of  September  of  the  said  year  being  fifty-five  years 
of  age."  ' 

The  only  ornament  on  the  tomb  is  his  coat-of-arms,  placed 
above  the  chest  which  contains  his  remains. 

The  testimony  of  his  companions  in  arms  goes  to  con- 
firm the  statement  made  by  his  biographers  that  Avil^s 
died  poor.*  He  left  two  daughters,  Doiia  Catalina,  who 
married  Hernando  de  Miranda,  and  after  his  death  Her- 
nando de  las  Alas ;  and  Doiia  Maria,  who  married  Diego 
de  Velasco.  All  of  his  Florida  interests,  except  the 
marquisate,  were  bequeathed  to  his  daughter  Catalina, 
who  also  inherited  his  title  of  Adelantado  of  Florida, 
while  Pedro  Men^ndez  Marques  was  authorised  to  prose- 
cute the  Panuco  conquest.  The  marquisate  was  left  to 
his  daughter  Dona  Maria,"  wife  of  Diego  de  Velasco,  and 
her  sons,  with  the  singular  condition  that  in  the  event  of 
male  issue  the  heir,  on  reaching  twenty  years  of  age,  was 
to  reside  with  his  wife  and  household  in  Florida  for  a 
period  of  ten  years,  "for  my  ultimate  object  and  desire  is 
to  procure  that  Florida  be  settled  in  perpetuity,  that  the 
Holy  Gospel  be  extended  and  planted  in  those  provinces." 
The  same  condition  was  imposed  upon  the  Panuco  in- 
heritance.' 

1  Barcia,  Ensayo,  Aiio  MDLXXIV,  p.  151;  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo 
i.,  p.  ccxxiv,  and  tomo  ii,  p.  337,  on  which  he  gives  a  cut  of  liis  tomb 
reproduced  from  a  photograph. 

'•^  Barcia,  Ensayo,  Ano  MDLXXIV.,  p.  151.  And  see  p.  126,  note  3  in 
this  volume. 

^  Ruidiaz  {La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  ccxxvi.)  says  she  was  a  professed  nun  at 
Avila,  but  the  will  specifically  speaks  of  her  as  married  at  the  time  to  Diego 
Velasco  (ibid.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  518). 

■* "  Testamento  del  Adelantado  Pedro  Menendez  de  Aviles  otorgado  en 
Sanliicar  de  Barrameda  el  7  de  Enero  de  1574,"  ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  516. 
Further  details  will  be  found  in  Ruidiaz,  who  at  the  end  of  the  second 


The  Last  Visit  of  Aviles  to  Florida   385 

Aviles  was  unquestionably  a  man  of  unusual  talent, 
enterprise,  and  courage,  of  indomitable  energy  and  will, 
of  remarkable  self-control  and  tact.  Every  emergency 
was  anticipated,  every  obstacle  was  surmounted  with 
promptness  and  dexterity.  Fatigue  and  weariness,  hesi- 
tation, doubt,  perplexity  were  alike  unknown  to  him. 
However  strange  the  circumstances  in  which  he  found 
himself  he  was  never  at  a  loss  for  one  moment  as  to  how 
they  should  be  met.  His  experience  in  naval  affairs  and 
more  particularly  in  the  West  Indies  exceeded  that  of 
any  captain  of  the  day.  His  loyalty  to  his  King  and  to 
his  religion  were  without  question,  "for  he  considered 
nothing  but  the  service  of  God  and  of  his  Majesty,  with- 
out looking  to  human  interests,"  said  one  of  his  soldiers.' 
He  could  descend  to  the  consideration  of  the  smallest 
details  and  order  them  with  practical  common-sense  while 
indulging  in  dreams  of  the  conquest  of  a  continent.  He 
shared  with  his  soldiers  their  privations,  and  led  them  in 
person  in  their  most  dangerous  undertakings.  For  their 
sakes  he  could  receive  an  insult  with  a  bow,  and  pawn 
his  own  clothes.  As  a  result  "he  was  much  loved, 
feared,  prized,  and  respected."* 

There  is  but  one  blot  on  his  fame,  that  of  the  Matanzas 
massacre,  nor  is  the  shame  of  it  palliated  when  it  is  as- 
cribed not  to  fanaticism  or  bigotry,  but  to  the  reasons 
assigned  by  his  master, — the  desire  not  to  risk  the  lives  of 
his  own  people.  If  this  was,  indeed,  his  motive,  it  was 
a  worthy  one.  But  when  the  genius  and  resourcefulness 
of  Aviles  are  considered  it  is  reasonable  to  believe  that 
had  he  but  sought  it  some  other  expedient  would  have 
presented  itself  rather  than  the  bloody  one  to  which  he 

volume  (p.  627)  gives  a  list  of  the  Adelantados  of  Florida.  Barcia  in  his 
Ensayo  gives  a  plate  (facing  p.  i)  of  the  "  Casa  de  los  Adelantados  de  la 
Florida,"  and  Vigil  in  his  Noticias  gives  a  variety  of  genealogical  data. 

■  Grauiel  Justiniano,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  622, 

'Meras  in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  131. 

**.— 25. 


386  The  Spanish  Settlements 

resorted.  But  we  must  not  allow  our  judgment  to  be  so 
outraged  by  this  cold-blooded  murder  as  to  blind  us  to 
his  signal  merits,  and  Pedro  Men6ndez  de  Aviles  surely 
deserves  to  take  rank  among  the  greatest  and  most  gifted 
of  the  early  discoverers  and  conquerors  of  the  New 
World. 


APPENDIX   A 

REGISTERED    GOLD    AND    SILVER    IMPORTED    INTO    SPAIN    FROM 
THE    WEST    INDIES,     1560-1569 

Royal  Revenues  from  the  Indies. — In  1561  the  royal 
revenues  from  the  Indies  are  said  to  have  averaged,  one  year 
with  another,  600,000  ducats.  ("  Memoria  de  las  riendas  y 
patrimonio  del  rey  de  Espania  [sic]  dell  ano  156 1."  Brit. 
Mus.  Add.  MSS.,  Co^^on  Vesp.  C,  vii.,  fol.  216.)  In  1564  the 
royal  revenues  from  the  Indies  were  225  "  cuentos "  (Brit. 
Mus.  Add.  MSS.  Eg.,  1873,  fol.  225);  that  is  to  say,  225,- 
000,000  maravedis.  (See  Relacion  Breue,  etc.,  Brit.  Mus. 
Add.  MSS.,  8691,  fol.  36b,  which  says:  "  Contados  al  uso^ 
que  se  asientan  todos  en  los  libros  Reales,  que  es  a  cuentos, 
ymarauedis.  Cadacuento  sondiez  uezescienmilmarauedis.") 
In  1564  a  ducat  was  still  approximately  350  maravedis,  so  that 
we  have  about  600,000  ducats  for  the  total  revenue. 

The  following  table  shows  the  royal  revenue  from  Mexico 
for  the  years  1560-69  inclusive.  So  far  as  can  be  determined 
from  the  data  here  given  Mexico  paid  a  minimum  of  about  two- 
fifths  of  the  total  revenue  from  the  Indies. 


1560 — 268,702  pesos 

1565 — 424,409  pesos 

1561—252,937     " 

1566 — 480,597      ** 

1562—284,457     " 

1567—517,394 

1563—315,218     " 

1568—931,463      " 

1564—333,209     " 

1569—338,737      " 

(Relacion  de  la  Plata  Reales  Oro  I  oias  que  se  a  lleuado  a 
su  magestad  desta  nueua  espana  a  los  Reinos  de  Castilla  desde 
el  ano  de  mil  y  quinientos  y  veinte  dos     .     .     .     hasta  el  aiio 
387 


I 


388  The  Spanish  Settlements 

presente  de  mil  y  quinietos  y  nouenta  y  nueue.  Brit.  Mus. 
Add.  MSB.,  13,964,  fol.  196.) 

Gold  and  Silver  Imported  into  Spain. — Alava,  writing 
from  Lyons,  July  22,  1564,  reports  that  the  banks  "  tienen 
abisso  que  han  llegado  a  seuilla  seis  nabios  y  esperan  otros 
quatro  que  la  Voz  es  que  traen  para  registrar  de  V.  Md.  y 
particulares  Vn  million  y  docientos  mil  escudos  y  callado  dos 
milHones  mas"  (MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1502  (10),  fol. 
2b).  Fourquevaux  writes  to  the  King,  Sept.  17,  1566,  that 
the  fleet  from  the  Indies,  consisting  of  thirty-seven  ships,  has 
probably  arrived  at  San  Lucar  "  et  porte  quatre  millions 
XLVII  mil  escuz  d'or"  {De'peches,  p.  126),  which  is  confirmed 
by  a  letter  of  Saint  Sulpice  to  the  King  of  October  17th  of  the 
same  year,  in  which  he  says:  "  La  flotte  des  Indes  arrivee  a 
Seville  porte  quatre  millions  et  demy  d'or  ou  d'argent  sans  le 
secret,  et  porte  une  grande  richesse  de  perles,  pierreries  et 
drogues  pour  taingdre  en  cramoisy,  et  autres  choses"  {Depec/ies, 
p.  133).  Writing  Aug.  2,  1567,  to  the  King,  Fourquevaux 
says  that  Menendez  brings  the  report  of  the  Governor  of  Cuba 
that  the  fleet  from  New  Spain  carries  two  millions  of  gold 
{D^peches,  p.  242).  June  25,  1568,  Fourquevaux  again  writes 
the  King  that  "  la  flotte  du  Peru  est  arrivee  a  Seville;  et  ne  s'y 
parle  plus  de  peste,  puisqu'ilz  ont  ce  qu'ilz  attendoient:  ce 
sont  trois  millions  et  demy  d'or,  desquelz  I'un  million  est  por 
le  Roy  Catholique.  On  parle  de  trois  esmeraudes  de  grande 
valleur  que  lad.  flotte  a  port^e,  dont  I'une  est  si  grande  et  belle 
pezant  XXVI  caratz,  qu'on  ne  luy  scait  mectre  pris.  Autre 
flotte  attendant  de  laNeufve  Espagne  par  tout  juillet;  laquelle 
porte  pour  deux  millions  et  demy  d'or  en  argent  et  peu  d'or  " 
{De'peches,  p.  365).  This  gives  a  total  of  15,247,000  ducats  for 
the  four  years  specified  imported  for  the  King  and  private  in- 
dividuals, two  millions  of  which  were  smuggled. 

Excluding  the  smuggled  gold  we  have  an  average  for  the 
four  years  of  about  3,312,000  ducats  a  year;  and  if  we  take 
this  as  an  average  of  the  entire  amount  annually  imported, 
exclusive  of  the  smuggled  gold,  which  necessarily  cannot  be 
estimated,  we  have  the  enormous  importation  for  the  ten  years 
of  thirty-three  millions  of  ducats.     How  fallacious  all  such 


Appendix  B  389 

estimates  as  the  above  are  liable  to  be  is  best  realised  by  com- 
paring the  two  statements  quoted  in  the  text,  and  written 
within  a  very  few  years  of  each  other  and  of  the  period  of 
which  they  treat.  Moncada,  covering  the  earlier  years,  and 
therefore  those  of  less  development  of  the  mines,  gives  for 
about  the  same  extent  of  time  five  hundred  millions  more 
revenue  than  Navarette! 

APPENDIX    B 

THE    "riviere    DE    MAI  " 

Ribaut,  in  "The  true  and  last  discoverie,"  chap.  3  (re- 
printed in  the  Hist.  Col.  of  Louisiana  and  Florida^  by  B.  F. 
French,  2nd  series,  "  Historical  Memoirs  and  Narratives,"  p. 
179),  places  the  "Riviere  de  Mai"  in  30  degrees,  and  this 
may  very  well  have  been  the  river  referred  to  by  Chantone  in 
his  correspondence,  and  in  the  instructions  of  Manrique  de 
Rojas  under  its  Spanish  name  of  "  Ribera  de  las  Corrientes  " 
in  30  degrees.  (Chantone  to  Philip  II.,  Jan.  24,  1563,  MS. 
Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1500  (43),  and  Relacion  e  informacion 
de  los  franceses  que  han  ido  a  poblar  en  la  costa  de  la  Florida. 
San  Cristobal  de  la  Habana,  9  de  Julio  de  1564,  MS.  Arch, 
Gen.  de  Indias,  Seville,  est.  54,  caj.  i,  leg.  15,  p.  5.) 

When  Manrique  visited  the  locality  he  found  that  three  ves- 
sels loaded  with  Christians  had  been  there  recently  (see  p.  46 
in  this  volume),  and  it  is  probable  that  these  were  Ribaut's 
fleet  of  two  ships  and  a  large  sloop,  for  the  two  smaller  boats 
intended  for  the  shallow  Florida  waters  were  carried  aboard 
the  large  vessel  while  at  sea  (^Relacion  e  informacidn.,  MS.,  pp. 
10,  18,  19).  Hawkins,  who  visited  Laudonniere's  settlement 
on  the  River  of  May  in  1564,  found  the  river  "  standing  in  30 
degrees  and  better."  ("  The  voyage  made  by  M.  John  Haw- 
kins Esquire  ...  to  the  coast  of  Guinea,  and  the  Indies 
of  Noua  Hispania,  begun  in  An.  Dom.  1564,"  Hakluyt,  Edin- 
burgh, 1889,  vol.  iv.,  p,  240.) 

Rojomonte,  one  of  the  Frenchmen  who  escaped  from 
Laudonniere's  colony,   and  was  captured  by  the  Spaniards, 


390  The  Spanish  Settlements 

mentions  the  river  in  his  deposition  as :  "La  ribera  de  mayo  que 
esta  segun  dizen  en  treynta  y  un  grados  de  altura."  (Noticia 
de  la  poblacion  que  habian  hecho  los  Franceses  a  la  Florida, 
1564.  MS.  Arch.  Gen.  de  Indias,  Seville,  Patronato,  est.  i, 
caj.  I,  leg.  1/19,  ramo  4,  p.  i.)  Meleneche,  another  French- 
man, who  also  escaped  from  Fort  Caroline  and  was  captured 
by  the  Spaniards,  says  in  his  deposition  that  Laudonniere's 
fleet  "  baxaron  a  veinte  y  nueve  y  medio,  donde  hallaron  un 
rio  que  tiene  de  ancho  por  la  boca  un  tiro  de  verso,"  and  he 
describes  the  river  as  "  entrando  por  la  tierra  al  Sudueste, 
poco  mas  o  menos,"  a  description  which  can  only  apply  to  the 
St.  John's.  ("  Relacion  del  suceso  de  la  Armada  Francesa 
que  fue  a  poblar  la  tierra  de  la  Florida  "  in  "  Carta  escrita  al 
Rey  por  Juan  Rodriguez  de  Noriega,  Sevilla,  a  29  de  Marzo 
de  1565."  MS.  Direc.  de  Hidrog.,  Madrid,  Col.  Navarrde, 
tomo  14,  Doc.  No.  2i2f>  ^o^s.  3b  and  5b.) 

Menendez,  in  his  "  Carta  al  Rey,  15  de  Octubre  de  1565  " 
(Ruidiaz,  La  Florida.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  92),  says:  "  El  rio  que  esta 
en  el  fuerte  de  Sant  Mateo,  que  tomamos  a  los  franceses  [/.  «?., 
Fort  Caroline],  va  sesenta  leguas  por  la  tierra  dentro,  y  no  se 
llego  al  cabo  del  la  buelta  del  Sudueste,  a  salir  casi  a  la  baia  de 
Juan  Ponce";  and  in  the  same  letter,  p.  93,  he  says:  "El 
[puerto]  del  fuerte  de  Sant  Mateo  que  ganamos  esta  en  treynta 
y  un  quarto;  porque  los  franceses  y  sus  pilotos  se  enganavan, 
k.  yo  he  hecho  tomar  el  sol  en  tierra  y  averiguarlo. "  This  and 
the  similar  description  given  by  Meleneche  appear  to  estab- 
lish the  identity  of  the  "Riviere  de  Mai  "  with  the  St.  John's 
beyond  a  doubt. 

Other  Identifications. — Jean  de  Laet,  in  his  Histoire  du 
Noiiveau  Mofide,  Leyde,  1640,  liv.  iv.,  chap,  xvii.,  p.  129, 
identifies  it  with  the  River  of  St.  Augustine. 

The  Altamaha:  Guillaume  De  I'lsle,  in  his  "  Carte  et  Cours 
du  Mississipi  .  .  ."  Paris  .  .  .  17 18,  identifies  it 
with  the  "  Riviere  des  Cavuitas, "  the  Altamaha,  as  does  also 
lo.  Bapt.  Homann  in  his  map:  "Amplissima  regionis  Missis- 
sipi seu  Provinciae  Ludovicianae     ..."  (1763). 

Mr.  George  F.  Becker,  in  a  carefully  prepared  note  to  his 
"  Reconnaissance  of  the  Gold  Fields  of  the  Southern  Appa- 


Appendix  B  391 

lachians,"  p.  8  (Extract  from  the  Sixteenth  Annual  Report,  U. 
S.  Geological  Survey,  1894-95,  Part  II.),  argues  that  the 
"Riviere  de  Mai"  is  the  Altamaha,  because  "  Lemoyne's 
map  shows  it  as  the  largest  river  of  the  South,  its  main  branch 
extending  to  the  north-west  into  the  Montes  Apalatci,  and 
placed  much  farther  north  than  one  would  expect  to  find  the 
St.  John's.  Laudonniere  also  speaks  of  the  Mai  as  one  of  the 
three  great  rivers  rising  in  the  Appalachian  Mountains  and  as 
being  navigable  for  small  boats  from  the  mountains  to  the 
sea."  Mr.  Becker  cites  the  De  I'lsle  map  above  referred  to 
in  which  the  mouth  of  the  "  Caouitas  or  May  ...  is 
shown  at  a  distance  north  of  St.  Augustine  almost  exactly 
corresponding  to  the  real  position  of  the  Altamaha";  he  also 
cites  "A  new  and  accurate  map  of  the  province  of  Georgia  in 
North  America  "  of  1760  (?)  (No.  92,  Col.  of  American  Maps 
made  in  England,  Lib.  U.  S.  Geological  Survey),  in  which  the 
river  is  labelled,  "  Formerly  river  of  May,  now  Altamaha  or 
St.  George's  River." 

Mr.  Becker's  error  lies  in  placing  too  great  confidence  in  Le 
Moyne's  map,  which  can  be  accurate  only  in  respect  to  the 
country  which  the  French  actually  explored,  the  balance  being 
put  in  from  Indian  reports  imperfectly  understood,  if  not 
copied  from  other  and  equally  unreliable  sources.  The  French 
at  no  time  went  farther  up  the  river  than  Lake  George.  They 
ascended  no  northerly  arm  to  the  mountains,  and  Laudonniere 
may  well  have  thought  that  in  a  vague  Indian  account  of  the 
Altamaha  he  recognised  a  description  of  a  northerly  branch  of 
the  River  of  May.  The  later  maps  have  no  force,  because 
they  merely  copied  the  error  made  by  Mercator  in  his  map  of 
1606  (see  Appendix  J,  Maps  of  the  French  Colonies  in  Florida 
and  South  Carolina),  and  naturally  identified  his  River  of  May 
with  the  Altamaha,  when  the  course  of  the  latter  became 
known.  Moreover,  it  has  already  been  shown  that  Menen- 
dez  and  Meleneche  both  state  that  the  River  of  May  flowed 
southwest. 

The  first  map  subsequent  to  that  of  Le  Moyne  to  show  the 
St.  John's  flowing  southward  is  "A  Map  of  the  West  Indies  or 
the  Islands  of  America  in  the  South  Sea;  with  ye  adjacent 


392  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Countries,"  etc.,  by  Herman  Moll,  Geographer,  London,  for 
Thos.  Bowles  and  John  Bowles.  It  is  dated  1710  by  the 
British  Museum  and  17 15  (?)  by  P.  Lee  Phillips  in  his  A  List 
of  Maps  of  America,  Washington,  1901.  But  see  Brinton, 
J\/'otes  on  the  Floridian  Peninsula,  p.  85. 

Identified  with  the  St,  Mary's. — N.  Bellin,  in  "  Carte 
des  costes  de  la  Floride  Fran9aise, "  in  Charlevoix,  Hist,  de 
la  Nouvelle  France,  Paris,  1744,  tome  i.,  between  pp.  24,  25. 
Fran^ois-Xavier  Martin,  in  his  Hist,  of  Louisiana  (ist  edit., 
1827),  New  Orleans,  1882,  chap,  i,  p.  39,  John  W.  Monette, 
in  his  Hist,  of  the  Valley  of  the  Mississippi  (New  York,  1846), 
vol.  i.,  p.  67  and  p.  69,  note.  J,  G.  Kohl,  "A  History  of  the 
Discovery  of  the  East  Coast  of  North  /imerica, "  Portland, 
1869,  vol.  i.,  pp.  425,  436  {Col.  Maine  Hist.  Soc,  2nd  series). 

The  general  consensus  of  modern  opinion,  however,  identi- 
fies the  "  Riviere  de  Mai"  with  the  St.  John's.  Descripcion 
Historica  .  .  .  de  la  Florida,  MS,  Anonymous,  undated 
(end  of  1 8th  century?),  fol.  24b,  note.  In  the  possession  of 
the  writer.  Holmes's  Annals,  London,  1813,  vol,  i,,  p,  79, 
note  3,  and  p.  80,  note  i.  Memoir  of  Florida,  by  William 
Darby,  Philadelphia,  1821,  p.  47.  Historical  Collections  of 
South  Carolina,  by  B.  R.  Carroll,  New  York,  1836,  vol.  i., 
pp.  xxxiii.  and  xxxiv.  The  Territory  of  Florida,  by  John 
Lee  Williams,  New  York,  1837,  p.  170.  History  of  Georgia, 
by  William  B.  Stevens,  New  York,  1847,  vol.  i.,  pp.  32,  33, 
37.  History  of  the  United  States,  by  George  Bancroft  (15th 
edit.),  Boston,  1855,  vol.  i.,  p.  61.  "  Map  of  Florida,  1565," 
in  the  History  of  St.  Augustine,  by  George  R.  Fairbanks,  New 
York,  1858,  between  pp.  14,  15,  and  text  on  p.  16.  This  map 
is  reproduced  by  John  Gilmary  Shea  in  "Ancient  Florida,"  in 
Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist.  Am.,  New  York,  1886,  vol.  ii.,  p.  264. 
History  of  Florida,  by  George  R.  Fairbanks,  Philadelphia, 
1 87 1,  p.  93.  Historical  Collections  of  Louisiana  and  Florida, 
by  B.  F.  French,  2nd  series.  "  Historical  Memoirs  and  Nar- 
ratives," New  York,  1875,  P-  i7°)  note.  "Carte  de  la  Floride 
Fran^aise  (1562,  1568),"  in  Histoire  de  la  Floride  Fran^aise, 
par  Paul  Gaffarel,  Paris,  1875.  History  of  Hernando  de  Soto 
and  Florida,  by  Barnard  Shipp,  Philadelphia,  1881,   p.   499, 


Appendix  C  393 

note.  The  Catholic  Church  in  Colonial  Days,  by  John  Gilmary 
Shea,  New  York,  i886,  p.  134.  The  Pioneers  of  France  in  the 
New  World,  by  Francis  Parkman,  Boston,  1893,  p.  1%,  and  in 
the  map  "  Florida  1565,"  between  pp.  96,  97.  Memoirs  of 
Florida,  by  Roland  H.  Rerick,  edited  by  Francis  P.  Fleming, 
Atlanta,  Ga.,  1902,  p.  39,  note. 

Laudonniere,  in  1564,  on  the  second  French  expedition, 
established  Fort  Caroline  on  the  "Riviere  de  Mai  "  (see  p.  57 
in  this  volume).  From  this  he  was  driven  out  by  Menendez 
de  Aviles,  who  changed  the  name  of  the  fort  to  that  of  San 
Mateo,  which  name  was  in  consequence  given  to  the  river; 
and  the  Spanish  settlement  of  San  Mateo,  which  grew  up  on 
the  right  bank  of  the  river,  near  its  mouth,  has  retained  its 
name  down  through  the  first  quarter  of  the  nineteenth  century. 
See  the  following  maps:  "  East  Florida,  from  Surveys  made 
since  the  last  Peace,  adapted  to  Dr.  Stork's  History  of  that 
Country,"  by  Thomas  Jefferys,  Geographer  to  the  King,  in 
A  Description  of  Florida,  by  William  Stork,  3rd  edit.,  London, 
1769.  "A  New  Map  of  the  British  Colonies  in  North  Amer- 
ica," by  John  Andrews,  London,  1777.  "  The  West  Indies," 
Jno.  Gary,  London,  1783.  "  The  West  Indies,"  G.  G.  and  J. 
Robinson,  London,  1799.  "  Map  of  Florida,"  published  by 
Wm.  Darby,  182 1,  in  his  Memoir  of  the  Geography  a?id  Natural 
and  Civil  History  of  Florida,  Philadelphia,  182 1.  Bernard 
Romans  tells  us  that  the  Indians  called  the  St.  John's  River 
the  Ylacco,  a  name  which  conveys  an  indecent  meaning,  which 
he  nowhere  explains.  A  concise  Natural  History  of  Fast  and 
West  Florida,  New  York,  1775,  vol.  i.,  pp.  i,  259-273.  Daniel 
G.  Brinton,  in  his  Floridian  Peninsula,  p.  154,  note  i,  gives  a 
list  of  the  various  names  of  the  St.  John's  River,  both  English, 
Spanish,  and  native. 

APPENDIX    C 

THE  PILLAR   SET   UP   BY  RIBAUT 

Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  8;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  417.  Chan- 
tone  to  Philip  IL,  Jan.  24,  1563,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K, 
1500  (43)- 


394  The  Spanish  Settlements 

The  Frenchman  Rufin,  left  at  Port  Royal  by  the  small  force 
Ribaut  had  settled  at  Charlesfort,  thus  describes  the  pillar: 
"  El  qual  dicho  mojon  es  de  piedra  blanca  e  de  alto  y  grueso 
como  un  hombre  poco  mas  6  menos  y  en  lo  alto  del  esta  de- 
buxado  un  escudo  con  una  corona  en^ima  y  dentro  del  tres 
flores  de  lis  e  mas  abajo  una  IR  .  .  .  e  mas  abajo  quatro 
numeros  de  guarismo  que  dizen  1561."  Relacion  e  informa- 
cion  de  los  franceses  que  han  ido  a  poblar  en  la  costa  de  la 
Florida,  1564,  MS.  Arch.  Gen.  de  Indias,  Seville,  est.  54,  caj. 
I,  leg.  15,  p.  27.  Le  Moyne,  in  Plate  VIII.  of  his  "  Indorum 
Floridam  provinciam  inhabitantium  eicones,"  forming  part  of 
the  De  Bry  Brevis  Narratio,  Frankforti  ad  Moenum,  1591, 
shows  a  column  in  substantial  accordance  with  the  above 
description,  /.  <?.,  a  crown  with  the  coat  of  arms,  and  below 
them  an  oval,  which  probably  contained  the  cypher,  which  he 
does  not  give.  Neither  does  he  give  the  inscribed  name  and 
date.  The  pillars  were  brought  out  from  France  ready  to  set 
up.     Relacidn  e  informacion  de  los  franceses,  etc.,  p.  21. 

APPENDIX  D 

THE  RIVERS  BETWEEN  THE  "  RIVIERE  DE  MAl"  AND  PORT  ROYAL 

There  are  three  independent  sources  from  which  we  learn 
the  names  of  the  rivers  visited  or  seen  by  Ribaut  in  his  first 
expedition  along  the  Florida  coast.  The  first  is  Ribaut's  The 
true  and  last  discoverie  of  Florida,  published  in  1563;  the 
second  is  Laudonniere,  in  his  Histoire  Notable,  published  in 
1586,  and  the  third  is  Le  Moyne's  map  in  De  Bry's  Brevis 
Narratio,  published  in  1591.  From  two  of  these  accounts  we 
also  learn  the  order  in  which  the  rivers  were  discovered. 
Laudonniere  accompanied  Ribaut  on  this  first  expedition,  of 
which  he  gives  a  detailed  account.  Ribaut,  in  addition  to  his 
relation,  made  "maps  or  sea-cards,"  which  appear  to  have 
formed  part  of  it.  ("  The  true  and  last  discoverie  of  Florida," 
reprint  in  Hist.  Col.  Louisiana  and  Florida,  by  B.  F.  French, 
2nd  series,  "Historical  Memoirs  and  Narratives,"  p.  183.) 
Le  Moyne  accompanied  Laudonniere  on  the  second  expedition 


Appendix  D 


395 


and  subsequently  prepared  the  only  contemporary  map  which 
we  now  have  of  the  country  colonised  by  the  French.  All 
three  authorities  agree  in  the  names  of  several  of  the  rivers, 
and  two  of  them  in  the  order  in  which  they  were  visited;  but 
disagree  as  to  the  number  of  them  between  the  "  Riviere  de 
Mai"  and  Port  Royal.  Thus  there  are  in  all  fifteen  different 
names  of  rivers,  of  which  Le  Moyne  gives  fourteen,  Laudon- 
niere  twelve,  and  Ribaut  ten.  Ribaut  omits  two  rivers  given  by 
Laudonniere,  and  places  another  north  of  Port  Royal  which 
Laudonniere  has  placed  to  the  south  of  it.  Ribaut  also  omits 
five  of  Le  Moyne's  rivers.  Laudonniere  omits  three  of  Le 
Moyne' s  rivers,  but  substitutes  another  of  a  different  name  in 
place  of  the  one  last  omitted. 

The  following  table  best  illustrates  the  superficial  agreement, 
but  real  confusion,  that  exists  in  the  list  of  names  given  by  the 
three  authorities  mentioned: 


Le  Moyne' 

Laudonniere 

Ribaut 

I. 

Maij 

I. 

May 

I. 

May 

Sarvauahi 
Aij 

2. 

3- 

4. 

Sequana 

2. 

Seine 

2. 

Seine 

5- 

Axona  Iracana 

3- 

Somme 

5- 

Somme 

6. 

Ligeris 

4- 

Loire 

4- 

Loire 

7- 

Charenta 

5- 

Charente 

5- 

Charnet 

8. 

Garumna 

6. 

Garonne 

6. 

Caro 

Gironda 

7- 

Gironde 

9- 

ID. 

Bellum 

8. 

Belle 

7- 

Belle 

II. 

Magnum 
S.  Helense 

9- 

Grande 

8. 

Grande 

1 2. 

lO. 

Belle  a  veoir 

13- 

Tortus  Regalis 

II. 

Port  Royale 

9- 

lO. 

Port  Royale 
Belle  voir 

14. 

Humilde 

12. 

Basse 

'  In  the  list  of  these  rivers  given  by  Le  Moyne  in  Plates  III.,  IV.,  and 
V.  of  his  Eicones  he  omits  2  and  3;  il  is  called  "  Grandis,"  12  "The 
River  Jordan,"  after  wrhich  comes  the  "  Conspectu  bellum,"  and  then 
•'  Port  Royal," 


39^  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Questions  of  the  following  nature  at  once  suggest  them- 
selves: Is  the  "  Seine"  of  Laudonniere  and  Ribaut  the  same 
river  as  the  "  Sequana  "  of  Le  Moyne,  or  was  the  name  given 
by  them  to  one  or  the  other  of  Le  Moyne 's  second  and  third 
rivers?  If  the  latter  be  the  case  the  relation  of  the  other  rivers 
is  altered.  Was  Ribaut  right  as  to  the  location  of  the  "  Belle 
voir,"  or  was  Laudonniere?  Is  "  S.  Helenas"  Le  Moyne's 
name  for  Laudonniere 's  "  Belle  a  veoir  "?  And  if  so,  must  it 
be  accepted  as  against  Ribaut,  although  Ribaut's  account  was 
written  within  a  few  months  of  his  return  and  the  others 
twenty-four  and  twenty-nine  years  after?  Why  did  Ribaut, 
commander  and  map-maker  of  the  expedition,  omit  the 
"Gironde"?  Until  these  and  similar  questions  can  be  an- 
swered it  seems  futile  to  attempt  any  identification  of  these 
names  with  rivers  known  to  us  to-day  in  that  region.  Charle- 
voix says  of  these  various  names:  "On  reconnut  dans  la  suite 
qu'il  avoit  pris  plusieurs  anses  pour  des  embouchures  de 
Rivieres"  {Hist,  de  la  Nouvelle  Fratice,  Paris,  1744,  p.  25). 
And  Barcia  also  makes  the  same  statement  {Ensayo  Cronologico^ 
Ano  MDLXIL,  p.  44). 

The  attempt  at  identification  has  been  made  by  various  his- 
torians and  map-makers,  as  follows: 

The  Seine  corresponds,  perhaps,  to  the  St.  Mary's.  Holmes's 
Annals,  London,  1813,  vol.  i.,  p.  80,  note  i;  Hist.  Col.  South 
Carolina,  by  B.  R.  Carroll,  New  York,  1836,  vol.  i.,  p.  567; 
Hist,  of  Georgia,  by  William  B.  Stevens,  New  York,  1847, 
vol.  i.,  p.  -^y.  Hist.  Col.  of  Louisiana  and  Florida,  by  B.  F. 
French,  New  York,  1875,  2nd  series,  "Historical  Memoirs  and 
Narratives,"  p.  184,  note;  Hist,  of  Hernando  de  Soto  and 
Florida,  by  Barnard  Shipp,  Philadelphia,  1881,  p.  499,  note; 
Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World,  by  Francis  Parkman, 
Boston,  1893,  p.  39. 

The  Seine  is  identified  with  the  river  named  by  the  Indians 
Tacatacuru  in:  Gourgues,  1567,  Reprise  de  la  Floride,  Lar- 
roque,  Bordeaux,  1867,  p.  47;  Guillaume  De  I'lsle,  "Carte  et 
Cours  du  Mississipi  .  .  ."  Paris  .  .  .  1718;  lo.  Bapt. 
Homann,  "  AmpHssima  regionis  Mississipi  seu  Provinciae 
Ludovicianae     .     ,     ."  (1763).     Shipp,  De  Soto,  1881,  p.  571, 


Appendix  D  397 

and  John  Gilmary  Shea,  in  his  "Ancient  Florida,"  in  Narr. 
and  Crit.  Hist.  Am.,  vol.  ii.  (1886),  p.  280,  identify  the  Taca- 
tacuru  with  the  St.  Mary's. 

To  the  Altamaha:  N.  Bellin,  "  Carte  des  costes  de  la 
Floride  Frangaise,"  1744,  in  Charlevoix,  Ifi'st.  de  la  Nouvelle 
France,  1744,  tome  i.,  between  pp.  24,  25;  Tamizey  de  Lar- 
roque,  La  Reprise  de  la  Floride,  Bordeaux,  1867,  p.  47,  note; 
"Carte  de  la  Floride  Frangaise  (1562,  1568),"  in  Gaffarel, 
Hist,   de  la  Floride  Fra7i false,  Paris,  1875. 

The  Somme  corresponds,  perhaps,  to  the  Satilla:  Holmes's 
Annals,  vol.  i.,  p.  80,  note  i;  Carroll,  ibid.,  p.  xxxiv.,  note; 
Stevens,  ibid.,  vol.  i.,  p.  T^y,  French,  ibid.,  p.  182,  "and 
Jykill  or  St.  Andrew's  Sound  " ;  Gaffarel's  map,  ibid. ;  Shipp, 
ibid.,  p.  499,  note. 

To  the  St.  Mary's:  Hist,  of  St.  Augustine,  by  George  R. 
Fairbanks,  New  York,  1858,  p.  103. 

The  Somme  is  identified  with  the  river  named  by  the  Indians 
the  Alimacany:  Gourgues,  1567,  Reprise  de  la  Floride,  Lar- 
roque,  Bordeaux,  1867,  p.  48;  Shipp,  De  Soto,  1881,  p.  571, 
note;  Laudonniere,  on  the  other  hand,  says  the  Somme  was 
the  river  "which  the  Sauages  call  Iracana "  ("A  Notable 
History,"  in  Hakluyt,  Edinburgh,  1889,  vol.  ii.,  p.  502,  and 
Basanier,  p.  93),  and  Larroque  identifies  "L' Iracana  des 
Espagnoles  "  with  the  Alimacany  {Reprise  de  la  Floride,  p.  48, 
note).  From  this  it  appears  to  have  had  two  Indian  names, 
for  Larroque' s  "  des  Espagnoles  "  is  merely  a  slip  of  the  pen. 
Gatschet  "The  Timucua  Language,"  in  Proceedings  of  the 
American  Philosophical  Society,  vol.  xviii.,  p.  500,  says  the 
Iracana,  "  also  called  Salinacana, "  was  probably  in  Georgia. 

The  Loire  corresponds,  perhaps,  to  the  Savannah:  Holmes's 
Annals,  vol.  i.,  p.  80,  note  i. 

To  the  Altamaha:  Carroll,  ibid.,  p.  567;  Stevens,  ibid.,  vol. 
i->  P-  ZZ'i  French,  ibid.,  p.  184,  note;  Shipp,  ibid.,  p.  499,  note. 

To  the  Sapello:  Gaffarel's  map,  ibid.,  1875. 

The  Charente  corresponds,  perhaps,  to  the  Newport: 
Holmes's  .^««d!/i-,  vol.  i.,  p.  80;  Carroll,  ibid.,  p.  xxxiv.,  note; 
Stevens,  ibid.,  vol.  i.,  p.  2)Z\  French,  ibid.,  p  184,  note; 
Shipp,  ibid.,  p.  499,  note. 


398  The  Spanish  Settlements 

To  the  Ogeechee:  N.  Bellin's  map,  ibid.,  1744;  Gaffarel's 
map,  ibid.,  1875. 

The  Garonne  corresponds,  perhaps,  to  the  Ogeechee: 
Holmes's  Annals,  vol.  i.,  p.  80,  note  i;  Carroll,  ibid.,  p. 
xxxiv.,  note;  French,  ibid.,  p.  184,  note;  Shipp,  ibid.,  p.  499, 
note. 

To  the  Savannah:  Gaffarel's  map,  1875. 

To  St.  Catherine's  Inlet:   Stevens,  ibid.,  vol.  i.,  p.  33. 

The  Gironde  corresponds,  perhaps,  to  the  Savannah: 
Holmes's  Annals,  vol.  i.,  p.  80,  note  i;  Carroll,  ibid.,  p. 
xxxiv.,  note;  French,  ibid.,  p.  184,  note;  Shipp,  ibid.,  p.  499, 
note. 

To  the  Ogeechee:  Stevens,  ibid.,  vol.  i.,  p.  33. 

To  the  Santa  Helena  (?):  Gaffarel's  map,  ibid.,  1875. 

To  the  "Riviere  des  Chaouanes  "  or  Edisto:  Guillaume 
De  risle's  map,  ibid.,  1718;  lo.  Bapt.  Homann's  map,  ibid., 
1763. 

The  Belle  corresponds,  perhaps,  to  the  May  in  South  Caro- 
lina: Holmes's  Annals,  vol.  i.,  p.  80,  note  i;  Carroll,  ibid.,  p. 
xxxiv.,  note;  French,  ibid.,  p.  184,  note. 

To  the  South  Edisto  (?):  Gaffarel's  map,  ibid.,  1875. 

Laudonniere,  in  1564,  looking  from  the  top  of  a  bluff  near 
the  mouth  of  the  "Riviere  de  Mai"  (the  St.  John's),  says: 
"And  more  than  sixe  leagues  off,  neere  the  Riuer  Belle,  a  man 
may  behold  the  medowes  diuided  asunder  into  lies  and  Islets 
enterlacing  one  another  "  ("A  Notable  Historie,"  in  Hakluyt, 
vol.  ii.,  p.  450,  Basanier,  p.  41).  The  position  of  the  Belle  in 
the  other  relations  and  in  Le  Moyne's  map  is  quite  irreconcil- 
able with  this  statement. 

The  Grande  corresponds  perhaps,  to  the  Broad  River: 
Holmes's  Annals  vol.  i.  p.  80,  note  i;  Carroll,  ibid.,  p.  xxxiv., 
note;  Johnson,  quoted  by  Carroll,  ibid.,  p.  xxxvii.,  note; 
French,  ibid.,  p.  184,  note;  Shipp,  ibid.,  p.  499  note.  Le 
Moyne  places  the  S.  Helenae,  and  Laudonniere  the  Belle  a 
veoir,  between  the  Grande  and  Port  Royal,  which  is  quite  in- 
consistent with  the  theory  that  the  Grande  is  the  Broad  River. 
Only  in  Ribaut,  The  true  and  last  discoverie,  is  the  Grande 
immediately  followed  by  Port  Royal. 


k 


Appendix  E  399 

To  the  Edisto:  Franfois-Xavier  Martin,  ibid.,  1882,  chap, 
i.,  p.  39. 

To  the  Savannah:  Stevens,  ibid.,  vol.  i.,  p.  n. 

The  Belle  a  veoir  is  probably  the  May  in  South  Carolina: 
Shipp,  ibid.,  p.  499,  note. 

The  Basse  is  probably  the  Edisto  of  the  English:  Holmes's 
Annals,  vol.  i.,  p.  411. 

The  Libourne  is  identified  with  Skull  Creek:  Parkman,  ibid.y 

p.  39- 

APPENDIX    E 


PORT    ROYAL 

Description  of  Port  Royal, — Its  entrance  is  three  French 
leagues  w^ide  {^Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  pp.  11,  12;  Hak.,  vol. 
ii.,  p.  421,  LeMoyne's  "  Eicones  "  '\xv\)Q^xy'%  Brevis  Nar- 
ratio,  Plate  V.).  It  is  divided  into  two  arms  (Basanier,  Le 
Moyne,  Plate  V.).  The  Relacion  e  informacion  de  los  fran- 
ceses  que  han  ido  a  poblar  en  la  costa  de  la  Florida,  San 
Cristobal  de  la  Habana,  9  de  Julio  de  1564  (MS.  Arch.  Gen,  de 
Indias,  Seville,  est,  54,  caj.  i.,  leg.  15,  p.  16),  describes  it  as 
having  "  dosbocas  de  puertos  que  estan  juntos  una  con  otra," 
and  as  the  fifth  harbour  visited  by  Manrique  de  Rojas  after 
leaving  the  "  Rio  de  Sancta  Elena  "  in  32  degrees  and  sailing 
north,  and  again  as  "  un  puerto  grande  de  dos,"  {ibid.,  p.  26). 
One  arm  extends  to  the  north  (Basanier,  Le  Moyne),  nearly 
ten  or  twelve  leagues  up  into  the  country  ("  The  true  and  last 
discoverie  of  Florida  by  Captain  John  Ribaut,"  reprint  in 
Hist.  Col.  Louisiana  a?id  Florida,  by  B.  F.  French,  2nd  series, 
"Historical  Memoirs  and  Narratives,"  1527-1702,  p.  185). 
The  other  branch  extends  west  for  twelve  leagues  and  runs  into 
the  sea.  The  two  arms  are  two  leagues  wide,  with  an  island  in 
the  centre  having  its  point  towards  the  great  river's  mouth 
{Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  pp.  12,  13;  Hak.,  vol.  ii,,  pp.  421, 
422;  Le  Moyne,  ibid.,  Plate  V.,  and  map). 

There  is  a  discrepancy  between  the  statements  of  Laudon- 


400  The  Spanish  Settlements 

niere  and  Ribaut  in  respect  to  the  distance  sailed  up  these 
arms.  Laudonniere  says  that  Ribaut  sailed  twelve  leagues  up 
the  western  arm,  and  then  returned  to  his  ships,  and  the  next 
day  sailed  three  leagu'es  west  and  discovered  the  island  where 
the  pillar  was  set  up  {Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  422,  423).  Ribaut, 
as  above  noted,  says  he  went  up  the  northern  arm  ten  or  twelve 
leagues. 

The  western  arm  has  an  affluent  from  the  east  {Hist. 
Notable,  Basanier,  pp.  12,  13;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  422;  Le 
Moyne,  map),  which  Le  Moyne  shows  as  uniting  the  western 
and  eastern  branches. 

Le  Moyne  appears  to  have  derived  all  of  the  data  for  the 
legend  of  Plate  V.  from  the  His  tot  re  Notable,  of  which  it  is 
almost  a  translation,  and  Port  Royal,  as  shown  on  his  map,  is 
in  agreement  with  this  description,  and  Le  Moyne  is  therefore 
of  no  value  in  determining  whether  Ribaut  or  Laudonniere 
is  correct  in  this  particular. 

The  fort  built  by  Ribaut  was  situated  "  sobre  un  brapo  de 
un  rrio  que  esta  en  un  puerto  grande  de  dos  que  estan  junto 
a  la  banda  del  sur  "  of  the  harbour  in  32°  20',  where  Manrique 
de  Rojas  anchored,  from  which  it  was  but  three  leagues  distant 
"  por  el  rrio  arriba  sin  salir  a  la  mar,"  where  it  was  found 
{Relacidn  e  infortnacion  de  los  franceses,  pp.  17,  21,  26,  27). 

Its  Location. — Port  Royal  is  in  32  degrees  (Chantone  to 
Philip  II.,  Jan.  24,  1563,  MS.  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1500  [43]; 
Instructions  to  Manrique,  Relacidn  e  infortnacion  de  los  fran- 
ceses, p.  5,  and  the  French  observations  in  Rufin's  deposition, 
ibid.,  p.  21).  But  it  was  not  found  there  by  Manrique,  who 
visited  a  harbour  in  32  degrees  {ibid.,  pp.  10,  11).  It  is  in  32 
degrees  and  15  minutes  (Observations  of  Ribaut's  Spanish 
pilot  in  Rufin's  deposition,  ibid.,  p.  21).  Manrique  finds  it  a 
little  south  of  a  port  in  32  degrees  and  20  minutes  {ibid.,  pp. 
26,  27). 

The  Coast  to  the  South  of  Port  Royal. — One  league 
to  the  south  of  Port  Royal,  that  is  to  say,  of  the  harbour 
where  Manrique  found  the  pillar,  are  (a)  "dos  puertos  .  .  . 
junto  de  uno."  One  league  from  (a)  is  (^)  "  otro  puerto 
.     .     .     que  tiene  dos  rrios."     Two  leagues  from  (3)  is  (^) 


Appendix  E  401 

"  otro  puerto."  — '  leagues  from  (c)  is  (</)  "  otro  puerto," 
Three  or  four  leagues  from  (d)  is  Manrique's  Santa  Elena  in 
32  degrees.      {^Relacidn  e  inforffiacidn  de  los  fr anuses^  passim.) 

The  Coast  to  the  North  of  Port  Royal. — Two  or  three 
leagues  to  the  north  of  Port  Royal,  that  is  to  say,  of  the  har- 
bour where  Manrique  found  the  pillar,  is  a  harbour  in  32°  20', 
which  has  "un  rrio  que  esta  sobre  la  vanda  del  norueste"  {ibid.). 

Conclusion. — The  latitude  of  Port  Royal  Sound  is  32°  15', 
which  corresponds  accurately  to  that  observed  by  Ribaut's 
Spanish  or  Portuguese  pilot,  /.  e.,  2>2\°,  as  reported  by  Rufin. 
The  latitude  of  Fripp's  Inlet  to  the  north-east  is  32°  20', 
which  corresponds  accurately  with  that  observed  by  Man- 
rique, /'.  e.,  "  treinta  y  dos  y  un  tercio. "  Fripp's  Inlet  has  a 
small  creek,  unnamed  in  the  Coast  Survey  Chart,  near  its 
mouth  on  the  south  side,  also  a  stream  on  the  north-west 
bank,  not  far  from  its  mouth,  and  Port  Royal  Sound  can  be 
reached  by  going  up  Story  River  in  a  small  boat,  without  going 
to  sea;  all  of  which  agrees  very  closely  with  Manrique's  de- 
scription of  his  harbour.  It  is  also  to  be  noted  that  Port 
Royal,  /.  e.,  where  the  pillar  was  found,  was  unquestionably 
beyond  the  harbour  in  32  degrees  where  Manrique  first 
entered.  Too  much  stress  must  not  be  laid  upon  the  coinci- 
dence of  the  latitudes,  as  observed  by  Manrique,  with  those 
determined  by  the  Coast  Survey,  as,  in  view  of  the  imperfect 
means  by  which  the  observations  were  made  at  that  time,  it 
may  be  entirely  fortuitous.  The  correspondence  of  the  har- 
bours to  the  south  of  Port  Royal,  /.  <?.,  Tybee  Roads,  Wassaw 
Sound,  Ossaba  Sound,  and  so  on,  to  the  harbours  visited  by 
Manrique  prior  to  reaching  Port  Royal,  where  he  found  the 
pillar,  is  only  a  very  general  one  and  is,  perhaps,  rather  forced. 
In  direct  conflict  with  this  identification  of  Ribaut's  Port 
Royal  with  the  present  harbour  of  the  same  name  is  the  state- 
ment made  by  Menendez  in  his  letter  to  Philip  II.  of  October 
i5»  1565,  before  he  had  visited  the  locality.  Writing  from  St. 
Augustine,  Florida,  he  says:  "  Y  para  el  Maio  convendra  que 
.  .  .  yr  d  poblar  a  Santa  Elena,  que  esta  cinquenta  leguas 
de  aqui,  y  en  tres  leguas  tiene  tres  puertos  y  rios,  y  el  mayor 
'  The  distance  is  not  given  in  the  manuscript. 


402  The  Spanish  Settlements 

tiene  seys  brazas  de  agua  y  el  otro  quatro  puertos  admirables; 
y  el  que  nos  Uamamos  Santa  Elena,  que  es  el  tercero  donde 
los  franceses  estaban,  es  muy  ruin,  y  todos  tres  se  navegan  por 
dentro  del  uno  al  otro  "  (Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  torao  ii.,  p.  94). 
This  seems  to  indicate  Santa  Helena  Sound  as  that  of  the 
French  settlement. 

Port  Royal  has  been  identified  with  the  Edisto  (/.  e.,  the 
South  Edisto)  by  J.  Oldmixton,  "  History  of  Carolina  "  (Lon- 
don, 1708,  cap.  i.,  reprinted  in  Hist.  Col.  South  Carolina  by 
B.  R.  Carroll,  vol.  ii.,  p.  394),  where  he  calls  it  "  The  Albe- 
marle River."  Charlevoix,  Hist,  de  la Nouvelle France,  Paris, 
1744,  tome  i.,  livre  i.,  p.  25.  N.  Bellin,  "Carte  des  costes  de 
la  Floride  Fran^oise  .  .  ."in  Charlevoix,  ibid.,  between 
pp.  24,  25.  Dr.  Hewit,  "  History  of  the  Rise  and  Progress 
of  the  Colonies  of  South  CaroUna  and  Georgia"  (London, 
1779,  cap.  i.  reprinted  in  Hist.  Col.  South  Carolina  and  Georgia 
by  B.  R,  Carroll,  vol.  i.,  p.  23),  calls  it  the  "Albemarle 
River."  Geo.  Chalmers  "  Political  Annals  of  the  United 
Colonies,  Carolina"  (printed  in  London,  1780,  reprinted  in 
Hist.  Col.  South  Carolina  by  B.  R.  Carroll,  vol.  ii.,  p.  275), 
makes  it  the  Edisto.  John  W.  Monette  {Hist,  of  the  Valley 
of  the  Mississippi  River,  New  York,  1846,  vol.  i.,  p.  67)  says 
it  was  "  above  the  St.  Helena  Sound,  south  of  the  Combahee 
River."  Dr.  Belknap  identifies  it  with  the  St.  John's  (cited 
by  B.  R.  Carroll  in  Hist.  Col.  South  Carolina,  vol.  i.,  p. 
XXX vi.,  note). 

Modern  writers  are  generally  agreed  to  place  it  at  Port 
Royal  Sound,  South  Carolina.  Brigstock,  who  travelled 
through  that  region  in  1653  (and  not  in  1623,  as  erroneously 
stated  by  French  in  his  note  to  Ribaut's  "  The  true  and  last 
discoverie,"  in  Hist.  Col.  Louisiana  and  Florida,  2nd  series, 
"  Historical  Memoirs  and  Narratives,"  p.  184),  is  cited  to  this 
effect  by  French  {ibid.).  Holmes's  Annals,  London,  1813,  vol. 
i.,  p.  80,  note  I.  Dr.  Holmes,  according  to  Carroll  {Hist.  Col. 
S.  C,  vol.  i.,  p.  xxxvi.),  addressed  several  interrogations  to 
his  friends  in  Beaufort,  South  Carolina,  on  the  subject  of  the 
situation  of  Charlesfort.  Memoir  of  Florida,  by  William 
Darby,  Philadelphia,  1821,  pp.  47,  48.     History  of  Louisiana, 


Appendix  F  403 

by  Fran^ois-Xavier  Martin  (first  edition,  1827),  New  Orleans, 
1882,  p.  39.  Historical  Collection  of  South  Carolina^  by  B.  R. 
Carroll,  New  York,  1836,  vol.  i.,  pp.  xxxiv.,  xxxvi.  Mr. 
Carroll  personally  conducted  investigations  to  determine  the 
site  of  Charlesfort,  and  a  search  was  made  to  find  the  pillar 
erected  by  Ribaut,  which  we  now  know  had  been  removed  by 
the  Spaniards.  On  page  xxxvii.  he  relates  a  tradition  of  the 
South  Carolina  Indians  in  West  Georgia,  where  they  had  been 
compelled  to  retire  by  the  influx  of  the  whites,  that  "  the  first 
place  at  which  they  ever  saw  the  whites,  was  at  Coosawhatchie, 
in  South  Carolina,"  which  is  the  principal  stream  that  flows 
into  the  Broad  River,  "  and  was  no  doubt  among  the  first  that 
were  explored  by  Ribault's  men." 

Bancroft,  in  his  History  of  the  United  States  (15th  edit.,  Bos- 
ton, 1855,  vol.  i.,  cap.  2,  p.  61),  referring  to  Laudonniere's 
account,  says:  "The  description  is  sufficiently  minute  and 
accurate;  removing  all  doubt  "  as  to  its  not  being  Port  Royal 
Sound,  South  Carolina.  History  of  St.  Augustine,  by  George 
R.  Fairbanks,  New  York,  1858,  p.  15.  J.  G.  Kohl,  "A  His- 
tory of  the  Discovery  of  the  East  Coast  of  North  America," 
Portland,  1869,  vol.  i.,  p.  427  {Col.  Maine  Hist.  Soc,  2nd 
series).  History  of  Florida,  by  George  R.  Fairbanks,  Philadel- 
phia, 1 87 1,  p.  94.  Historical  Collection  of  Louisiana  and 
Florida,  by  B.  F.  French,  2nd  series,  "  Historical  Memoirs  and 
Narratives,"  New  York,  1875,  P-  1^4,  note.  History  of  Her- 
nando de  Soto  and  Florida,  by  Barnard  Shipp,  Philadelphia, 
1 88 1,  p.  499,  note.  The  Catholic  Church  in  Colonial  Days,  by 
John  Gilmary  Shea,  New  York,  1886,  p.  134,  and  in  his 
"Ancient  Florida,"  in  Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist.  Am.,  New  York, 
1886,  vol.  ii.,  p.  260,  where  it  is  identified  with  Villafane's 
Santa  Elena.  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World,  by 
Francis  Parkman,  Boston,  1893,  p.  39. 

APPENDIX    F 

CHARLESFORT 

Ribaut,  in  "  The  true  and  last  discoverie  "  (reprint  in  Hist, 
Col.  Louisiana  and  Florida,  by  B.  F.  French,  2nd  series,  "  Hist. 


404  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Memoirs  and  Narratives,"  p.  i88),  says  Charlesfort  was  situ- 
ated "  on  the  north  side  of  an  island  .  .  .  upon  a  river, 
which  we  called  Chenonceau."  Laudonniere  writes,  "  ayant 
navigue  dans  la  grande  riviere  du  coste  du  septentrion  [that  is, 
having  ascended  the  northerly  arm  of  the  Port  Royal],  en 
costoyant  une  isle  qui  finit  en  pointe  vers  I'embouchure  de  la 
riviere  .  .  .  il  decouvrit  une  petite  riviere,  qui  entroit 
pars  le  dedans  de  I'isle, "  on  which  the  fort  was  built  {Hist. 
Notable,  Basanier,  p.  19;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  429).  Le  Moyne 
{Eicones,  Plate  VII.)  says:  "  qui  in  Charles-fort  propugnaculo 
supra  fluviolum  insulam,  quae  in  majore  Portus  Regalis  alveo 
Septentrionem  spectante  sita  est."  The  Frenchman  Rufin 
deposes  that  it  could  be  reached  from  a  harbour  in  32°  20', 
"  por  el  rrio  arriba  sin  salir  a  la  mar  "  (see  p.  400,  anteain  this 
volume),  and  Manrique  reported  "  que  es  sobre  un  bra^o  de 
un  rrio  que  esta  en  un  puerto  grande  de  dos  que  estan  junto  a 
la  vanda  del  sur  del  susodicho  [harbour  in  32°  20']  hasta  tres 
leguas,"  where  he  afterwards  found  it.  This  description  is 
too  indefinite  to  permit  of  determining  its  location.  Never- 
theless the  following  attempts  have  been  made: 

On  or  near  Beaufort  Island,  Port  Royal:  Carroll,  JItst.  Col. 
South  Carolina,  1836,  vol.  i.,  p.  xxxvi. ;  Stevens,  Hist,  of 
Georgia,  1847,  vol.  i.,  p.  34.  J.  G.  Kohl,  "A  History  of  the 
Discovery  of  the  East  Coast  of  North  America,"  Portland, 
1869,  vol.  i.,  p.  427  {Col.  Maine  Hist.  Soc,  2nd  series). 
French,  in  his  note  to  "  The  true  and  last  discoverie"  (in  Hist. 
Col.  Louisiana  and  Florida,  2nd  series,  "Historical  Memoirs 
and  Narratives,"  1875,  p.  188),  says  on  the  "island  named 
in  the  old  Spanish  maps  Santa  Cruz,  and  near  the  present 
beautiful  town  of  Beaufort."  Parkman,  Pioneers  of  France 
in  the  New  World,  1893,  p.  41. 

On  the  Edisto:  Chalmers,  "  Political  Annals  of  the  Province 
of  Carolina,"  London,  1780,  reprint  in  Carroll's  Hist.  Col. 
South  Carolina,  vol.  ii.,  p.  275. 

Beaufort  or  Edisto :  Gaffarel,  Hist,  de  la  Floride  Frangaise, 
1875,  p.  22. 

Mouth  of  the  Albemarle  River:  Oldmixton,  "  Hist,  of 
Georgia,"  1708,  reprint  in  Carroll's  ^w/.  Col.  South  Carolina, 


Appendix  G  405 

vol.  ii.,  p.  394.  Monette  {Hist,  of  the  Valley  of  the  Missis- 
sippi, New  York,  1846,  vol.  i.,  p.  67)  places  it  "  a  few  miles 
above  the  St.  Helena  Sound,  south  of  the  Combahee  River." 
Both  Barcia,  in  his  Ensayo  Cronoloi:;ico,  (ano  MDLXII.,  p. 
44),  and  John  Lee  Williams,  in  his  Florida  (New  York,  1837, 
p.  169),  confuse  the  Charlesfort  of  Ribaut  with  Fort  Caroline, 
built  in  1564  by  Laudonniere. 

The  Chenonceau  is  identified  with  Pilot's  Creek,  which 
empties  into  the  Port  Royal,  in  the  note  to  "  The  Port  Royal 
Discovery,"  in  Hist.  Col.  South  Carolina,  vol.  v.,  p.  75. 
Parkman  (in  The  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  IVorld,  p.  41) 
and  French  (in  Hist.  Col.  Louisiana  and  Florida,  2nd  series, 
"  Hist.  Memoirs  and  Narratives,"  p.  184,  note)  identify  it 
with  Archer's  Creek,  about  six  miles  from  the  present  town  of 
Beaufort,  to  which  French  also  gives  the  name  of  Skull  Creek. 

APPENDIX   G 

FORT  CAROLINE 

Rojomonte,  in  his  deposition  {Noticias  de  la  Poblacidn,  etc., 
p.  3),  says  of  the  situation  of  Fort  Caroline:  "  Puede  estar  de 
la  boca  del  dicho  Rio  dos  leguas  y  sobre  una  barranca  alta 
sobre  un  brago  del  dicho  Rio  a  la  banda  del  Sudueste."  Me- 
leneche,  in  his  deposition  ("Relacion  del  suceso, "  etc.,  in 
Noriega  to  Philip  II.,  March  29,  1565,  fol.  3b,  MS.),  says: 
"  Entrado  de  la  barra  adentro  hay  muchos  bancos 
y  estos  bancos  los  hay  quatro  6  cinco  leguas  por  el  rio  adentro, 
al  fin  de  los  quales  han  fundado  un  Pueblo  la  gente  de  esta 
Armada,"  and  farther  on  he  repeats:  "  Fundaron  un  fuerte  de 
madera  y  faxina,  quatro  6  cinco  leguas  a  dentro  de  la  boca 
deste  rio,  passados  los  bancos  que  estan  dichos."  The  writer 
of  the  "Coppie  d'une  lettre  venant  de  la  Floride  "  {Recueil  de 
Pilces  sur  la  Floride,  p.  241)  says:  "  Lequel  fort  est  sur  la  dicte 
riuiere  de  May,  enuiron  six  lieues  das  la  riuiere  loign  de  la 
mer."  Velasco,  in  his  Geografia  (p.  168),  says:  "  San  Mateo 
[the  name  given  by  Men^ndez  to  Fort  Caroline]  tiene  por  senas 
una  tierra  mas  alta  que  todas,  que  esta  una  legua  por  la  tierra. 


4o6  The  Spanish  Settlements 

adonde  solia  estar  el  fuerte  que  los  franceses  hicieron." 
Laudonniere,  in  his  Histoire  Notable  (Basanier,  p.  44;  Hak., 
vol.  ii.,  p.  453),  says:  "  This  place  is  ioyning  a  mountaine." 
Menendez,  in  his  letter  of  September  11,  1565  (Ruidiaz,  La 
Florida^  tomo  ii.,  p.  75),  says  of  the  French:  "  Tiene  hecha 
su  fuerga  cinco  leguas  por  el  rio  adentro  ";  but  this  informa- 
tion he  had  probably  derived  from  the  three  French  mutineers 
he  took  with  him,  as  he  had  not  yet  been  to  the  fort. 

Some  confusion  exists  in  the  above  descriptions,  but  four  of 
the  authorities  agree  in  placing  the  fort  on  or  near  a  high  hill, 
and  it  was  unquestionably  situated  on  a  river,  probably  where 
a  small  stream  flowed  into  it.  It  is  not  at  all  unlikely  that  it 
was  at  the  head  of  the  sand-bars  in  the  river;  and  if  Rojo- 
monte  indicates  the  distance  by  land,  he  is  in  substantial 
agreement  with  Velasco. 

George  R.  Fairbanks,  in  his  History  of  St.  Augustifie  (New 
York,  1858,  p.  16),  places  Fort  Caroline  "  about  two  leagues  " 
above  the  mouth  of  the  St.  John's,  and  between  pages  50  and 
51  he  gives  an  interesting  map  entitled,  "  Entrance  of  the  St. 
John's  River,"  showing  the  nature  of  the  neighbouring  region, 
which  goes  far  to  prove  the  correctness  of  his  conclusion.  In 
chapter  vi.,  pp.  51-59,  he  gives  an  excellent  discussion  on  the 
subject  of  its  site,  although  he  was  not  in  command  of  some 
of  the  data  which  we  now  have.  Mr.  Fairbanks  adheres  to 
this  location  in  his  History  of  Florida  (p.  100),  and  is  followed 
by  Parkman  in  his  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World  (Bos- 
ton, 1893,  p.  55,  note  i),  and  by  John  Gilmary  Shea  in  his 
"Ancient  Florida"  (in  Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist.  Am..,  vol.  ii., 
p.  265),  who  reproduces  the  above-mentioned  Fairbanks  map 
with  a  note  that  "his  view  of  the  site  is  open  to  question." 
Charles  B.  Reynolds,  in  his  Old  St.  Augustine  (St.  Augustine, 
Florida,  5th  edition),  in  the  map  given  on  p.  21  and  elsewhere 
in  his  book,  places  the  fort  in  the  bight  in  the  river  to  the 
south  of  the  location  given  by  Fairbanks.  Le  Page  Du  Pratz, 
in  the  English  version  of  his  History  of  Louisiana  (London, 
1763,  vol.  i.,  p.  3),  says  the  ruins  of  Fort  Caroline  "are  still 
to  be  seen  above  the  fort  at  Pensacola  "(!).  His  translator, 
in  a  foot-note  to  the  author's  remark,  places  it  at  St.  Augus- 


I 


Appendix  H  407 

tine.  As  Dr.  Shea  has  observed,  the  location  at  St.  John's 
Bluff  does  not  altogether  satisfy  the  requirements;  but  in  the 
course  of  years  the  topography  of  the  river  may  have  greatly 
changed,  and  St,  John's  Bluff  cannot  be  far  out  of  the  way. 

APPENDIX   H 

TIMUQUA 

The  name  is  variously  written  Timoqua,  Timuca,  Timucua, 
Tymangona,  Tymangoua,  Thimogona,  Thimogoa,  Thimagoa, 
Timogona,  Timoga,  and,  by  the  English,  Tomoco  and  Ali- 
muca.  It  contains  the  word  attmoqua,  signifying  ' '  lord,  ruler," 
which  occurs  in  Father  Pareja's  Confessionario  En  lengua 
Castellatia  y  Timuguana,  Mexico,  1613,  p.  205,  and  elsewhere 
in  his  works.  Albert  S.  Gatschet  in  "The  Timucua  Language," 
in  Proceedings  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society,  Philadel- 
phia, 1877,  vol.  xvi.,  p.  627. 

For  the  region  inhabited  by  the  Timuquanans  see:  Albert 
S.  Gatschet,  ibid.,  1877,  vol.  xvi.,  p.  626;  ibid.,  1878,  vol.  xvii., 
p.  490;  ibid.,  1880,  vol.  xviii.,  p.  465.  The  final  article  in  Mr. 
Gatschet's  interesting  and  exhaustive  essay  contains  on  page 
475  a  bibliography  of  the  titles  of  Father  Pareja's  works  in  the 
Library  of  the  Historical  Society  of  New  York  consulted  by 
him.  The  Zeitschrift  fur  Ethnologic  for  1877,  pp.  245-260,  and 
for  1881,  pp.  189-200,  contains  an  abridgment  in  German 
of  his  essay  published  in  The  Proceedings  of  the  American 
Philosophical  Society  2^iovQ  mentioned.  J.  W.  Powell,  "  Indian 
Linguistic  Families,"  Seventh  Ann.  Rep.  Bu.  Ethn.,  1885-86, 
p.  123.  Cyrus  Thomas,  "The  Indians  in  North  America  in 
Historic  Times,"  in  Lee's  Hist,  of  North  Atnerica,  Philadel- 
phia, vol.  ii.,  p.  58.  Bernard  Romans,  in  A  concise  Natural 
History  of  East  and  West  Florida  (New  York,  1775,  vol.  i., 
pp.  37,  267),  gives  an  account  of  their  last  home. 

For  the  Timuquanan  language,  in  addition  to  the  essay  of 
Mr.  Gatschet  above  cited,  see:  Arte  de  la  Lengua  Timuguana, 
compuesto  en  16 14  por  el  P*  Francisco  Pareja  y  publicado 
conforme  al  original  linico  por  Lucien  Adam  y  Julien  Vinson, 
Paris,  1886. 


4o8  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Some  idea  of  the  numerous  Timuquanan  villages  can  be 
gathered  from  Laudonniere's  relation  in  the  Histoire  Notable. 
Menendez,  writing  of  the  St.  John's  River,  says:  "  En  este 
rio  ay  grandes  poblaciones  de  yndios  "  (Aviles  to  Philip  II., 
Oct.  15,  1565,  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  92).  Le  Moyne 
shows  "  Timoga  "  on  his  map  on  the  right  bank  of  the  St. 
John's  shortly  before  it  turns  south,  opposite  the  mouth  of  the 
mythical  northern  branch  of  the  river,  which  may  perhaps 
correspond  to  Trout  Creek. 

Timuqua  also  appears  on  various  maps  as  follows:  Lescarbot 
(Marc),  "  Figure  et  description  de  la  terre  reconue  et  habitee 
par  les  Francois  en  la  Floride  et  audega,  gisante  par  les  30,  31, 
et  32  degrez,"  in  Lescarbot 's  Histoire  de  la  Nouvelle  France, 
Paris,  1611,  facing  p.  596.  De  Laet  (Jean),  "Florida  et 
Regiones  Vicinae, ' '  in  Histoire  du  Nouveau  Monde 
par  le  Sieur  lean  de  Laet  ...  A  Leyde,  1640,  p.  102. 
Sanson  d' Abbeville,  "  Le  Nouveau  Mexique  et  la  Floride," 
Paris,  1656.  Du  Val  (P.),  "  La  Floride  Frangoise  Dressee  sur 
La  Relation  des  Voyages  que  Ribaut,  Laudonier,  et  Gourgues 
y  ont  faits  en  1562,  1564  et  1567,"  vn  Diver ses  Cartes  et  Tables 
pour  la  Ge'ographie  Ancienne  .  .  .  Par  O.  Du  Val  . 
Paris,  1665.  Sanson  d' Abbeville,  "  Le  Nouveau  Mexique  et 
la  Floride,"  Paris,  1679  (a  reprint  of  the  1656  map).  De  I'lsle 
(Guillaume),  "Carte  du  Mexique  et  de  la  Floride,"  Paris, 
1703.  Senex  and  Maxwell,  "North  America,"  London, 
1710.  Chatelain  (H.  A.),  "Carte  contenant  le  Royaume  du 
Mexique  et  de  la  Floride,"  in  Gueudeville,  Atlas  Historique 
(1705-1719),  tome  vi.  (1719),  No.  27,  p.  loi.  De  I'lsle  (Guil- 
laume), "Carte  du  Mexique  et  de  la  Floride,"  etc.,  Amsterdam, 
1722.  Renier  &  Ottens,  "  Insulse  Americanse,"  etc.  (1730?). 
Seutter  (Matthaeus),  "  Mapa  Geographica  Regionam  Mexi- 
canam  et  Floridam,"  etc.  (1740-1760).  De  I'lsle  (Guillaume), 
"Carta  Geografica  della  Florida  Nell'  America  Settentrionale  " 
(1750),  in  Atlante  Novissimo  del  Sig'  Guglielmo  de  I'lsle, 
Venezia,  1740-1750,  vol.  ii.  (1750).  In  this  last  map,  as  well 
as  in  all  the  preceding  ones,  the  location  of  "  Timogoa  "  fol- 
lows that  given  it  in  the  Le  Moyne  map,  or  varies  only  slightly 
from  it.     Martin  (Benjamin),   "A   Map  of   the    British   and 


Appendix  I  409 

French  Settlements  in  North  America"  (second  part),  in  his 
Miscellaneous  Correspondence,  1755-1756,  London,  vol.  i.,  p. 
88,  where  the  name  Timooquas  is  applied  to  the  northern 
section  of  the  Peninsula  of  Florida.  Homann  (Joh.  Bap- 
tista),  "  Regni  Mexicani  seu  Novae  Hispaniae,"  etc.  (1763), 
in  his  Atlas  Geographicus  Major,  tomus  i.  (published  1763). 
Romans  (Bernard),  "A  General  Map  of  the  Southern  British 
Colonies  in  America,"  by  B.  Romans,  1776.  He  shows  the 
"Ancient  Timookas  "  in  about  northern  Alabama.  Pownall, 
"A  New  Map  of  North  America  with  the  West  India  Islands," 
1783,  and  Albert  and  Letter,  "A  New  and  Correct  Map  of 
North  America  with  the  West  India  Islands,"  1784,  show  the 
country  of  the  "Ancient  Timookas  "  in  southern  Georgia. 

Recent  maps  are:  "  The  Linguistic  Families  of  the  Gulf 
States,"  by  Albert  S.  Gatschet,  in  his  A  Migration  Legend  of 
the  Creek  Indians,  vol.  i.  Philadelphia,  1884,  between  pp.  48, 
49.  "Florida,  1565,"  in  Parkman,  Pioneers  of  France  in  the 
New  World,  Boston,  1893,  between  pp.  96,  97. 

APPENDIX  I 

LAUDONNlfeRE'S  STORY  OF  THE  NOVEMBER  MUTINY 

Laudonniere,  Le  Moyne,  and  Hawkins,  who  obtained  his 
information  from  the  French,  give  a  much  more  dramatic  ac- 
count of  the  mutiny  than  that  recorded  by  the  Spaniards.  It 
is  evidently  derived  from  the  mutineers,  who  returned  to  Fort 
Caroline,  and  who,  faithful  to  the  traditions  of  their  country, 
make  their  ill-luck  turn  upon  the  cleverness  of  a  woman. 
Their  story,  which  we  have  only  at  second  and  third  hand, 
runs  as  follows:  The  vessel  captured  off  Cape  Tiburon  proved 
to  have  a  rich  prize  on  board,  for  it  contained  no  less  a  per- 
sonage than  the  Governor  of  Jamaica  (Le  Moyne,  Brevis 
Narratio,  p.  19,  says.  Governor  of  Havana),  together  with  a 
great  store  of  gold  and  silver,  merchandise  and  wines.  Hav- 
ing agreed  with  the  Governor  upon  a  ransom,  which,  sailor- 
like,  was  to  include  some  monkeys  called  sanguines,  natives  of 
the  island,  they  set  sail  for  Jamaica.     Arrived  off  the  island. 


4IO  The  Spanish  Settlements 

the  Governor  persuaded  them  to  allow  his  two  little  boys, 
who  had  been  captured  with  him,  to  go  ashore  and  advise 
his  wife  to  send  him  some  provisions.  At  the  same  time  he 
forwarded  secret  instructions  by  the  lads  as  to  where  his 
captors  were  and  asked  that  vessels  be  sent  to  his  rescue. 
The  lady  proved  equai  to  the  occasion,  and  at  daybreak  next 
morning  the  pirates  were  surprised  by  the  descent  upon  them 
of  three  Spanish  ships,  which  chased  them  for  three  leagues 
and  succeeded  in  recapturing  their  own  vessel,  but  allowed  the 
brigantine  to  escape  with  the  larger  part  of  the  pirates.  (See 
also  Hawkins's  account  in  Hak.^  vol.  iv.,  p.  242.) 

APPENDIX  J 

MAPS  OF  THE  FRENCH    COLONIES   IN    FLORIDA    AND    SOUTH 
CAROLINA 

The  earliest  map  of  the  French  settlements  is : 
(i)  Le  Moyne  de  Morgues  (Jacques),  "  Floridae  Americae 
Provinciae  Recens  &  exactissima  descriptio  Auctore  lacobo  le 
Moyne  cui  cognomen  de  Morgues,  Qui  Laudonierum,  Altera 
Gallorum  in  earn  Prouinciam  Nauigatione  comitat'  est,  Atque 
adhibitis  aliquot  militibus,  Ob  pericula,  Regionis  illius  interiora 
&  maritima  diligentissime  Lustrauit,  &  Exactissime  dimensus 
est,  Obseruata  etiam  singulorum  Fluminum  inter  se  distantia, 
ut  ipsemet  redux  Carolo  IX  Galliarum  Regi,  demonstrauit." 
In  Part  II.  of  T.  De  Bry's  Historia  AmericcB,  Francoforti  ad 
Moenum,  1591.  There  are  good  reproductions  of  the  map  in 
Narrative  of  Le  Moyne  .  .  .  translated  from  the  Latin  of 
De  Bry,  Boston,  1875.  Shipp's  History  of  Hernando  de  Soto 
and  Florida.  Gaffarel's  Histoire  de  la  Floride  Frangaise. 
Ruidiaz's  La  Florida.,  tomo  i.  Winsor's  Narr.  and  Crit. 
Hist.  Am..,  vol.  ii.,  p.  274. 

Generally  speaking,  the  Atlantic  coast-line  runs  north-east 
and  south-west.  On  the  northern  margin  of  the  map  is  shown 
the  southern  section  of  a  great  body  of  water  without  any 
legend,  Verrazano's  sea  according  to  Winsor  (  The  Kohl  Col- 
lection, by  Justin  Winsor,  with  Index  by  Philip  Lee  Phillips. 


( 


Appendix  J  411 

Library  of  Congress,  Washington,  1904,  p.  89),  probably  the 
Pacific,  as  in  the  Miinster  map  of  1540  and  others  of  a  similar 
type.  Directly  south  of  this  body  of  water  are  the  "  Montes 
Apalatci,"  with  a  small  lake  at  their  foot  fed  by  a  spring  gush, 
ing  out  of  the  mountains.  Along  the  north-eastern  Atlantic 
coast  two  nameless  rivers,  one  coming  from  the  north  and  the 
other  from  the  north-west,  unite  to  form  Port  Royal  Sound. 
Two  streams  connect  the  rivers  together  at  some  distance  from 
their  confluence,  which  gives  them  somewhat  the  appearance 
of  an  inverted  V-  Farther  down  the  coast  the  "  F.  Maij  "  (the 
St.  John's)  flows  north-westerly  for  about  a  third  of  its  length, 
and  then  sends  a  branch  abruptly  to  the  south-west  in  a  direc- 
tion approximately  parallel  with  the  coast.  It  surrounds  in  its 
course  an  island  named  Edelano  {Hist.  Notable,  Basanier,  p. 
75;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  485;  De  Bry,  Brevis  Narratio,  pp.  15, 
19),  identified  by  Mr.  Fairbanks  with  Drayton  Island  {Hist, 
of  Florida^  Philadelphia,  1871,  p.  105),  and  terminates  in  a 
nameless  lake  bearing  a  legend  to  the  effect  that  one  shore 
cannot  be  seen  from  the  other  {Hist.  Notable^  Basanier,  p.  75; 
Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  485).  This  was  the  highest  point  on  the 
river  reached  by  the  French  and  is  identified  by  Mr.  Fairbanks 
{ibid.,  p.  105)  with  Lake  George,  a  body  of  water  twenty  miles 
long  and  twelve  broad,  distant  about  a  hundred  miles  from  the 
mouth  of  the  river  {Memoir  .  .  .  of  Florida,  by  William 
Darby,  Philadelphia,  1821,  p.  17). 

Still  farther  south  is  a  small  lake  called  "  Sarrope  "  {Hist. 
Notable,  Basanier,  p.  73;  Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  483;  De  Bry, 
Brevis  Nar ratio,  p.  17),  which  Brinton  {Notes  on  the  Floridian 
Peninsula,  Philadelphia,  1859,  p.  117),  and  after  him  Parkman 
{Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World,  Boston,  1893,  p.  80), 
think  may  be  Lake  Ware  in  Marion  County;  but  it  is  far  more 
probable  that  it  is  an  echo  of  Lake  Okeechobee,  as  identified 
by  Powell  ("  Indian  Linguistic  Families,"  in  Seventh  Ann. 
Pep.  Bu.  Ethn.,  1 885-1886,  p.  123),  the  Lake  Mayaimi  of 
Fontanedo  ("  Memoria  de  las  cosas  y  costa  y  indios  de  la 
Florida,"  Col.  Doc.  Inedit.  Indias,  tomo  v.,  p.  534).  A  second 
arm  of  the  "  F.  Maij  "  extends  to  the  north  and  terminates 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  great  unnamed  body  of  water. 


412  The  Spanish  Settlements 

The  map  embodies  data  derived  from  three  different  sources 
of  information.  The  first  and  most  reliable  are  those  within 
the  sphere  of  Le  Moyne's  personal  observation,  which  in- 
cludes, so  far  as  we  are  aware,  the  region  immediately  around 
Fort  Caroline,  such  as  the  countries  of  Saturiba  and  Alima- 
cany.  Le  Moyne  says  that  he  was  wounded  in  an  expedition 
against  Outina,  consequently  he  went  a  certain  distance  up 
the  river,  and  villages  such  as  Malica,  Casti,  Melona,  and 
Timoga,  are  probably  correctly  placed.  Data  of  the  second 
class  are  those  derived  from  Le  Moyne's  companions.  Thus 
Port  Royal  was  previously  known  to  Laudonniere,  and  during 
Le  Moyne's  residence  in  Florida  a  captain  was  sent  to  Audusta 
to  renew  the  relations  between  him  and  the  French.  An  ex- 
pedition was  also  sent  up  the  St.  John's  to  the  island  of 
Edelano  and  to  the  edge  of  the  lake  of  the  unseen  shore,  Lake 
George.  "  Calos  "  was  heard  of  from  the  escaped  Spaniards, 
but  the  vagueness  of  the  information  which  they  gave  is  indi- 
cated by  the  location  which  Le  Moyne  has  given  to  Lake 
Sarrope  (Lake  Okeechobee).  These  data  also  are  deserving  of 
a  varying  degree  of  credit.  Belonging  to  the  same  class,  but 
of  inferior  credibility,  are  the  data  obtained  from  the  Indians, 
which  we  can  determine  by  a  process  of  exclusion  to  include 
all  of  the  remaining  indications  on  the  map  relating  to  the 
interior  of  the  country.  The  third  class  consists  of  data  de- 
rived from  prior  records,  such  as  the  shape  of  the  Peninsula, 
and  the  names  along  the  coast  of  foreign  origin,  such  as  Sinus 
loannis  Ponce,  F.  Canotes,  F.  Pacis,  Aquatio,  and  the  names 
along  the  Carolina  coast,  which,  according  to  Winsor  (  TheKohl 
Collection,  p.  89),  indicate  that  Le  Moyne  used  Spanish  drafts 
of  the  coast. 

This  map  has  exerted  a  great  influence  upon  the  subsequent 
cartography  of  this  region.  One  or  more  of  the  features  just 
described  reappear  in  Dutch,  French,  and  English  maps  for 
over  a  century  and  a  quarter  subsequent  to  its  publication, 
either  as  laid  down  by  Le  Moyne  or  in  the  modified  form  given 
them  by  Mercator.  To  this  influence  Dr.  Shea  has  given  a 
very  brief  reference  in  his  "Ancient  Florida,"  in  Narr.  and 
Crit.  Hist.  Am.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  274,  note  i.     But  Andr^  Thevet's 


Appendix  J  413 

map  of  "Le  Nouveau  Monde  descovvert  et  illvstre  de  nostre 
temps,"  in  his  La  Cosmographie  Universelle,  Paris,  1575,  to 
which  Dr.  Shea  refers,  is  on  too  small  a  scale  to  be  of  interest, 
and  shows  the  Florida  Peninsula  without  details  and  without 
the  French  names. 

(2)  With  (John),  also  styled  John  White,  "  Map  of  southern 
part  of  the  Atlantic  coast  of  North  America,  showing  the 
strait  leading  from  Port  Royal  to  the  South  Sea,"  1585,  MS. 
Brit.  Museum.  First  published  in  reduced  facsimile  in  "  The 
Beginnings  of  a  Nation,"  by  Edward  Eggleston,  in  the 
Century  Illustrated  Monthly  Magazine^  Nov.,  1882,  vol.  xxv., 
pp.  66,  67,  where  it  is  accidentally  dated  1685.  There  is  a 
larger  reproduction  entitled  "  Chart  of  Virginia  and  Florida, 
by  John  White,"  in  The  Principal  Navigations  .  .  .  of 
the  English  Nation  ...  by  Richard  Hakluyt,  Glasgow, 
MCMIV.,  vol.  viii.,  between  pp.  400,  401.  It  is  also  repro- 
duced on  a  smaller  scale,  and  with  most  of  the  names  omitted, 
by  Justin  Winsor  in  his  Christopher  Columbus,  Boston  and  New 
York,  1891,  p.  589. 

The  Atlantic  coast  outline  of  the  Florida  portion  of  this  map 
corresponding  to  that  shown  by  Le  Moyne  differs  materially 
from  the  latter.  The  trend  of  the  coast  from  the  Cape  of 
Florida  to  Port  Royal  is  substantially  north  and  south.  The 
promontory  formed  by  the  River  of  May  and  the  River  of 
Dolphins  in  Le  Moyne  is  here  a  peninsula  projecting  due  east 
far  into  the  Atlantic,  and  Cape  Canaveral  has  undergone  a 
like  change.  The  two  rivers  which  unite  to  form  Port  Royal 
flow,  the  one  east  and  the  other  nearly  west,  in  place  of  south 
and  south-east,  as  in  Le  Moyne,  and  the  stream  from  the  west 
is  a  strait  connecting  the  Atlantic  with  the  Pacific.  The  River 
of  May  rises  in  a  western  lake  and  flows  due  east,  without 
turning  to  the  south  or  having  any  northern  affluent,  as  in  Le 
Moyne.  All  of  the  names  are  in  French,  and  the  names  of 
the  rivers  are  those  given  by  Laudonniere,  and  follow  in  the 
same  order,  with  the  exception  of  the  "  Belle  a  veoir,"  which 
is  omitted.  They  also  correspond  in  name  and  order  to 
Ribaut's  list,  but  include  the  Gironde,  which  he  omits.  The 
"Montes  Apalatci "  of  Le  Moyne  become  the  "  Montagnei 


4^4  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Pallassi,"  but  retain  substantially  the  same  position  as  in  Le 
Moyne's  map.  The  Indian  names,  "Vlina,"  "  Machiaca," 
"  Satvriona,"  "  Oatchaqva,"  and  "  Catos,"  correspond  to  Le 
Moyne's  "  Vtina,"  "  Mathiaca,"  "Saturnva,"  "Oathkaqua," 
and  "Calos";  but  are  placed  in  different  locations  from  those 
given  by  Le  Moyne,  except  for  Satvriona  and  Catos,  which 
have  the  same  position  in  both  maps,  Le  Moyne's  "lake  of 
the  unseen  shore  "  has  been  moved  north  and  becomes  the 
western  source  of  the  River  of  May,  but  it  is  without  any 
legend.  Le  Moyne's  "  Sarrope  "  is  "  Sieropea, "  and  remains 
in  substantially  the  same  position  in  both  maps,  but  his 
crescent-shaped  lake  and  the  lake  of  the  gushing  spring  are 
omitted. 

These  differences  are  too  pronounced  for  the  map  to  have 
been  based  upon  the  Le  Moyne  map,  to  which  With  might  have 
had  access  prior  to  its  publication  by  De  Bry  in  1591.  The 
supposition  that  the  information  was  obtained  from  Ribaut's 
relation  published  in  1563,  and  the  maps  Ribaut  says  he  trans- 
mitted with  his  report,  is  excluded,  because  the  data  therein 
contained  relate  to  his  first  voyage  and  the  founding  of  Charles- 
fort.  Laudonniere's  relation  was  first  published  in  the  follow- 
ing year,  1586,  and  Le  Challeux's  Z)ist:ours,  printed  at  Dieppe 
in  1566,  is  not  sufficiently  definite  in  its  descriptions  of  the 
country.  The  evidence  as  a  whole  appears  to  point  to  an 
independent  French  source  for  the  new  data  given  by  the  map, 
to  a  person  familiar  with  Laudonniere's  exploration  of  the  St, 
John's,  the  escape  of  the  Spaniards  from  the  Caloosas,  and  the 
report  of  the  rivers  seen  by  Ribaut  on  his  first  voyage.  If 
a  suggestion  may  be  ventured  it  is  possible  that  the  information 
upon  which  With  based  his  map,  in  so  far  as  the  Florida  por- 
tion of  it  is  concerned,  was  furnished  him  by  a  member  of 
Laudonniere's  colony  who  had  escaped  the  massacre.  The 
name  of  the  map-maker,  John  With,  in  place  of  John  White, 
as  it  is  usually  written,  is  here  used  in  view  of  the  lucid  argu- 
ment in  its  favour  made  by  Mr,  P,  Lee  Phillips  in  his  "  Virginia 
Cartography, ' '  Smithsonian  Miscellaneous  Collections^  Washing- 
ton, 1896,  p.  3. 

(3,)  Mercator  (Gerard).   "  Virginiae  item  et  Floridae  Ameri- 


Appendix  J  415 

canae  Provinciarum,  nova  descriptio."  In  Gerardi  Mercatoric 
Atlas  stve  costnographiae  meditatioties  de  fabrica  mufidi  et  fabri- 
cati  Jigura  .  .  .  auctus  et  illustratus  a  ludoco  Hondio 
.  .  .  aditae  .  .  .  descriptiones  novae;  studio  et  opera 
Pet.  Montani.  Dispensis  Cornelli  Nicolai  Amsterodami,  1606, 
p.  347.  The  legend  affixed  to  the  map  says:  "  Verum  nos 
earn  solummodo  Floridre  partem  hie  apposiuim*  cujus  pleniorem 
notitiam  habemus  ex  ipso  autographo  illius  qui  hanc  nomine 
regis  Gallioe  accuratissime  descripsit."  This  probably  refers 
to  Laudonniere's  Histoire  Notable,  Paris,  1586,  and  put  into 
English  by  Hakluyt  in  the  following  year  (1587),  for  the  data 
given  in  Ribaut's  True  and  last  discoverie  of  1563  are  insuffi- 
cient to  form  the  basis  of  a  map.  Le  Moyne's  map,  however, 
has  very  largely  influenced  him,  for  the  Port  Royal  River  is 
reproduced  as  in  the  Le  Moyne  map;  the  Appalachian  Moun- 
tains with  the  lake  and  gushing  spring,  the  lake  to  the  south, 
and  the  small  lake  Sarrope.  But  the  River  of  May  has  become 
much  more  tortuous.  Its  northerly  arm  now  takes  its  rise  in 
the  lake  of  the  unseen  shores,  which  is  here  placed  immedi- 
ately south-west  of  the  mountains,  while  its  south-westerly  arm 
has  been  changed  into  a  small  western  extension  without  any 
lake.  In  a  word,  while  all  of  the  main  features  of  Le  Moyne 
have  been  retained,  a  transposition  has  taken  place  as  to  the 
lake,  and  consequently  in  the  direction  of  the  course  of  the 
River  of  May,  which  flows  from  it. 

For  the  entire  seventeenth  century  this  map  of  Mercator  be- 
came the  source  from  which  the  mapmakers  drew  all  of  their 
information  concerning  the  territory  occupied  by  the  French. 

(4.)  Hondius  (Henricus)  in  his  "  Virginiae  item  et  Floridae 
Americae  Provinciarum  Nova  Descriptio,"  1633,  reprints  it 
bodily. 

(5.)  Jansson  (Joannes)  in  his  "Virginiae  partis  australis,  et 
Floridae  partis  orientalis,  interjacentiumq?  regionum  nova  de- 
scriptio "  (In  Le  Noveau  Theatre  du  Monde  ou  Novvel  Atlas, 
Amstelodami.  Apud  loan  lanssonium,  1642,  vol.  iii.,  pt.  2) 
puts  it  in  a  more  finished  dress.  (6)  Guillaume  Bleau  in 
Le  Theatre  du  Monde  ou  Novvel  4tlas,  Mis  en  lumiere  pa: 
Gvillavme  et  lean  Blaev.  Segonde  partie  (Amsterdam,   7644). 


4i6  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Amerique,  between  pp.  lo,  ii ;  (7)  Joannes  Blaeu  in  his  Atlas 
major,  sive  cosmographia  Blaviana  (Amst.,  J  Blaeu,  1662)  vol. 
ii.,  "America,"  between  pp.  41,  42,  and  in  other  editions; 
(8)  Carel  Allard  in  his  Atlas  Minor  (Amstelodami  ex  officina 
Caroli  Allard  [1696?]  No.  141);  and  (9)  Gerard  Valkand  Peter 
Schenk  (Amstelodami),  [17 10?],  all  reprint  the  map  with  the 
same  title  and  apparently  from  the  same  plates  with  an  occa- 
sional insignificant  change  of  some  of  the  lettering  and  the 
addition  or  removal  of  an  ornamental  design.  And  (10) 
Arnoldus  Montanus  in  his  De  Nieuwe  en  Onbekende  Weereld 
of  Beschryving  van  America  en  t  Zuid-land  .  .  .  Door  Ar- 
noldus Montanus  (t' Amsterdam  .  .  .  167 1)  between  pp. 
142,  143  reproduces  it  with  the  same  title  in  smaller  size. 

(ii.)  Lescarbot  (Marc),  "  Figure  et  description  de  la  terra 
reconue  et  habitee  par  les  Franpois  en  la  Floride  et  aude^a, 
gisante  par  les  30,  31  et  32  degrez."  De  la  main  de  M.  Marc 
Lescarbot.  (In  his  Histoire  de  la  Nouvelle  France,  Paris,  161 1, 
facing  p.  596.)  This  map,  while  very  different  in  outline  from 
the  Mercator  of  1606,  still  plainly  shows  its  influence.  But 
the  "  R.  Loire  "  has  extended  northward  until  it  takes  its  rise 
in  the  lake  of  the  gushing  spring.  The  lake  of  the  unseen 
shores  has  moved  farther  north,  and  the  "  R.  des  Dauphins  " 
has  at  last  found  its  source  in  Lake  "  Sarope." 

(12.)  Dudley  (Robert),  "  La  Florida,"  in  Del  V Arcano  del 
Mare,  di  D.  Rvberto  Dvdleo  Dvca  di  Nortvmbria  et  conte  di 
Warvich.  .  .  .  Firenze  .  .  .  1630.  Dudley  gives  in 
two  instances  Spanish  equivalents  for  French  names  which 
appear  on  Le  Moyne's  map,  whose  influence  he  shows. 

(13.)  Laet  (Jean  de),  "Florida  et  Regiones  Vicinae." 
In  V Histoire  du  Nouveau  Monde  ...  Par  le  Sieur  lean 
de  Laet  ...  A  Leyde,  1640,  p.  102,  follows  the  1606 
Mercator. 

(14.)  Sanson  d'Abbeville  (N.),  "  Le  Nouveau  Mexique  et 
la  Floride  .  .  ."  Paris  .  .  .  1656.  (This  map  was 
republished  in  1679  with  a  change  in  the  date  and  an  unim- 
portant addition  to  the  title.)  This  map  shows  the  Mercator 
influence  as  does  (15)  Du  Val  (P).  "La  Floride  Fran9oise 
Dress6e  sur  La  Relation  des  Voyages  que  Ribaut,  Laudonier, 


Appendix  K  4^7 

et  Gourgues  y  ont  faits  en  1562,  1564  et  1567."  Par  P.  Du 
Val,  G^ographe  du  Roy,  in  Diver ses  Cartes  et  Tables  pour  la 
Giographie  Aticientie.  ...  Par  P.  Du  Val  .  .  .  Paris 
.  .  .  1665.  And  (16)  Speed  (John),  "A  New  Descrip- 
tion of  Carolina,"  in  The  Theatre  of  the  Empire  of  Great 
Britain,  by  John  Speed,  London,  1676,  between  pp.  49,  50. 

With  the  opening  of  the  eighteenth  century  and  the  gradual 
advance  of  the  English  to  the  south  the  country  became  better 
known,  as  may  be  seen  in  (17)  Guillaume  de  I'lsle's  "  Carte 
du  Mexique  et  de  la  Floride  "  of  1703,  where  the  French 
names  begin  to  disappear  and  are  replaced  by  Indian  names 
known  to  the  English.  But  the  influence  of  the  Mercator  map 
continued  to  show  itself,  on  occasion,  far  into  the  century,  as  in 
(18)  Nicolas  de  Fer's  "  Partie  Meridionale  de  la  Riviere  du 
Mississippi"  of  17 18,  where  a  "Riviere  de  Mai"  still  flows 
from  north  to  south,  and  in  (19)  Guillaume  de  I'lsle's 
"Amerique  Septentrionale"  (Chez  Covens  &  Mortier)  of  about 
1730,  and  in  (20)  Johannes  Keulen's  "  Pas  Kaart  van  West 
Indien, "  of  about  1735,  where  the  French  names  for  the  rivers 
are  still  retained.  It  may  be  said  in  conclusion  that  the  Le 
Moyne  and  Mercator  maps  and  those  of  the  preceding  list  give 
the  location  of  a  great  number  of  Indian  villages  mentioned  in 
the  Relations;  but  they  appear  to  be  largely  the  result  of  mere 
guesswork  and  quite  undeserving  of  serious  consideration  until 
better  evidence  of  their  accuracy  can  be  secured  than  can  be 
commanded  in  the  present  state  of  our  knowledge. 

APPENDIX  K 

LA  TERRE  DES  BRETONS 

The  Portuguese  Portolano,  dated  15 14  by  Kunstmann  and 
1520  by  Kohl  {Discovery  of  Maine,  p.  179),  reproduced  in 
Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist.  Am.,  vol.  iii.,  p.  56,  shows  Nova  Scotia 
with  the  legend:  "  Tera  que  foij  descuberta  por  bertomas." 
Ribero's  chart  of  1529,  a  section  of  which  is  reproduced  in 
Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist.  Am.,  vol.  iv.,  p.  38,  shows  the  legend 
*'  Trra  de  Breto  "  on  the  Nova  Scotia  coast.     The  legend  on 


41 8  The  Spanish  Settlements 

the  mainland  to  the  west  of  it  reads:  "  Tiera  de  Esteva 
Gomez  la  qual  descubrio  por  mandado  de  su  mag.  el  ano  de 
1525  "  etc.  The  Miinster  map  of  1540  (See  Narr.  and  Crit. 
Hist.  Am.,  vol.  iii.,  p.  201,  and  iv.,  p.  41)  shows  Nova 
Scotia  with  the  legend:  "  C.  Britonum, "  and  on  the  main- 
land to  the  west,  "  Francisca."  The  section  of  the  Ulpius 
Globe  of  1542,  reproduced  in  Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist.  Am.,  vol. 
iv.,  pp.  42  and  82,  shows  the  "  Cavo  de  Brettoni  "  with  the 
legend  appended  to  the  mainland:  "  Verrazana  sive  Nova 
Gallia  aver  razano  fiorentino  comperta  anno  sal,  M.D."  The 
Henri  II.  map  of  1546  by  the  Abbe  Desceliers  {Narr.  and  Crit. 
Hist.  Am.,  vol.  iv.,  pp.  85,  86)  shows  Nova  Scotia  with  the 
legend:  "  Terre  des  Bretons."  The  map  by  the  same  author, 
No.  9814  of  the  British  Museum,  dated  1550,  and  reproduced 
in  Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist.  Am.,  vol.  iv.,  p.  87,  has  the  legend 
"  Tierra  de  los  Bretones  "  on  the  mainland,  west  of  what  is 
now  Nova  Scotia.  The  map  in  Baptista  Agnese's  Venetian 
atlas  of  1554  {Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist.  Am.,  vol.  iv.,  p.  90)  shows 
Nova  Scotia  with  the  legend:  "  Tarra  de  los  bertoms,"  Rus- 
celli  in  his  map  of  1561,  reproduced  in  Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist. 
Am.,  vol.  iv.,  p.  92,  shows  Nova  Scotia  with  the  legend: 
"  Tierra  de  los  Breton."  The  sketch  of  the  Des  Liens  map 
of  1566  in  Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist.  Am.,  vol.  iv.,  p.  79,  shows 
Nova  Scotia  with  the  legend  "  Cap  aux  Bretons,"  and  to  the 
west  of  it,  on  the  continent:   "  La  nouv.  France." 

APPENDIX    L 

PORTRAITS    OF    PEDRO    MENENDEZ    DE    AVIL^S 

There  is  a  copperplate  engraving  published  in  Retratos 
de  los  Espanoles  /lustres  con  un  Epitome  de  sus  Vidas.  De  Orden 
Superior.  En  la  Imprenta  Real  de  Madrid.  Siendo  su  Re- 
gente  D.  Lazaro  Gayguer.  1791."  It  is  entitled:  "Pedro 
Menendez  de  Avil^s,  Natural  de  Aviles  en  Asturias,  Com- 
endador  de  la  orden  de  Santiago,  Conquistador  de  la  Florida, 
nombrado  Gral  de  la  Armada  contra  Jnglaterra.  Murio  en 
Santander  A°  1574,  a  los  55,  de  edad."  It  is  drawn  by  Josef 
Camaron,  and  engraved  by  Franco  de  Paula  Marte,  1791.     It 


Appendix  L  419 

measures  23  x  17  cms.  It  is  said  in  the  Biblioteca  Nacional, 
Madrid,  Sec.  de  Bellas  Artes,  Dibujos  Originales,  that  the 
portraits  in  this  work  are  not  all  of  ecjual  authority. 

This  portrait,  a  reduced  photogravure  facsimile  of  which  is 
given  in  the  frontispiece  of  this  volume,  has  been  frequently 
reproduced  in  whole  or  in  part.  There  is  a  copy  in  Rui- 
diaz.  La  Florida,  tomo  i.  Mr.  Parkman  has  engraved  the 
head  for  his  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World.  Dr.  Shea 
used  the  plate  for  his  Charlevoix,  and  it  also  appears  in  Charles 
B.  Reynolds's  Old  St.  Augustine  (St.  Augustine,  Florida,  5th 
Edit.,  p.  45).  The  head  has  also  been  reproduced  in  La 
Llustracidn  Espanola  y  Americana  of  Nov.  15,  1880,  in  La 
Ilustracion  Gallega  y  Asturiana,  of  March  10,  1879,  and  in 
Duro's  Armada  Espafiola,  tomo  ii,,  p.  214.  It  is  apparent 
that  the  date  of  the  likeness  is  subsequent  to  January  19, 
1568,  at  about  which  time  he  was  appointed  to  the  Com- 
mandery  of  the  Holy  Cross  of  Zarza,  the  insignia  of  which,  a 
crimson  cross  in  the  shape  of  an  antique  sword,  appears  in  the 
portrait.     (See  p.  292,  note  3,  in  this  volume.) 

Ruidiaz,  in  the  preface  to  his  La  Florida  (tomo  i.,  p. 
cxvii.,  note  **)  says  that  according  to  Canon  Posada  there  was 
a  portrait  of  Aviles  by  Titian  in  the  possession  of  the  first  Duke 
of  Almodovar  del  Rio.  He  also  cites  Pezuelo  to  the  effect 
that  there  was  a  good  engraving  by  Coello  made  after  an  an- 
cient portrait  in  the  house  of  Dona  Ana  Antonia  Suarez  de 
Gongora,  ninth  Adelantado  of  Florida.  In  the  "  Peticion  de 
Don  Martin  Menendez  de  Abiles,  sobre  que  se  le  conceda 
licencia  para  ir  a  Mexico  y  otras  mercedes  fundado  en  los 
servicios  prestados  por  sus  antecesores "  (Arch.  Gen.  de 
Indias,  Seville,  est.  54,  caj.  5,  leg.  18)  we  learn  that  Philip 
II.  ordered  the  portrait  of  Pedro  Menendez  de  Aviles  to  be 
painted  and  placed  in  his  gallery  among  those  of  other  illus- 
trious individuals  and  conquerors  of  provinces,  and  this  may 
be  the  above  mentioned  Titian  portrait. 

COAT  OF  ARMS  OF  PEDRO  MENENDEZ  DE  AVILES 

The  Coat  of  Arms  of  Avilds  is  given  by  Ruidiaz  in  his  La 
Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  cxviii.       It  consists  of  a  field   gules  on 


420  The  Spanish  Settlements 

which  is  an  armed  vessel  under  sail  with  a  cross  on  the  main- 
mast and  a  saw  on  the  bow  breaking  a  large  chain  suspended 
between  two  castles  (Vigil,  Noticias,  p.  15).  This  is  in 
allusion  to  a  deed  of  an  ancestor  in  an  encounter  with  the 
Moors  on  the  Guadalquivir. 

APPENDIX    M 

THE    DEPOSITION    OF    JEAN  MEMYN 

Jean  Memyn  was  from  La  Rochelle  and  was  a  member  of 
Ribaut's  final  expedition.  He  was  made  a  prisoner  on  the 
capture  of  Fort  Caroline,  but,  coming  to  Spain  with  his  captor, 
escaped  from  him,  and  on  October  16,  1566,  made  a  deposi- 
tion at  the  request  of  M.  de  Fourquevaux,  the  French  Am- 
bassador at  Madrid.  The  deposition  is  a  curious  jumble  of 
fact  and  fancy.  He  says  that  on  Ribaut's  arrival  in  Florida 
he  was  attacked  by  a  combined  fleet  consisting  of  twenty-five 
Spanish  and  Portuguese  vessels  from  which  Ribaut  fled  in  his 
six  ships.  Memyn  gives  a  confused  account  of  Ribaut's  ship- 
wreck; tells  of  the  surprise  of  Fort  Caroline,  in  which  the 
Portuguese  were  as  many,  if  not  more  in  number  than 
the  Spaniards,  and  were  the  more  cruel  of  the  two;  says  the 
women  and  children  were  sent  to  Puerto  Rico;  that  350  men 
were  killed  in  the  attack  on  the  fort  and  in  a  neighbouring 
island,  probably  the  Matanzas  massacre,  and  that  Ribaut's 
beard  was  cut  off  to  send  to  the  King  of  Spain.  He  adds  that 
seventeen  or  eighteen  sailors  were  alive  and  prisoners  at  Ha- 
vana {Depeches  de  M.  de  Fourquevaux,  tome  i.,  pp.  131-133). 
The  curious  feature  in  this  relation  is  the  gratuitous  and  whole- 
sale importation  of  the  Portuguese  into  the  conquest,  a  state- 
ment which  so  impressed  Fourquevaux,  that  he  again  refers  to 
it  in  a  subsequent  letter  of  November  2,  1566,  to  the  King. 

APPENDIX    N 

THE   CAPTURED    FRENCH    VESSELS 

The  six  vessels  captured  at  Fort  Caroline  by  the  Spaniards 
were:  (i)  The  one  remaining  ship  of  Laudonniere's  fleet;  (2) 


Appendix  O  421 

The  vessel  brought  in  by  the  mutineers;  (3  and  4)  Two  small 
shallops;  (5)  A  galley  on  the  stocks;  (6)  The  vessel  purchased 
from  Hawkins.  It  seems  altogether  probable  from  the  Spanish 
account,  and  in  part  from  the  French,  that  these  six  ships  were 
up  the  river,  somewhere  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  fort. 

When  Aviles  attacked  the  fort  he  sank  one  of  these  vessels. 
Laudonniere  acknowledges  {Histoire  Notable,  Basanier,  p.  112; 
Hak.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  521)  that  he  left  the  vessel  purchased  from 
Hawkins  behind.  Le  Moyne  (De  Bry,  Brevis  Nar ratio,  p. 
27)  says  that  Laudonniere  scuttled  (i)  his  own  ship  and  (6) 
the  vessel  purchased  from  Hawkins.  If  we  accept  the  assump- 
tion that  the  ships  which  he  scuttled  were  at  Fort  Caroline,  it 
is  difficult  to  understand  how  Laudonniere  could  have  accom- 
plished it,  considering  his  own  story  of  liis  escape;  and  if  he 
had  really  scuttled  them  he  would  have  stated  it  in  his  ac- 
count in  order  to  palliate  his  defeat.  Instead  of  so  doing  he 
admits  having  abandoned  one  of  them  to  the  enemy  and  does 
not  mention  the  fate  of  the  others. 

Mendoza  ("  Relacion"  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p. 
459)  says  there  were  six  vessels  in  the  river  including  two 
which  were  at  the  river's  mouth,  four  of  which  were  captured 
including  the  vessel  sunk  or  disabled  by  Aviles.  Thus  the 
evidence,  although  conflicting,  has  a  tendency  to  confirm 
Aviles's  statement  that  five  French  ships  were  left  behind.  Of 
Ribaut's  fleet  of  seven  vessels  four  were  wrecked,  one  was 
scuttled,  and  two  returned  to  France.  No  reason  can  be 
assigned  for  doubting  the  statement  made  by  Aviles,  and  twice 
repeated  in  his  letter,  that  in  addition  to  these  five  he  found 
two  other  boats  stolen  by  the  French. 

APPENDIX    O 

THE    OATH    OF    AVILES 

Spanish  Accounts— The  First  Massacre. — We  have  four 
sources  which  repeat  the  terms  offered  by  Aviles  to  the 
French.  The  first  is  Aviles  himself.  In  his  letter  of  October 
i5»  1565  (Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  89),  he  writes  that 


422  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Laudonniere's  lieutenant  "abiendo  dado  y  tornado  conraigo, 
ofreciome  que  me  entregarian  las  armas  y  se  darian  con  que  les 
otorgase  la  vida.  Respondile  que  las  armas  me  podian  rendir 
y  ponerse  debaxo  de  mi  gracia  para  que  yo  hiziese  dellos 
aquello  que  Nuestro  Senor  me  ordenase;  y  de  aqui  no  me 
saco  ni  sacara,  si  Dios  Nuestro  Seiior  no  esperara  en  mi  otra 
cosa;  y  ansi  se  fue  con  esta  respuesta,"  etc. 

The  second  is  Dr.  Gonzalo  Solis  de  Meras,  his  brother-in- 
law.  Meras  (in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  114),  after 
repeating  in  substance  the  declaration  of  enmity  which  has 
just  been  quoted  in  the  text  (p.  191  in  this  volume),  follows  it 
immediately  with  the  terms  of  the  oath:  "  que  si  ellos  querian 
entregarle  las  banderas  e  las  armas,  e  ponerse  a  su  misericordia, 
lo  podian  hacer,  para  que  ^1  hiciera  dellos  lo  que  Dios  le  diese 
de  gracia,  6  que  hiciesen  lo  que  quisieren,  que  otras  treguas 
ni  amistades  no  habian  de  hacer  con  el;  y  aunque  el  Capitan 
Frances  replico,  no  se  pudo  acabar  otra  cosa  con  el  Adelan- 
tado;  e  ansi  se  partio  para  su  gente,"  etc. 

The  third  is  Barrientos  ("  Hechos,"  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas 
Relacioties  de  la  Florida,  p.  64),  who  uses  almost  identically  the 
same  language  as  Meras.  After  repeating  the  declaration  of 
enmity,  he  follows  it  immediately  with  the  terms:  "que  si  ellos 
quisieren  entregalle  las  banderas  y  armas,  y  ponerse  a  miseri- 
cordia,lo  podian  hacer  para  q  el  haga  lo  q  dios  le  diere  de  gracia; 
o  determinen  lo  que  quieren:  q  otras  treguas  ni  amista<des  no 
auian  de  hacer  Con  el:  ansi  no  se  pudo  acauar  Con  el  ade- 
lantado  otra  cosa:  partiose  Con  esto  para  su  gente  a  decilles 
lo  que  pasaua, "  etc. 

The  fourth  is  the  chaplain  Mendoza  (Ruidiaz,  La  Florida, 
tomo  ii.,  p.  464),  who  was  a  member  of  Aviles's  council  {ibid., 
tomo  ii.,  p.  454,  "deputado  para  las  consultas  "),  was  present 
at  the  massacre,  and  saved  the  lives  of  the  Roman  Catholics 
among  the  Frenchmen.  He  says:  "Vino  un  gentil-hombre 
frances,  sargento,  y  truxo  un  mensaje  del  real  de  los  enemigos 
en  que  pedian  que  se  les  otorgase  la  vida,  y  que  rendirian  las 
armas  y  entregarian  las  personas;  y  despues  de  mucho  parla- 
mento  entre  el  y  nuestro  buen  General,  respondio  y  dixo  que 
no  les  queria  dar  tal  palabra,  sino  que  truxesen  las  armas  y  sus 


Appendix  O  423 

personas  para  que  ^1  hiziese  a  su  voluntad;  por  que  si  61  les 
diese  la  vida  queria  que  se  lo  agradeciesen;  y  si  la  muerte, 
que  no  se  quejasen  de  ab^rsela  quebranto;  visto  que  no  podian 
hazer  otru  cosa,  se  volvio  a  su  real,"  etc. 

The  Second  Massacre. —  Aviles  in  the  letter  already 
quoted  (t'h'd.,  p.  102)  says  that  Ribaut  "  sobre  seguro  enbio  d 
su  Sargento  mayor  d  hablar  conmigo.  .  .  .  Respondile  lo 
que  d  los  otros:  que  yo  era  enemigo  suyo  y  tenia  guerra  con 
ellos  d  fuego  y  sangre,  por  ser  luteranos  y  por  venir  d  plantar 
d  estas  tierras  de  V.  M.  su  mala  secta  y  d  doctrinar  los  yndios 
della,  y  desenganarle  que  su  fuerte  teniamos  ganado;  que  me 
entregasen  las  banderas  y  las  armas  y  se  pusiesen  debaxo  de 
mi  gracia,  para  que  hiziese  de  sus  personas  lo  que  quisiese,  y 
que  otra  cosa  no  avian  de  hazer  ni  acabar  conmigo.  Y  avien- 
dose  ydo  con  este  recado  el  Sargento  mayor,"  etc.  Meras, 
who  was  present  at  this  massacre,  and  was  one  of  the  two  who 
stabbed  Jean  Ribaut,  says  {t/>i(/.,  p.  123)  that  when  Ribaut  came 
to  treat  of  the  terms  "  el  Adelantado  le  respondio  lo  que  a  los 
primeros  franceses  de  que  hizo  hacer  justicia,  e  dando  e  to- 
mando  con  ^1,  no  pudo  acabar  otra  cosa  el  Juan  Ribao  con  el 
Adelantado."  Barrientos  (t'did.,  p.  68)  merely  says  that  in  the 
interview  with  Ribaut  "  el  adelantado  le  Respondio  lo  que  a 
los  otros,  y  con  el  no  pudo  acauar  otra  cosa." 

We  have  thus  the  concurrent  testimony  of  Mendoza  and  of 
Meras  to  the  terms  in  which  Aviles  made  his  promise  to  the 
French,  one  of  them  having  been  present  at  one  massacre, 
and  the  other  at  the  other.  The  statement  of  Barrientos  is 
not  of  equal  importance  with  that  of  the  two  just  mentioned 
-because  he  appears  to  have  drawn  his  information  for  this  part 
of  his  history  from  a  source  common  to  himself  and  Meras. 
It  is  difficult  to  imagine  any  connivance  between  Aviles,  the 
chaplain,  and  the  brother-in-law  to  misrepresent  the  words 
used,  because  it  is  not  easy  to  conceive  what  motive  there 
could  be  for  so  doing. 

French  Accounts — Second  Massacre. — We  have  but  two 
original  accounts  of  the  oath  of  Aviles  from  the  French  side, 
and  both  of  them  relate  to  the  second  massacre.  The  first  is 
.that  given  by  the  Dieppe  sailor  and  reported  by  Le  Moyne, 


424  The  Spanish  Settlements 

a  translation  of  which  appears  in  the  text  (p.  202  in  this  vol- 
ume). The  paragraph  describing  the  promise  in  the  original 
is:  "  Ille  Caillii  oratione  audita,  non  modo  conceptis  verbis 
fidem  Caillio  dedit,  quam  repetitis  multis  crucis  signis,  osculo 
sancitis,  confirmavit,  sed  etiam  juratam  cora  omni  suorum 
caterva,  &  scriptam  suoq;  sigillio  obfirmatam  tradere  voluit, 
per  quam  denuo  jurabat,  &  poUicebatur,  se  sine  fraude,  fide- 
liter,  &  ut  virum  nobilem  atque  probum  decet  Ribaldi  at(|ue 
militum  ipsius  vitam  conservaturum:  datae  sunt  igitur  litterae 
eleganter  scriptse,"  etc.  {Brevis  Narratio,  pp.  28,  29). 

The  second  is  that  of  Le  Chaileux  ("  Histoire  Memorable," 
reprint  in  Gaffarel,  pp.  474,  475),  who  has  also  preserved  an 
account  of  the  same  event,  but  does  not  positively  state  its 
origin.  As  he  ascribes  the  report  of  the  mutilation  of  Ribaut's 
body  to  the  sailor  Christophe  le  Breton,  from  Havre  de  Grace, 
one  of  the  persons  saved  from  the  massacre,  it  is  possible  that 
he  learned  it  from  him.  It  is  as  follows:  "  Les  deleguez  [of 
Ribaut]  furent  regus  de  prime  face  assez  humainement.  Le 
capitaine  de  ceste  compagnie  espagnole,  lequel  se  faisoit  nom- 
mer  Vallemande,  protesta  en  foy  de  gentilhomme,  chevalier 
et  chrestien,  de  sa  bienveillance  envers  les  Fran9ois,  mesme- 
ment  que  c'estoit  la  fa?on  qui  avoit  este  de  tout  temps  pra- 
tiquee  en  la  guerre  que  1' Espagnole  victorieux  se  contentast, 
a  I'endroit  du  Francois  principalement,  sans  passer  plus  outre: 
exhortant  en  truchement,  afin  q'tous  fussent  persuadez  de  ceste 
belle  promesse,  que  iamais  il  ne  voudroit  faire  faire  en  ceste 
endroit,  de  quoy  les  nations  se  puissent  en  apres  ressentir,  et 
prestement  fist  accoustrer  une  barque,"  etc.  Fourquevaux  in 
his  letter  to  Charles  IX.  of  July  5,  1566,  says:  "qu'il  m'a  est^ 
diet  que  led.  Menendes  avoit  receu  vosd.  subjectz  la  vie 
sauve  et  promis  de  les  fere  mener  en  Espagne  pour  y  attendre 
Tadveu  ou  desadveu  de  Votred.  Majeste  "  {Ddpeches,  p.  93). 

This  is  the  evidence  on  the  French  side.  Its  characteristics 
are  that  it  reaches  us  indirectly,  neither  Le  Moyne  nor  Le 
Chaileux  having  been  present  at  the  massacre;  that  the  two 
sailors  were  not  of  a  rank,  nor  in  a  position  to  be  informed  as 
to  what  were  the  exact  terms  of  the  promise  made  by  Avil^s 
to  Ribaut,  but  knew  only  the  construction  put  upon  it  in  the 


Appendix  P  425 

form  in  which  it  was  announced  to  them.  Stripped  of  all  re- 
ligious prejudice  and  racial  hatred,  the  credibility  of  the  two 
contradictory  accounts  resolves  itself  into  a  question  of  the 
relative  weight  of  the  evidence.  On  the  one  hand  is  the 
direct  testimony  of  Merds  and  Mendoza,  each  witness  of  one 
of  the  massacres,  each  confirming  the  statement  made  by 
Aviles,  and  each  in  a  position  which  enabled  him  to  obtain 
correct  information;  and  opposed  to  this,  on  the  other  hand, 
are  the  two  concurrent  accounts,  reaching  us  at  second  hand, 
of  two  sailors,  each  present  at  the  massacre,  from  which  one 
escaped,  and  where  the  other  is  pardoned,  and  neither  of  them 
in  a  position  to  obtain  direct  information.  Gaffarel  in  his 
Histoire  de  la  Floride  Francaise  (pp.  222,  223)  accepts  the 
Spanish  version  as  to  the  form  of  Aviles's  promise  at  the  first 
massacre,  and  gives  both  versions  of  the  promise  made  at  the 
second  massacre  {ibid.,  pp.  225,  226)  without  deciding  between 
the  two.  Parkman  in  his  Pioneers  of  France  in  the  New  World 
(pp.  137  and  142)  accepts  the  Spanish  version  for  both  mas- 
sacres, and  adds:  "  That  they  contain  an  implied  assurance  of 
mercy  has  been  held,  not  only  by  Protestants,  but  by  Catholics 
and  Spaniards";  and  he  cites  in  support  of  his  statement 
Salazar,  Cricis  del  Ensayo,  p.  23;  and  Padre  Felipe  Brief,  Anales. 
The  theory  has  been  advanced  by  Gaffarel  (p.  225)  that 
Vallemande  of  Le  Challeux  was  an  officer  of  Aviles,  upon 
whom  the  Adelantado  had  imposed  the  burden  of  perjuring 
himself  in  the  Spanish  interest.  No  corresponding  name,  or 
one  approximately  like  it,  appears  among  the  names  of  officers 
of  the  conquest  given  by  Barrientos  or  by  Meras.  Neither 
was  it  in  the  nature  of  Aviles  to  compel  another  to  do  that 
which  he  would  not  do  himself. 

APPENDIX    P 

THE    DEATH    OF    RIBAUT 

French  Accounts. — Le  Chalkux  in  his  Histoire  Memorable, 
which  was  printed  at  Dieppe  in  1566  {Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist. 
Am.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  296)  agrees  substantially  with  the  details  given 


426  The  Spanish  Settlements 

by  Barrientos,  as  related  in  the  text,  except  as  to  the  nature  of 
the  promise  given  by  Aviles, — a  subject  which  has  already  been 
considered  in  Appendix  O  (p.  421  in  this  volume), — and  as  to 
the  subsequent  treatment  of  Ribaut's  body.  He  relates  on 
the  authority  of  Christophe  le  Breton,  a  French  sailor  spared 
by  Aviles,  and  who  on  being  sent  to  Seville,  had  escaped  from 
there  to  Dieppe,  "  et  pour  combler  leur  cruaute  et  barbarie: 
ils  ont  rase  la  barbe  du  lieutenant  du  Roy,  pour  faire  monstre 
de  leur  expedition  et  Ton  bien  tost  apres  envoy^e  a  Civile, 
et  pour  le  trophee  de  leur  renommee  et  victoire,  d6- 
membrerent  le  corps  de  ce  bon  et  fidele  serviteur  du  Roy,  et 
firent  de  sa  teste  quatre  quartiers  lesquels.ils  ficherent  en 
quatre  picques,  et  puis  les  planterent  aux  quatre  coings  du 
fort"  (reprint  in  Gaffarel,  Hisi.  de  la  Floride  Fran^aise,  p. 
476).  There  is  a  simplicity  and  a  ring  of  truth  about  the  Le 
Challeux  Relation,  the  sincerity  of  which  is  confirmed  by  his 
giving  the  source  of  this  latter  report.  It  will  be  noted,  how- 
ever, that  the  story  comes  through  Le  Breton,  who  had  been 
pardoned  by  the  Spaniards,  had  been  for  a  short  time  in  their 
service,  and  whose  interest  it  was  to  appease  the  suspicions  his 
pardon  would  naturally  excite  among  his  compatriots  by  ex- 
aggerating the  ferocity  of  the  Spaniards. 

October  i6th  of  the  same  year  Jehan  Memyn,  a  French 
sailor  also  spared  by  the  Spaniards  and  who  had  remained  in 
Florida  for  some  time  subsequent  to  Ribaut's  death,  deposed 
that  the  Spaniards  "  coupperent  plustost  la  barbe  aud,  cap"' 
Ribbault  disant  la  vouloir  envoyer  au  Roy  d'Espagne " 
{^D^ptches  de  M.  Fourquevaux^  p.  132),  but  says  nothing  of  his 
head  being  cut  off. 

The  Requeste  au  Roy,  the  approximate  date  of  which  is 
probably  August,  1566  (see  p.  318  in  this  volume),  and 
which  is  full  of  exaggeration,  relates  (reprint  in  Gaffarel,  p. 
478)  that  after  Ribaut  was  killed  "  ledit  soldat  luy  coupa  la 
teste,  luy  raza  le  poil  de  la  barbe  et  partit  la  teste  en  quatre 
quartiers,  qui  furent  plantez  sur  quatre  picques  au  milieu  de 
la  place  oti  les  Frangois  estoyent  morts.  Finalement  ledit 
capitaine  Hespagnol  envoya  une  lettre  au  Roy  d'Hespagne, 
et  fit  enclore  dedans  ladite  lettre  le  poil  de  la  barbe  dudit 


Appendix  P  427 

Ribaut. "  It  conveys  the  impression  that  all  the  women 
and  children  were  killed,  which  was  incorrect.  It  says  that 
"seven  or  eight  hundred"  Frenchmen  were  killed.  The 
name  of  Pedro  or  Pero  Menendez,  as  it  was  frequently  written 
in  the  Spanish  of  that  time,  is  transformed  to  Pdtremclaud. 
Finally,  the  description  of  Ribaut' s  death  has  a  curious  re- 
semblance to  that  given  by  Le  Challeux,  with  the  exception 
that  the  head  is  now  erected  in  a  different  place.  And  the 
beard  story  is  almost  identical  with  that  told  by  Memyn.  The 
Requesie  breathes  a  spirit  of  intense  excitement  and  a  fierce 
desire  for  revenge,  which,  however  righteous  it  was,  does  not 
inspire  the  reader  with  the  conviction  that  the  composition  of 
the  Requeste  was  governed  by  a  nice  weighing  of  the  truth  of 
the  particular  statements  which  it  contains.  As  the  number 
of  Frenchmen  spared  by  the  Spaniards  was  very  few,  and  those 
who  finally  escaped  and  returned  to  France  were  fewer  still, 
it  is  highly  probable  that  the  Requeste  derived  this  information 
from  Le  Challeux  and  Memyn. 

La  Popeliniere,  in  Les  trots  Motides  (1582,  liv.  ii.,  p,  34), 
reported  that  the  Spaniards  "  escorcherent  la  peau  du  visage 
avec  la  longue  barbe  de  Ribaut,  les  yeux,  le  nez  et  oreilles,  et 
envoyerent  ainsi  le  masque  defigure  au  Perou,  pour  en  faire 
des  montres. ' '  Lescarbot  in  his  Histoire  de  la  Nouvelle  France 
(1611,  p.  120),  relates  that  "after  several  tortures  they  cruelly 
skinned  him  (contrary  to  all  the  laws  of  war  that  ever  were) 
and  sent  his  skin  to  Europe."  De  Thou  adds  nothing  further 
to  this  catalogue  of  atrocities. 

It  thus  appears  that  the  only  contemporary  French  evidence 
which  we  have  of  the  indignities  inflicted  on  Ribaut's  body  is 
that  of  Le  Challeux  and  Memyn.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  Bar- 
rientos,  who  finished  the  writing  of  his  history  December  30, 
1568,  explicitly  states  that  Ribaut's  head  was  cut  off,  a  fact 
passed  over  by  Meras  and  Aviles.  When  we  bear  in  mind  that 
Philip  spoke  of  the  French  in  Florida  as  pirates  and  corsairs, 
who  should  be  treated  as  such,  and  recall  the  customs  of  that 
age,  there  would  be  nothing  unusual  in  the  proceeding  had 
Aviles  caused  the  head  of  a  pirate  to  be  cut  off  and  exhibited 
on  the  point  of  a  spear  at  Fort  St.  Augustine.     The  legend  of 


428  The  Spanish  Settlements 

the  shaven  beard  sent  to  Spain  is  too  puerile  to  deserve  con- 
sideration. Avil^s  was  a  nobleman  of  high  rank  and  of 
acknowledged  courage,  and  the  man  who  wrote  the  modest 
and  business-like  reports  of  September  and  October  would  be 
far  above  such  pettiness.  The  French  are  an  excitable  people 
of  vivid  imagination,  and  although  of  an  eminently  artistic 
temperament,  lose  all  sense  of  proportion  the  moment  their 
antipathy  is  aroused,  and  lend  a  willing  ear  to  the  wildest 
rumours.  The  ready  acceptance  given  within  the  last  decade 
to  the  reported  correspondence  of  a  German  emperor  with  an 
alleged  spy  furnishes  us  with  a  recent  parallel. 

Spanish  Accounts  of  Ribaut's  Death. — Vasalenque, 
who  appears  to  have  been  present  on  this  occasion,  for  he 
served  in  the  company  of  Diego  de  Amaya  which  was  sent  to 
the  scene  of  the  massacre  by  Aviles  (Ruidiaz,  La  Florida^ 
tomo  ii.,  pp.  615  and  616),  gives  a  somewhat  different  account 
of  the  death  of  Ribaut.  He  relates  that  after  a  demonstration 
of  banners  and  music  on  each  side,  Jean  Ribaut  came  over 
alone,  at  about  noon  in  an  Indian  canoe,  "  and  the  first  thing 
he  did  was  to  take  off  his  sword  and  dagger,  and  some  keys, 
which  he  took  out  of  his  pocket  and  surrendered  them  and  the 
said  fort  to  the  said  Adelantado;  and  the  said  Adelantado  told 
him  that  he  had  already  captured  the  fort;  and  the  said  Juan 
Ribao  asked  after  his  son,  and  the  said  Adelantado  told  him 
he  had  escaped  in  a  boat;  and  thereupon  there  was  along 
conversation  between  them  alone;  and  after  that  the  said 
Adelantado  said  that  the  said  Juan  Ribao  be  given  something 
to  eat,  and  it  was  given  him;  and  wishing  to  return  to  his 
people,  for  it  was  already  late,  he  was  given  two  bags  of 
biscuits  and  other  things.  And  all  that  night  there  was  a 
great  stir  among  the  French,  on  account  of  which  Pedro 
Menendez  and  his  soldiers  remained  under  arms  all  night, 
and  at  dawn  all  of  the  French  came  unarmed  to  the  river 
bank,  asking  to  be  taken  across,  and  they  were  taken  over 
in  boats;  and  when  they  had  arrived  where  the  said  Pedro 
Menendez  was,  they  were  given  something  to  eat,  and  within 
an  hour  they  \i.  e.,  the  Spaniards]  began  to  march  with  them 
according  to  a  certain  command  which  the  said  Adelantado 


Appendix  Q  429 

gave,  and  on  turning  a  point  of  land  the  Spanish  soldiers  be- 
gan to  cut  off  the  heads  of  all  of  them,  without  one  of  them 
escaping,  nor  the  said  Juan  Ribao,  except  a  few  lads  mechanics 
of  the  said  Juan  Ribao  and  some  calkers."  This  deposition 
was  made  thirty  years  after  the  event  ("  Informacion  de 
algunos  servicios  prestados  por  el  Adelantado  Pedro  Menendez 
de  Aviles,"  Mexico,  3  de  Abril  de  1595,  in  Ruidiaz,  ibid., 
tomo  ii.,  pp.  615-617). 

Silva  in  his  letter  to  Philip  II.  of  May  18,  1566  {Corre- 
spondencia  de  Felipe  II.  con  sus  Enbajadores  en  la  Corte  de 
Inglaterra  1538  d  1584,  tomo  ii.,  p.  319;  English  translation 
in  Spanish  State  Papers,  1^58-67,  I.  Elizabeth,  551),  gives  a 
paragraph  to  the  wreck  of  Ribaut  and  his  death,  as  it  was  re- 
lated to  him  by  an  English  sailor  who  had  been  taken  in  a 
vessel  captured  by  Aviles  before  the  Florida  incident,  and 
who  claimed  to  have  been  present  at  the  death  of  Ribaut. 

APPENDIX   Q 

THE   SITUATION    OF  AVILES  AT    THE    TIME    OF    THE    MASSACRE 

Philip  II.,  in  his  letter  to  Alava  of  February  23,  1566  (MS. 
Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1505  (75),  fol.  2b),  tells  him  that  when 
Fourquevaux  complained  "that  a  great  cruelty  had  been  com- 
mitted in  putting  so  many  soldiers  to  the  knife  after  they  had 
surrendered,"  one  of  the  explanations  given  him  in  extenua- 
tion of  the  act  of  Aviles  was  the  following:  "  In  no  other  way 
in  the  world  could  Pero  Menendez  secure  himself  against  the 
said  pirates  than  in  the  way  he  did,  for  he  had  nothing  to  give 
them  to  eat,  and  if  he  had  so  done,  his  own  people  would  have 
perished  and  died  of  hunger;  besides,  being  as  they  were  so 
many  French,  and  those  of  Menendez  so  few,  he  could  place 
them  nowhere,  where  he  and  his  people  could  be  safe,  and 
that  besides  Pero  Menendez  was  obliged  to  go  to  other  parts, 
and  necessarily  was  compelled  to  leave  part  of  his  people  in 
the  fort.  And  leaving  the  French,  who  were  so  many  more  in 
number,  with  them,  it  was  evident  they  would  kill  our  people 
and  take  the  fort.     And  as  to  putting  them  in  the  ships,  they 


430  The  Spanish  Settlements 

would  not  hold  them,  because  they  were  so  small,  neither 
could  he  go  away  in  safety.  That  as  to  giving  them  ships  in 
which  to  go  to  France,  he  had  none,  and  even  should  he  have 
had  them,  it  would  evidently  be  providing  them  with  ships 
and  facility  to  disturb  him  elsewhere."  See  also  Ruidiaz's 
observations  in  La  Florida^  tomo  i.,  pp.  clxxvi.-clxxvii. 

Relative  Number  of  the  French  and  Spaniards. — 
Aviles,  in  his  letter  of  October  15,  1565  (Ruidiaz,  La  Florida^ 
tomo  ii.,  pp.  88,  102),  sets  the  minimum  number  of  French- 
men who  escaped  from  the  wreck  of  Ribaut's  fleet  at  440. 
Meras,  in  his  "  Jornadas  "  {ibid.^  tomo  i.,  pp.  116,  121),  says 
558.  The  total  number  of  the  French,  at  the  lowest  estimate, 
including  the  50  women  and  children  saved  (letter  of  Octo- 
ber 15,  1565,  ibid.,  p.  87)  and  the  few  prisoners  spared  at  Fort 
Caroline,  was  500,  of  whom  over  440  were  men.  Aviles  in  his 
letter  of  September  11,  1565  {ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  75)  gives  800 
as  the  total  number  of  the  Spaniards,  of  whom  500  were  sol- 
diers and  200  sailors.  The  sailors  must  necessarily  have  re- 
mained with  the  fleet.  Of  the  500  soldiers,  300  were  already 
in  garrison  at  San  Mateo  (Meras,  in  Ruidiaz,  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p. 
104)  and  in  November,  subsequent  to  the  massacre,  200  were 
left  at  Ays  (Aviles  to  Philip  II,,  December  5,  1565,  ibid,  tomo 
ii.,  p.  107). 

The  Food-Supply. — Aviles,  in  his  letter  of  September  11, 
1565  (Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  79),  wrote  that  he  had 
sufficient  biscuit  to  last  him  till  December,  but  that  he  could 
make  it  go  through  January.  In  his  letter  of  October  15, 
1565  {ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  104),  he  says:  "With  the  burning  of 
the  fort  we  are  suffering  very  greatly  from  hunger,  because 
the  meal  was  burnt  up,  and  the  biscuit  I  landed  here  is  spoil- 
ing and  being  consumed,  and  unless  we  are  succoured  very 
shortly  we  will  be  in  suffering  and  many  will  depart  this  world 
from  starvation."  Meras  states  (in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  178)  that 
after  the  burning  of  Fort  Caroline  over  a  hundred  casks  of 
flour  still  remained,  and  although  many  of  the  soldiers  volun- 
tarily reduced  their  rations,  the  supply  was  exhausted  by  the 
middle  of  February.  The  news  of  the  burning  of  the  exten- 
sive food-supply  captured  from  the  French  at  Fort  Caroline 


Appendix  R  431 

here  referred  to  reached  Avil^s  in  the  interval  between  the 
first  and  the  second  massacres. 

Ships. — In  the  interview  preceding  the  first  massacre,  when 
Aviles  was  asked  to  furnish  a  ship  to  convey  the  French  back 
to  France,  he  made  the  following  answer,  according  to  Merds 
(in  ibid.,  tomo  i.,  p.  113):  "  That  he  would  gladly  do  so  were 
they  Catholics  and  had  he  ships  for  such  a  purpose,  but  that 
he  did  not  have  them,  for  he  had  sent  two  to  San  Mateo  with 
the  artillery  and  to  transport  the  French  women  and  the  chil- 
dren to  Santo  Domingo,  and  to  obtain  supplies;  and  the  other 
was  to  go  with  dispatches  to  His  Majesty  of  what  had  so  far 
occurred  in  these  parts."  He  does  not  mention  the  San 
Felayo  and  the  San  Salvador,  which  had  sailed  some  time 
previously.  The  reply  was,  however,  disingenuous,  to  say  the 
least,  for  according  to  his  own  statement  he  had  found  eight 
vessels  at  Fort  Caroline  (letter  of  October  15,  1565,  ibid.^ 
tomo  ii.,  pp.  90,  91),  of  which  two  or  three  at  the  least  were 
available. 

APPENDIX   R 


Juan  Lopez  de  Y qIslsco  {Geografiay  JDescrtpciJn  Universal 
de  las  Indias,  ijy  1-1^74,  Madrid,  1894,  p.  167)  places  "el  Rio 
Asis  "  in  27  degrees  north  latitude,  south  of  Cape  Canaveral. 
Hernando  de  Escalante  Fontanedo  refers  to  the  "Ais"  Indians 
and  the  "  coast  of  Ais  "  in  his  "  Memoria  "  {Col.  Doc.  Inedit. 
Indias,  tomo  v.,  pp.  541-543).  He  mentions  Mayaca  and 
Mayajuaca  as  in  the  country  of  Ays,  in  the  direction  of  Cape 
Canaveral  (pp.  540,  545).  His  account  was  written  in  Spain 
about  1575  {Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist.  Am.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  291, 
note  i).  Herrera,  in  his  **  Descripci6n  de  las  Indias"  (in  his 
Decadas,  Madrid,  1730,  tomo  i.,  cap.  viii.,  p.  15),  places  it 
south  of  Cape  Canaveral  and  mentions  the  settlement  made 
there  by  Aviles.  Barcia,  in  his  Ensayo  (Afio  MDLXVI.,  p. 
118),  places  it  twenty  leagues  up  the  St.  John's,  beyond  Ma- 
coya,  possibly  the  Mayaca  of  Fontanedo.     In  this  he  merely 


432  The  Spanish  Settlements 

copies  the  statement  made  by  Merds  (in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida^ 
tomo  i.,  p.  253).  Brinton,  in  his  Notes  on  the  Floridian  Penin- 
sula (Philadelphia,  1859,  p.  116,  note  3),  questions  Barcia's 
statement,  saying  "  distances  given  by  the  Spanish  historians 
are  often  mere  guesses,  quite  untrustworthy." 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Rio  de  Ays,  Ais,  Is,  Ys, 
Days,  Asis,  Aiz,  is  Indian  River.  William  Roberts,  in  his 
History  of  Florida  (London,  1763,  p.  22),  mentions  the  "  Rio 
de  Ays,  three  leagues  north  of  Rio  Santa  Cruz,"  which  he 
also  calls  Santa  Lucia  on  the  same  page,  "  and  in  latitude  27 
deg.  45  min.,"  etc.  William  Stork  in  A  Description  of  East- 
Florida  (London,  3d  ed.,  1769,  p.  10),  says,  "We  are  as  yet 
unacquainted  with  the  sources  ...  of  Hillsborough  River; 
it  is  generally  believed  to  have  a  communication  with  an  In- 
dian inlet,  called  by  the  Spaniards  Rio  Days,  sixty  miles  to 
the  south,  where  there  is  such  another  harbour  as  Musquito, 
with  eight  feet  water;  it  is  said  to  communicate  with  St.  John's 
River."  Bernard  Romans,  in  his  A  concise  Natural  History 
of  East  and  West  Florida  (New  York,  1775,  vol.  i.,  p.  2),  says: 
"  On  the  East  side  [of  Florida]  is  .  .  .  the  Lagoon, 
known  by  the  name  of  Aisa  Hatcha,  Rio  d'ais  or  Indian 
River"  (see  also  p.  282)  and  on  p.  273  he  refers  to  the  names 
of  South-hillsborough  and  Hysweestake  given  it  by  De  Brahm. 
Both  he  (p.  273)  and  Brinton  {Floridian  Peninsula,  p.  116) 
derive  the  name  from  a  native  word,  aisa,  deer.  Grant  Forbes, 
in  his  Sketches,  Historical  and  Topographical,  of  the  Floridas 
(New  York,  1821,  p.  93),  says  "  the  lagoon  of  Aise  or  Indian 
River"  and  on  p.  102  he  quotes  Romans  on  the  "Aisa 
Hatcha."  George  William  Lee  in  his  Florida  (New  York, 
1857,  p.  51),  says  "Indian  River  .  .  .  formerly  called 
Ys."  George  R.  Fairbanks  in  his  History  of  St.  Augustine 
(New  York,  1858,  p.  125)  says  "Indian  River  was  the  pro- 
vince of  Ys."  Daniel  G.  Brinton,  in  his  Floridian  Peninsula 
(Philadelphia,  1859,  p.  116)  is  disposed  to  think  "Ais"  was 
the  northern  extremity  of  the  province  of  Tegesta,  in  which 
he  is  probably  mistaken.  He  adds:  "  The  residence  of  the 
chief  was  near  Cape  Canaveral,  probably  on  Indian  River." 
Barnard  Shipp,  in  his  Hernando  de  Soto  and  Florida  (Phila- 


Appendix  R  433 

delphia,  1881,  p.  560)  says  "  Province  of  Ais  or  St.  Lucia," 
but  in  his  note,  p.  587,  he  incorrectly  locates  it  at  the  southern 
extremity  of  the  peninsula. 

Albert  S.  Gatschet  in  his  "  The  Timucua  Language"  {Pro- 
ceedings of  the  American  Philosophical  Society,  Philadelphia, 
1880,  vol.  xviii.,  p.  469)  says  "the  northern  portion  of  this 
section  of  land  [/.  e.,  of  the  "  Province  of  Tequesta,"  which  he 
locates  south  of  Cape  Canaveral]  was  called  in  later  epochs  Ais, 
Ays,  Is,  and  Santa  Lucia  by  the  Spaniards.  Ais  is  interpreted 
by  aisa,  deer,  a  term  not  belonging  to  the  Timucua  language, 
but  identifiable  with  itcho,  deer,  in  Seminole,  or  itchi,  itche  in 
Hitchiti  and  Mikasuke."  In  his  Migration  Legend  of  the 
Creek  Indians  (Philadelphia,  1884,  vol.  i.,  p.  12)  he  adheres  to 
the  same  location  and  places  the  "Ais  "  Indians  "  from  Cape 
Canaveral,  where  the  Spaniards  had  the  post  Santa  Lucia,  to  a 
lagoon  once  called  Aisahatcha. "  "  They  formed  the  northern 
portion  of  the  Tequesta  domains  "  (p.  15).  It  is  to  be  noted, 
however,  that  Santa  Lucia  was  not  at  Cape  Canaveral,  but 
south  of  it  at  the  second  inlet  into  the  Rio  de  Ais.  In  this 
respect  Williams  in  his  Florida  (pp.  52,  53)  observes  that  In- 
dian Lagoon  undergoes  frequent  changes.  (See  Appendix  S, 
Santa  Lucia.)  It  is  to  be  observed  that  most  of  the  authori- 
ties quoted  subsequent  to  Romans  base  their  conclusions  on 
and  quote  liberally  from  him,  with  and  without  acknowledging 
their  source. 

Ays  appears  on  the  following  maps:  "  Derrotero  util  y  pro- 
vechoso  y  en  todo  verdadero  de  Rios,  canos,  lagunas,  montes, 
poblaciones,  envarcaderos,  baradereos,  rancherias,  el  qual 
reza  desde  la  ciudad  de  San  Agustin  hasta  la  varra  de  Ais  por 
Albaro  Mexia."  MS.  Arch.,  Gen.  de  Indias,  Seville,  Patro- 
nato,  est.  i,  caj.  i,  leg.  1/19,  ramo  29.  It  is  accompanied  by 
a  Relation  of  1605  in  which  "Aiz  el  biejo  "  is  situated  on  the 
northern  extremity  of  what  is  probably  Hutchinson  Island, 
between  the  lagoon  and  the  sea.  "  Mapa  de  la  Florida  y 
Laguna  de  Maimi  donde  se  ha  de  hacer  un  fuerte."  MS. 
Undated,  (1595-1600?),  Arch.  Gen.  de  Indias,  Seville,  est.  145, 
caj.  7,  leg.  7.  In  this  "Ais  "  is  shown  as  a  lagoon.  Jean  de 
Laet,   "Florida  et  Regiones  Vicinae,"    in    his   L'Histoire  dv 


434  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Nouveau  Monde,  Leyde,  1640,  between  pp.  102,  103.  In  this 
"  R  Ayz  "  is  shown  as  a  lagoon.  loannes  Jansson,  "America 
Septentrionalis, "  in  his  Niievo  Atlas,  Amsterdam,  1653,  vol. 
ii.  In  this  it  appears  as  "  Enseada  \sic\  de  Ays."  Nicolas 
Bellin,  "Carte  reduite  des  Costes  de  la  Louisiane  et  de  la 
Floride,"  1764.  In  this  the  "  R.  de  Ays"  is  shown  approxi- 
mately correct  in  position.  Fernando  Martinez,  "Descripcion 
geographica  de  la  parte  que  los  Espaholes  poseen  actualmente 
en  el  continente  de  la  Florida,"  1765.  Brit.  Mus.  Add.  MSS. 
i7,648A,  and  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  between  pp. 
xliii.,  xliv.  In  this  "  Rio  Ais  "  is  shown  as  a  river  and  not  as 
a  lagoon.  Thomas  Jefferys,  "The  Peninsula  and  Gulf  of 
Florida  or  Channel  of  Bahama  with  the  Bahama  Islands," 
1775,  i^  t^^  North  American  Atlas,  London,  1777,  No.  34. 
Bernard  Romans,  "The  Seat  of  War  in  the  South  British 
Colonies,"  1776,  in  The  American  Military  Pocket  Atlas, 
London  (1776),  No.  5.  John  Andrews,  "A  New  Map  of 
the  British  Colonies  in  North  America  .  .  ,"  1777. 
Pownall,  "A  New  Map  of  North  America  with  the  West  India 
Islands  .  .  ,"  1783.  All  of  these  three  show  "Ays 
Inlet."  Tomas  Lopez,  map  of  Florida,  inset  to  his  "  Piano 
de  la  Ciudad  y  Puerto  de  San  Agustin  de  la  Florida,"  1783. 
In  this  it  is  shown  as  "  Barra  de  Ays."  George  Frederic 
Lotter,  "A  New  and  Correct  Map  of  North  America  with 
the  West  India  Islands  .  .  ,"  1784.  This  shows  "Ays 
Inlet"  into  the  "St.  Lucia  R."  Joseph  Purcell,  "A  Map 
of  the  States  of  Virginia  .  .  .  comprehending  the  Spanish 
Provinces  of  East  and  West  Florida.  .  .  ,"  1792.  This 
shows  "Rio  Ays  or  Indian  R."  John  Walsh,  "  Tabvla 
Geographica  maximae  partis  Ameriae  Mediae  sive  Indise  Occi- 
dentalis,"  1798.     This  shows  "  River  Ays  od.  Indian." 

APPENDIX    S 

SANTA   LUCIA 

The  Spaniards  named  this  settlement  Santa  Lucia  (Merds 
in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  169).     The  name  is  pre- 


Appendix  S  435 

served  in  that  of  the  St.  Lucia  River,  called  on  some  maps  Rio 
Santa  Cruz,  and  "  river  of  St.  Luz,"  probably  an  abbreviation 
of  Santa  Lucia,  according  to  Roberts  {^History  of  Florida, 
London,  1763,  pp.  22,  286),  who  places  it  three  leagues  south 
of  the  "  Rio  de  Ays"  (p.  22).  It  is  to  be  noted,  however,  that 
the  inlets  between  the  sea  and  Indian  River  (Ays)  have  been 
subject  to  many  changes  in  the  past.  John  Lee  Williams  in 
his  Florida  (New  York,  1837,  p.  43,  and  see  p.  51),  says:  "A 
few  years  since  the  high  waters  of  St.  Lucia  River  forced  a 
passage  through  the  coast  at  a  place  called  the  Gap."  "Jupiter 
Inlet  has  opened  and  closed  three  times  within  seventy  years  " 
(PP-  52,  53),  and:  "  There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  at 
some  period  [Indian  Lagoon]  discharged  a  great  column  of 
water  at  Cape  Canaveral"  {ibid.).  "St,  Lucia  Island  was 
formerly  connected  with  Jupiter.  .  .  .  In  183 1  a  mile  in 
front  of  the  north  end  of  the  island  was  torn  away  by  storms" 
(p.  43).  The  name  of  "  New  Inlet"  opening  into  "  Sharks 
Head  and  Tail  River"  (Lake  Worth?)  in  Thomas  Jefferys's 
map  of  "East  Florida"  appended  to  A  Description  of  Fast 
Florida  hy  V^\\\\3im  Stork,  3rd  edition,  London,  1769,  indicates 
a  recent  inroad  of  the  sea  similar  to  that  mentioned  by  Wil- 
liams. In  the  Mexia  map  referred  to  below  there  was  a  second 
inlet  to  the  Matanzas  River,  named  Barreta  de  Ribao,  south 
of  the  present  Matanzas  Inlet.  Bernard  Romans  {A  concise 
Natural  History  of  Fast  ajid  West  Florida,  New  York,  1775, 
vol.  i.,  pp.  34,  284-286)  merely  describes  the  river  and  has 
nothing  of  interest  to  add. 

The  cartography  is  somewhat  curious.  In  Mexia's  map  of 
1605  (MS,  Arch.  Gen,  de  Indias,  Seville,  Patronato,  est,  i, 
caj,  I,  leg,  1/19,  ramo  29)  the  name  of  "  Rio  de  Sta,  Luzia"  is 
given  to  the  lagoon  between  the  "  Barra  de  Ays,"  Indian 
River  Inlet,  and  Gilbert's  Bar,  "  S  iozia"  appears  on  "  Mapa 
de  la  Florida  y  Laguna  de  Maimi  done  se  ha  de  hacer  un 
fuerte  "  (MS.  Arch.  Gen.  de  Indias,  Seville,  est.  145,  caj.  7, 
leg.  7.  Undated,  1595-1600?),  south  of  "Ays"  lagoon,  and 
is  probably  intended  for  S.  Iozia,  i.  e.,  Santa  Lucia,  Guil- 
laume  Blaeu,  "  Insulse  Americanse  in  Oceano  Septentrionalis 
cum  Terris  adiacentibus  "  (in  Le  Theatre  dv  Monde  ou  Nowel 


43^  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Atlas,  Mis  en  lumiere  par  Gvillavme  &  lean  Blaev.  Segonde 
Partie.  A  Amsterdam  Chez  lean  Blaev.  1644.  Amerique, 
pp.  5,  6)  has  a  "  p**  S.  Luzia"  which  reoccurs  in  the  majority 
of  the  Dutch,  French,  and  Spanish  maps.  The  latest  of  these 
is  Mentelle  et  Chanlaire,  "  Carte  de  la  Floride  et  de  la 
Georgie,"  in  Atlas  Universelle  de  Geographie  Physique  et 
Politique,  Paris,  An  six  de  la  Republique  [1798].  The 
name  was  probably  applied  to  Cape  Malabar.  John  Senex, 
"A  New  Map  of  the  English  Empire  in  America,"  etc.,  1719 
(in  A  New  General  Atlas  .  .  .  London,  17 19),  places 
"  S.  Lucia"  at  the  southern  extremity  of  the  peninsula. 
Covens  et  Mortier,  "Archipelague  du  Mexique  ou  sont  les 
Isles  de  Cuba,"  etc.  {ca.  1757?),  has  "  S.  Lucia"  on  the  west 
coast.  Nicolas  Bellin,  "  Carte  reduite  des  Costes  de  la 
Louisiane  et  de  la  Floride,"  1764,  has  "  R  S'^  Lucie"  in  an 
approximately  correct  position.  Fernando  Martinez,  "  De- 
scripcion  Geographica  de  la  parte  que  los  Espaiioles  poseen 
actualmente  en  el  continente  de  la  Florida,"  1765  (Brit.  Mus. 
Add.  MSS.  1 7, 648 A,  and  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  be- 
tween pp.  xliii.,  xliv.)  has  "Rio  S'*  Lucia."  Pownall's  "A 
New  Map  of  North  America  with  the  West  India  Islands 
.  .  ."  1783.  George  Frederic  Lotter,  "A  New  and  Cor- 
rect Map  of  North  America  with  the  West  India  Islands," 
1784,  and  Laurie  and  Whittle,  "  West  Indies,"  1794,  all  have 
"St.  Lucia"  as  a  river. 

APPENDIX    T 

CALOOSA 

For  the  early  accounts  of  the  Caloosas  and  their  country 
see:  "  Memoria  de  las  cosas  y  costa  y  indios  de  la  Florida" 
,     .  por  Hernando  de  Escalante  Fontanedo.     Col.  Doc. 

Inedit.  Indias,  tomo  v.,  pp.  532,  535,  538,  539,  in  which  a  list 
of  the  names  of  the  Caloosa  villages  is  given.  Ternaux-Com- 
pans's  translation  in  Recueil  de  Pieces  sur  la  Floride  (Paris, 
1841,  p,  13)  is  inaccurate,  and  Barnard  Shipp's  English  trans- 
lation in  his  Hernando  de  Soto  and  Florida  (Philadelphia,  1881), 


Appendix  T  437 

which  is  apparently  based  on  that  of  Temaux-Compans,  is 
incomplete,  see  p.  584,  where  he  omits  an  entire  sentence, 
which  he  supplies  in  a  note  with  the  Temaux-Compans  render- 
ing added.  Le  Moyne  in  De  Bry's  Brevis  Narratio,  Franco- 
forti  ad  Moenum,  1591,  p.  17.  Histoire  Notable,  Basanier, 
Paris,  1586,  pp.  72-74;  English  translation  in  Hakluyi,  Edin- 
burgh, 1889,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  481-483.  Geogra/ia  de  las  Indias  per 
Juan  Ldpez  de  Velasco,  1571-1574,  Madrid,  1894,  p.  164. 
Barrientos,  "  Vida  y  Hechos,"  in  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de 
la  Florida,  Genaro  Garcia,  Mexico,  1902,  pp.  87-95.  Merds, 
"  Jornadas  "  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  pp.  149-168. 
Herrera  in  his  "  Descripcion  de  las  Indias"  {Decadas, 
Madrid,  1730,  cap.  viii.,  tomo  i.,  p.  15),  refers  only  to  Carlos 
Bay. 

The  recent  history  is  given  in:  History  of  Florida,  by  Wil- 
liam Roberts,  London,  1763,  p.  17.  A  concise  Natural  History 
of  East  and  West  Florida,  by  Captain  Bernard  Romans,  New 
York,  1775,  vol.  i.,  pp.  289,  290,  291.  Appendix,  p.  Ixxvi. 
et  seq.  Captain  Romans's  history,  of  which  only  the  first  vol- 
ume was  ever  published,  is  the  source  from  which  most  subse- 
quent writers  have  derived  their  information,  journal  of 
Andrew  Ellicott,  Philadelphia,  1814,  pp.  246,  247.  Forbes's 
Florida,  New  York,  1821,  pp.  100,  108.  Observations  upon  the 
Floridas,  by  Charles  Vignoles,  New  York,  1823,  pp.  53,  81. 
John  Lee  Williams's  Florida,  New  York,  1837,  pp.  25,  32,  36. 
Daniel  G.  Brinton's  Notes  on  the  Floridian  Peninsula,  Phila- 
delphia, 1859,  pp.  112,  113.  A  Migration  Legend  of  the  Creek 
Lndians,  by  Albert  S.  Gatschet,  Philadelphia,  1884,  vol.  i.,  p. 
13.  "  Indian  Linguistic  Families"  by  J.  W.  Powell,  7///  Arm. 
Rep.  Bu.  Ethn.,  1 885-1 886,  p.  123. 

Caloosa  is  shown  in  the  following  maps;  John  With's  map, 
1585,  in  the  Century  Magazine,  vol.  xxv.,  pp.  66,  67.  The 
name  "Catos,"  probably  intended  for  "Calos,"  appears  on  the 
southern  end  of  the  peninsula.  Le  Moyne's  map  in  De  Bry, 
1591,  previously  cited.  Guillaume  de  ITsle,  "Carte  de  la 
Louisiane  et  du  Cours  du  Mississipi  "  (1718?)  shows  "  Les 
Carlos  Antropophages  "  correctly  located.  John  Senex,  "A 
Map  of    Louisiana  and   the   River    Mississipi  "   (in    A   New 


438  The  Spanish  Settlements 

General  Atlas,  etc.,  London,  17 19),  is  probably  copied  from 
De  risle  and  shows  "The  Carlos  Man-eaters."  Matthaeus 
Seutter,  "  Mappa  Geographica  Regionem  Mexicanam  et 
Floridam  Terrasque  adjacentes  ut  et  Anteriores  Americae  In- 
sulas,"  etc.,  1 731-1760.  Johann  Baptista  Homann,  "Am- 
plissima  regionis  Mississipi  seu  Provinciae  Ludovicianae," 
etc.  (1763),  and  his  "  Regni  Mexicani  seu  Novae  Hispaniae 
,  ,  .  Tabula"  (1763,  m  Alias  Geographicus  Major,  Norim- 
bergae,  1763,  Nos.  139  and  147),  both  show  "  Les  Carlos"  in 
about  the  correct  location.  Fernando  Martinez,  "  Descrip- 
cion  geographica  de  la  parte  que  los  Espanoles  poseen  actual- 
mente  en  el  continente  de  la  Florida"  (1765,  Brit.  Mus. 
Add.  MSS.  1 7, 648 A,  and  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  be- 
tween pp.  xliii.,  xliv).  Jn°.  Cary,  "  The  West  Indies,"  1783, 
and  Joseph  Purcell,  "A  Map  of  the  States  of  Virginia,  ,  .  . 
comprehending  the  Spanish  Provinces  of  East  and  West 
Florida,"  1792,  both  show  "Carlos"  island.  See  also  Spanish 
Settlements,  1513-1561,  p.  441,  Appendix  G,  "The  Bay  of 
Juan  Ponce." 

APPENDIX  U 

SAN    FELIPE 

Barrientos  in  Garcia,  Dos  Antiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida^ 
p,  179)  says  San  Felipe  was  "  En  Vna  ysla  de  quatro  leguas 
Estando  de  la  baRa  Vna  legua. "  Velasco  in  his 
Geografia  de  las  Indias,  1^71-1^74,  p.  161,  says  San  Felipe 
was  the  island  settled  by  the  French  five  years  before  and 
abandoned  by  them  when  they  learned  of  the  victory  of 
Avilds.  But  there  was  no  French  settlement  at  Santa  Elena 
prior  or  subsequent  to  that  of  Charlesfort  in  1562,  to  which  it 
is  possible  that  he  refers.  It  is  noticeable  that  Pardo,  who 
went  to  Cufitatchiqui  on  the  Savannah  twice,  once  across  coun- 
try and  once  along  the  coast,  mentions  no  large  river  between 
it  and  San  Felipe  from  where  he  started  (see  pp.  275,  294,  445, 
in  this  volume).  Aviles,  in  his  letter  to  Philip  II.  of  October 
15,  1565,  written  before  he  had  visited  the  locality  (see  p.  401 


Appendix  U  439 

in  this  volume),  placed  Santa  Elena  fifty  leagues  from  St. 
Augustine,  "and  in  a  distance  of  three  leagues  it  has  three 
ports  and  rivers,  and  the  largest  has  six  fathoms  of  water  and 
the  other  four  admirable  harbours;  and  that  which  we  call 
Santa  Elena,  which  is  the  third  where  the  French  are,  is  very 
bad,  and  all  three  can  be  navigated  inside  from  one  to  the 
other." 

In  the  "  Relacion  de  la  Costa  de  la  Florida"  of  Joan  de 
Herrera  of  1576,  forming  part  of  the  Derrotero  hecho  Por  el 
ynsigne  y  sabido  piloto  ysidro  de  la  puebla  .  .  .  1578 
(Biblioteca  Nacional,  Madrid,  MSS.  4541,  fol.  87),  the 
writer,  after  giving  the  latitudes  of  St,  Augustine  in  29°,  of 
San  Mateo  in  30°,  of  Santa  Elena  in  32°,  and  of  Guale, 
"which  is  between  San  Mateo  and  Santa  Elena,"  in  32°  20', 
"according  to  the  Reportorio  \sic\  of  Chabes,"  continues 
"from  Santa  Elena  to  the  north-east  is  the  Point  of  Santa 
Elena  itself,  and  it  is  an  island  in  itself,  for  the  sea  washes 
between  it  and  the  land.  ...  To  the  north-east  of  the 
cape  of  Santa  Elena  is  a  very  good  river  .  .  .  and  these 
shoals  extend  fully  three  leagues  from  the  land  into  the  sea. 
.  .  .  It  has  three  or  four  entrances.  ...  In  the  midst 
[medio]  of  the  bay  you  will  find  within  it  an  island  in  the 
middle  [en  mitad]  of  the  river  which  is  like  a  galley.  .  .  . 
To  reach  the  port  you  must  hug  the  east  shore;  there  is  a  shoal 
there,  along  which  the  waves  break,  for  in  the  morning  by  the 
full  tide  (?)  and  by  the  roar  of  the  water  the  current  tells  you 
where  the  bottom  lies  until  you  see  the  houses.  To  the  north- 
east of  the  Cape  of  Santa  Elena  is  another  river,  which  has  a 
good  bar,  where  is  the  first  Indian  village  .  .  .  and  there 
is  a  beech  beyond,  the  which  is  a  sweet  water  river.  And  the 
land  is  more  than  fifteen  leagues,  more  than  any  of  these 
rivers.  And  between  one  river  and  the  other  there  are  many 
shoals.  .  .  .  This  river  of  sweet  water,  which  is  in  32°  20' 
largos  for  the  River  Jordan  the  coast  runs  east  north-east. 
.  .  .  From  here  to  the  River  Jordan  is  the  same  east 
north-east  coast.  .  .  .  Four  leagues  beyond  the  River 
Jordan  is  a  sand  bar  which  projects  into  the  sea  (sale  a  la 
mar)  nine  leagues,  all  white  water." 


440  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Mr.  Herbert  C.  Graves,  of  the  Coast  and  Geodetic  Survey, 
to  whom  Herrera's  description  was  submitted  for  his  opinion, 
identifies  the  Punta  de  Santa  Elena  with  Hilton  Head,  in  view 
of  J.  G.  Kohl,  "A  History  of  the  Discovery  of  the  Coast  of 
North  America,"  vol.  i.,  pp.  309,  399  {Collection  of  the  Maine 
Historical  Society,  2nd  series),  the  Ribero  map  of  1529,  facing 
p.  299,  Winsor,  Narr.  a?id  Crit.  Hist.  Am.,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  256, 
260,  and  Le  Moyne's  map  on  p.  274.  Mr.  O.  H.  Tittmann, 
Superintendent  of  the  Coast  and  Geodetic  Survey,  through 
whose  kindly  assistance  the  report  of  Mr.  Graves  was  ob- 
tained, adds  that  "  Herrera's  description  and  sailing  direc- 
tions answer  well  to  Port  Royal  and  its  entrance,  and  Hilton 
Head  then  follows  of  necessity  as  Cape  St.  Helena." 

It  appears  highly  probable  that  the  Point  of  Santa  Elena 
was  Hilton  Head,  and  that  San  Felipe  was  therefore  in  the 
immediate  neighbourhood  of  Charlesfort.  As  bearing  on  this 
conclusion,  Mr.  Graves  calls  attention  in  his  report  to  the 
similarity  of  Herrera's  galley-shaped  island  to  that  of  the 
largest  of  the  islands  shown  on  Le  Moyne's  map  at  Portus 
Regalis,  although  it  should  not  be  forgotten  that  Le  Moyne 
did  not  himself  visit  this  region.  The  Fort  of  San  Felipe  may 
have  been  on  St.  Phillip's  Island  or  perhaps  on  Paris  Island. 

APPENDIX   V 


After  describing  the  island  of  Metacumbe  at  the  northern 
extremity  of  the  Martyr  Islands  (the  Florida  Keys)  Velasco 
writes  {Geografia  de  las  Indias,  1571-1574,  Madrid,  1894,  p. 
166):  "  En  la  mesma  punta  de  Tequesta,  entra  en  la  mar  un 
rio  dulce,  que  viene  de  la  tierra  adentro  y  al  parecer  corre  del 
oeste  al  leste  .  .  .  junto  a  el,  de  la  parte  del  norte,  est4 
el  pueblo  de  indios  que  se  dice  Tequesta,  de  donde  se  dice  asi 
la  punta;  poblose  aqui  un  pueblo  de  Espanoles  ano  de  67,  que 
despues  se  despoblo  ano  de  70.  .  .  .  La  Costa  va  cor- 
riendo  desde  Tequesta  al  norte,  declinando  al  norueste  hasta 
ponerse  en  27  grados:  desde  la  dicha  punta  hasta  rio  Dulce 


Appendix  V  441 

que  serdn  seis  leguas,  hay  tres  islas  al  lungo  de  la  costa  norte 
sur,  que  tendran  todas  tres  de  largo  las  dichas  seis  leguas," 
Fontanedo  ("  Memoria, "  Col.  Doc.  Inedit  IndiaSy  tomo  v., 
p.  534)  writing  in  1575  {N'arr.  and  Crit.  Hist.  Am.,  vol.  ii.,  p. 
291,  note  i),  says:  "  Voy  i.  lo  que  trataba  del  cabo  de  las  islas 
de  los  Martires  hdcia  el  Norte.  Fenecen  estas  islas  junto  a 
un  lugar  de  indios,  que  han  por  nombre  Teguesta,  ([ue  estd  d, 
un  lado  de  un  rio  que  entra  hacia  la  tierra  dentro;  este  rio 
corre  hasta  quince  leguas,  y  sale  a  otra  laguna,  que  dicen 
algunos  indios  que  la  han  andado  mas  que  yo,  que  es  un  brazo 
de  la  laguna  de  Mayaimi." 

Romans  in  his  A  concise  Natural  History  of  East  and  West 
Florida  (New  York,  1775,  vol.  i.,  pp.  296  and  299)  knows 
nothing  of  the  name  Tegesta,  and  ridicules  De  Brahm's  use  of 
the  name  in  his  Atlantic  Pilot  (London,  1772).  Forbes,  in  his 
Florida  (New  York,  1821,  p.  103),  applies  the  name  Tegesta 
to  the  southern  extremity  of  the  peninsula.  Brinton  in  his 
Notes  on  the  Floridian  Peninsula  (Philadelphia,  1859,  p.  112) 
places  the  province  of  Tegesta  at  the  southern  extremity  of 
the  peninsula,  and  (p.  116)  speaks  of  it  as  a  part  of  the  pro- 
vince of  "Ais,"  in  which  he  is  followed  by  Albert  S.  Gatschet 
in  his  Migration  Legend  of  the  Creek  Indians  (Philadelphia, 
1884,  vol,  i,,  p.  15),  who  places  the  village  of  Tequesta  "on 
a  river  coming  from  Lake  Mayaimi."  J.  W.  Powell  in  his 
"Indian  Linguistic  Families"  {yth  Ann.  Rep.  Bu.  Ethn.,  p. 
123)  is  even  less  definite. 

It  is  to  be  noted  that  both  the  descriptions  of  Fontanedo 
and  Velasco  mention  a  point  of  land  with  three  islands  at  the 
head  of  the  Florida  Keys  and  a  river  of  sweet  water  flowing 
east  and  west  from  an  arm  of  Lake  Miami,  They  point  with 
much  probability  to  Biscayne  Bay  and  Miami  River,  the  large 
river  of  sweet  water  flowing  east  and  west  in  that  neighbour- 
hood, and  which  finds  its  source  in  a  sweet  water  lagoon  in  the 
interior.  Snake  River,  to  the  north  of  it,  does  not  flow  in  the 
same  direction,  although  it  is  also  a  sweet-water  river. 

In  the  maps  the  name  "Province  of  Tegesta"  has  been 
applied  at  different  times  to  the  southern  extremity  of  the 
peninsula,  to  its  northern  part,  and  to  the  entire  peninsula. 


442  The  Spanish  Settlements 

The  most  interesting  and  typical  of  these  maps  are:  Jean  de 
Laet,  "  Florida  et  Regiones  Vicinae,"  1640,  in  his  LHistoire  dv 
Nouveau  Monde,  Leyde,  1640,  between  pp.  102,  103.  loannes 
Jansson,  "America  Septentrionalis,"  in  his  Nuevo  Atlas, 
Amsterdam,  1653,  vol.  ii.  Sanson  d' Abbeville,  "  Le  Nouveau 
Mexique  et  la  Floride,"  1679.  Nicolaus  Visscher,  "  Insulae 
Americanse  in  Oceano  Septentrionali,"  etc.  (1680?),  in  his 
Atlas  Minor,  Amst.  All  four  of  these  maps  give  "  Tegesta 
Provincia."  Edward  Wells,  "A  New  Map  of  North  America," 
etc.  (in  his  A  New  Sett  of  Maps  both  of  Antient  and  Present 
Geography,  Oxford,  1701),  shows  the  "  Peninsula  of  Tegesta." 
Matthieu  Albert  Lotter,  "  Carte  Nouvelle  de  I'Amerique 
Angloise,"  etc.,  1720  (?)  shows  "  Tegeste  "  applied  to  part  of 
the  peninsula.  Matthaeus  Seutter,  "  Novus  Orbis,"  etc.,  1725- 
1760.  Renier  &  Ottens,  "  Insulae  Americanse,"  etc.,  1730  (?) 
Matthaeus  Seutter,  "  Mappa  Geographica  Regionem  Mexi- 
canam  et  Floridam,"  etc.,  1 731-1760.  All  three  of  these 
maps  show  "Tegesta  Prov."  Covens  et  Mortier,  "Archi- 
pelague  du  Mexique  ou  sont  les  Isles  de  Cuba,"  etc.,  ca.  1757, 
shows  "Tegeste  Province."  Johann  Baptista  Homann, 
"  Totius  Americse  Septentrionalis  et  Meridionalis,"  etc.,  1765, 
shows  the  name  "  Tegesta  Provincia,"  applied  to  the  southern 
end  of  the  peninsula.  Johann  Baptista  Homann,  "  Regni 
Mexicani  seu  Novse  Hispanias,"  etc.,  1763,  shows  "Tegesta 
Prov."  Fernando  Martinez,  "  Descripcion  Geographica  de 
la  parte  que  los  Espanoles  poseen  actualmente  en  el  continente 
de  la  Florida,"  1765  (Brit.  Mus.  Add.  MSS.  17,468,  and  in 
Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.),  has  the  legend:  "  Tequesta 
que  oy  se  dicen  Indios  Costas."  John  Grear  de  Brahm, 
"  The  Ancient  Tegesta,  now  Promontory  of  East  Florida,"  in 
his  The  American  Pilot,  London,  1772.  De  Brahm  has  been 
copied  by  the  following  maps,  all  of  which  represent  Tegesta 
across  the  southern  end  of  the  Peninsula:  Thos.  Jefferys, 
"  The  Peninsula  and  Gulf  of  Florida  or  Channel  of  Bahama 
with  the  Bahama  Islands,"  1775.  Bernard  Romans,  "A 
General  Map  of  the  Southern  British  Colonies  in  America," 
1776.  John  Andrews,  "A  Map  of  the  British  Colonies  in  North 
America,"  1779.      J"°.  Gary,  "The  West  Indies,"  1783. 


Appendix  W  443 

APPENDIX   W 

DATE  OF  PARDO'S  FIRST  EXPEDITION 

There  is  a  conflict  between  the  dates  given  in  the  Relation  of 
Martinez  and  that  of  Pardo,  for  the  inception  of  the  various 
expeditions  of  the  latter.  Pardo  in  his  undated  report  says  he 
was  sent  to  Santa  Elena,  "  donde  desde  d  pocos  dias  que  ay 
estdbamos  llego  el  Adelantado  pero  Menendez  de  Avil^s 
.  .  .  y  .  .  .  me  mando  queyo  entraseel  diade  Santo 
Andres,  primo  venidero,  la  tierra  adentro  .  .  .  y  ansi, 
benido  el  dia  de  Santo  Andres,  yo  me  parti  "  ("  Relacion  de 
la  entrada,"  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida^  tomo  ii.,  p.  466).  He  then 
proceeds  with  the  report  of  this  expedition  or  entrada,  which 
ends  with  the  words:  "  Esto  es  lo  de  la  primera  Jornada  "  (p. 
469).  These  are  immediately  followed  by  the  words:  "  Lleg6 
el  Adelantado  Pero  Menendez  de  Avil^s  el  afio  1566  d  la 
cibdad  de  Santa  Elena,  a  donde  me  mando  yo  tornase  a  pro- 
seguir  la  Jornada  .  .  .  y  asl  yo  me  parti  el  primer  dia  de 
Setiembre"  (p.  469).  Martinez  in  his  Relation  dated  July  11, 
1567,  says  that:  "  De  la  civdad  de  Santa  Elena  salio  el  Capitan 
Juan  Pardo  el  primer  dia  de  Nobienbre  ano  de  1566,  para 
entrar  la  tierra  dentro  d  descubrilla  y  conquistalla  dende  aqui 
hasta  Mexico"  (Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  477).  Pardo 
went  as  far  as  "  Juada,"  where,  finding  his  progress  impeded 
by  snow  upon  the  mountains,  he  returned  to  Sari  Felipe,  leav- 
ing his  sergeant  at  Juada.  The  sergeant  subsequently  made 
a  reconnoissance  as  far  as  Chiaha,  "  donde  aguardo  al  dicho 
Capitan  que  ha  de  partir  deste  fuerte  mediado  Agosto  "  (p, 
479)  /.  e.,  during  August,  1567.  Vandera  in  the  opening  of 
his  narrative  refers  indefinitely  to  expeditions  in  1566  and 
1567  (see  the  copy  given  by  Buckingham  Smith,  Col.  Doc. 
Flo.,  tomo  i.,  p.  15,  which  begins  with  these  dates,  given  only 
in  the  title  by  Ruidiaz),  and  neither  he  nor  Barcia  gives  dates 
nor  distinguishes  the  entradas. 

It  thus  appears  from  the  Pardo  Relation  that  Aviles  was 
twice  at  Santa  Elena  in  1566  and  that  Pardo's  second  entrada 
was  made  in  September  subsequent  to  Aviles's  second  visit. 
But  Aviles,  in  fact,  made  but  one  visit  to  Santa  Elena  during 


444  The  Spanish  Settlements 

the  year  1566,  leaving  San  Mateo  April  ist,  and  returning  May 
15th,  or  in  August,  according  to  Meras.  He  returned  a  second 
time  in  1567,  sailing  from  there  for  Spain  on  the  i8th  of  May. 
It  is  therefore  altogether  probable  that  the  date  1566  in  Pardo's 
Relation  is  a  misprint  or  error  of  the  copyist  for  1567,  in  which 
latter  case  all  of  Pardo's  statements  will  substantially  conform 
with  the  dates  given  by  Martinez  and  by  Vandera.  Thus  we 
will  have  two  entradas,  the  first  November  i,  1566,  the  date 
given  by  Martinez,  and  subsequent  to  Avil^s's  first  visit  ac- 
cording to  Pardo,  and  a  second  entrada  on  the  ist  of  Septem- 
ber, 1567,  the  year  given  by  Martinez  and  Vandera,  the  month 
that  of  Pardo  in  approximate  agreement  with  Martinez's  state- 
ment that  an  entrada  was  to  be  made  in  August  of  1567,  and 
also  subsequent  to  the  second  visit  of  Aviles  according  to 
Pardo.  There  is  also  the  mistake  of  a  year  in  the  printed 
title  of  the  Pardo  Relation,  1565  being  given  for  1566, 

APPENDIX   X 

pardo's  first  expedition 

Pardo's  Rel.  Vandera  in  Buck.  Vandera  in  Ruidiaz, 

Ruidiaz,  La  Flor-  Smith,  Col.  Doc.  La    Florida.,    tomo 

ida,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  Flo.,  pp.  15-17.  ii.,  pp.  481-486. 

465-473- 


Uscamacu 
Ahoya 


Vandera  (Ruidiaz,  tomo  ii.,  p.  481)  describes  it  as  an  island. 
In  "  Mapa  de  la  Florida  y  Laguna  de  Maimi  donde  se  ha  de 
hacer  un  fuerte  "  (MS.  Undated,  1595-1600?  Arch.  Gen  de 
Indias,  Seville,  est.  145,  caj.  7,  leg.  7),  it  is  shown  as  an  island 
directly  south  of  Santa  Elena.  Albert  S.  Gatschet  in  his  Mi- 
gration Legend  of  the  Creek  Lndians  (vol.  i.,  p.  62)  derives  the 
name  from  a  Creek  word  signifying  "  two  going,"  and  says  it 
was  a  Creek  village  along  the  Savannah  River.  This  is  in- 
correct, as  Pardo  had  not  yet  reached  the  Savannah.  Ahoya 
is  probably  only  another  form  of  "  Hoya,"  on  page  352  of  this 
volume.     The  prefix  "  a  "  in  names  of  persons  and  places  was 


Appendix  X  445 

frequently  dropped  by  the  Spaniards  (see  Maya  and  Amaya, 
p.  225,  note  2,  in  this  volume). 


ardo's  Rel. 

Vandera  in  Buck. 

Vandera  in  Ruidiaz, 

^uidiaz,  La  Flori- 

Smith, Col.  Doc. 

La    Florida,    tomo 

da,  tomo  ii.,  pp. 

Flo.,  pp.  15-17. 

ii.,  pp  481-486. 

465-473 

Ahoyabe 

Cocao.  Cozao 

Cozao 

J.  G.  Shea  in  a  note  to  his  "  Pardo's  Exploration  of  South 
Carolina  and  Georgia  in  1566-67  "  {Historical  Magazine,  Au- 
gust, i860,  p.  231)  suggests  the  Coosawatchee(?) 

Enfrenado 

(Guiomae?)  Guiomaer  Guiomaez 

Vandera  (p.  482)  places  it  on  a  large  river.     Both  Vandera 

{ibid.')  and  Pardo  (p.  469)  say  forty  leagues  from  Santa  Elena. 

Canos  Cofeta^que  j  Canos,    Canosi, 

]  Cofetazque 
Pardo  (p.  466)  says:  "  Tyene  un  rio  cavdal."  Vandera 
(p.  482)  describes  it  as  "  Canos,  que  los  indios  llaman  Canosi, 
y  por  otro  nombre  Cofetazque.  .  .  .  Hay  hasta  Sancta 
Elena  cinquenta  leguas  y  hasta  la  mar  como  veinte  leguas; 
puedese  ir  hasta  el  por  el  rio  dicho,  cursando  la  tierra,  y  por 
mucho  mas  adelante  por  el  mismo  rio."  James  Mooney  in 
his  "  Myths  of  the  Cherokee"  (/p  Ann.  Rep.  Bu.  Ethn.,  pt. 
i.,  p.  28)  and  Shea  [ibid.,  p.  231)  identify  Canos  with  De  Soto's 
Cufitatchiqui.  Gatschet  in  his  Migration  Legend  of  the  Creek 
Indians  (vol.  i,,  p.  20)  with  the  Cannouchee  River  at  the  head 
of  which  lived  the  Yuchees.  He  derives  Canosi  from  the 
Creek  ikanodshi  signifying,  "  graves  are  there  "  {ibid.,  p.  63). 
Tagaya  Jagaya  Tagaya 
Tagaya  el  Chico     

Gueza 

Arauchi,  Aracuchi.     Aracuchi. 

Ysa  Issa  (4)  Isa ' 

'  The  numbers  indicate  the  order  in  which  these  names  are  given  by 
Vandera,  who  describes  them  in  the  order  in  which  they  were  visited  on  the 
second  entrada,  i.  e.,  from  south  to  north. 


446  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Gatschet  (p.  62)  derives  Issa  from  the  Creek  idshu,  deer, 
and  locates  it  on  the  Savannah.  But  it  is  to  be  noted  that 
neither  Pardo  nor  Vandera  states  that  Ysa  was  on  the  same 
river  as  Canos.  In  fact,  Pardo  says  of  Canos:  "  Tyene  un  rio 
cavdal  "  (p.  466)  and  of  Ysa  "  tiene  un  rio  cavdal  "  (p.  467), 
from  which  it  does  not  necessarily  follow  that  both  were  on  the 
same  river.  Had  he  ascended  the  river  to  Ysa  he  would  have 
said:  "  Pasa  ^/ rio  cavdal  por  ^1,"  as  he  does  in  the  case  of 
Quihanaqui,  which  was  on  the  same  stream  as  Juada,  below  it 
(p.  467).  Shea  {ibid.,  p.  230)  derives  the  name  from  the 
"  Chahta,"  tssi,  a  deer,  and  says  it  is  apparently  identical  with 
Ays,  which  Romans  describes  as  on  the  Indian  River.  The 
mistake  in  the  location  is  too  apparent  to  require  comment. 

Pardo's  Rel.  Vandera  in  Buck.  Vandera  in  Ruidiaz, 

Ruidiaz,  La  Flori-  Smith,  Col.  Doc.  La    Florida,    tomo 

da,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  Flo.,  pp.  15-17.  ii.,  pp.  481-486. 

465-473- 

Juada                            (6)  Joara 

This  is  the  "  Toana "  of  Barrientos  ("  Hechos "  in  Dos 
Antigiias  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  140).  Mooney  identifies 
this  with  the  Xuala  of  De  Soto  (see  Spanish  Settlements,  15 13- 
1561,  p.  230,  and  note  3),  which  he  locates  in  the  territory  of 
the  Suwali  Indians  about  the  head  of  the  Broad  River  in  North 
Carolina  (see  "Xuala  and  Guaxule  "  by  Cyrus  Thomas  and 
J.  N.  B.  Hewitt  in  Science,  N.  S.,  vol.  xxi,  p.  863,  for  a  dif- 
ferent location).  But  the  distance,  fifty  or  sixty  miles  from 
the  nearest  point  on  the  Savannah,  is  excessive  for  a  two- 
days'  march.  Shea  {Jibid.,  p.  231)  also  notes  its  similarity  to 
De  Soto's  Xuala. 

Aguaquiri 

Mooney  {ibid.,  p.  28)  thinks  it  the  "Guiaquili  "  of  De  Soto. 
Quihanaqui  (3)  Quinahaqui 

Pardo  (p.  467)  says  it  was  a  large  river,  and  the  context  ap- 
pears to  indicate  that  it  was  the  same  river  which  flowed  by 
Juada.     Vandera  (p.  483),  who  mentions  the  localities  in  the 


Appendix  X  447 

reverse  order,  i.  e.,  from  south  to  north,  says  it  was  a  large  river 
other  than  the  river  on  which  Guatary  was  situated,  and  Ysa 
lay  twelve  leagues  to  the  left  (/.  <?.,  the  East?  See  p,  450  in 
this  volume). 

Pardo's  Rel.  Vandera  in  Buck.  Vandera  in  Ruidiaz, 

Ruidiaz,  La  Flor-  Smith,  Col.  Doc.  La    Florida.,   tomo 

ida,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  Flo.,  pp.  15-17.  ii.,  pp.  481-486. 

465-473- 

Guatari  Guatari  (2)  Guatary 

Vandera  (p.  483)  says  of  it:  "  que  viene  d  dar  a  Sauapa  y  Usi, 
donde  se  hace  sal,  junto  con  la  mar  sesenta  leguas  de  Sancta 
Elena.  Desde  este  Sancta  Elena  a  este  Guatari  hay  ochenta 
leguas,  y  por  este  mismo  rio  puede  entrar  mas  de  veinte,  segun 
dicen,  cualquier  navio."  Mooney  {ibid.,  p.  28)  identifies  it 
with  the  Wateree.  He  says  Usi  is  Ushery  or  Catawba,  and 
Sauapa  is  Waxhaw  or  Sissipahaw(?)  It  is  to  be  noted,  however, 
that  Vandera  locates  them  in  the  region  where  the  river  be- 
comes salt. 


Guatariatiqui       \  , 

(Quatariaatiqui  >•     Otariyatiqui  (i)    -j 

of  2d  Entrada)   ) 


j  Otariatiqui 

r     ,  T^         ,  X    .  '  Otari. 

of  2d  Entrada) 

James  Adair  in  The  History  of  the  Americati  Lndians  (Lon- 
don, 1775,  p.  226)  says  the  Cherokees  call  the  mountain 
portion  of  their  territory  Ottare,  signifying  "mountainous." 
Mooney  {ibid.,  p.  28)  suggests  that  it  may  have  been  a  frontier 
Cherokee  settlement.  Perhaps  the  Cherokee  d  tari  or  d  tali — 
"mountain."  Gatschet  {ibid.,  p.  24)  places  the  Cherokee 
villages  of  the  Overhill  Settlements,  Otari,  Otali,  signifying 
"up,  above,"  north-west  of  the  "  Smoky  Mountains,"  along 
the  Great  and  Little  Tennessee  rivers  and  their  tributaries. 

Pardo's  return  was  by  the  same  route,  /.  e.,  Tagaya  Chiquito 
(Chico),  Tagaya,  Cajucos,  Guiomae,  and  Santa  Elena.  George 
R.  Fairbanks  in  his  History  of  St.  Augustine  (New  York,  1858, 
p.  loi)  think  Pardo  probably  visited  the  up-country  of  Georgia, 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Rome.  Luys  de  Paez  (E.xpediente 
del  Sargento   Pedro  Luys  de  Paez,    1579,   MS.    Arch.    Gen. 


44^  The  Spanish  Settlements 

Indias,  Seville,  est.  51,  caj.  5,  leg.  16)  relates  that  Pardo  on 
his  expedition  into  the  interior  constructed  "three  or  four" 
forts  named  "Zuara,"  "Aguatira,"  and  "Orista."  These 
are  Juada  and  Aguaquiri. 


APPENDIX   Y 

TOCOBAGA 

Velasco  in  his  Geografia  de  las  Indias,  i^ii-i^'/4,  pp.  162, 
163,  gives  the  following  description:  "  La  bahia  de  Tocobaga, 
por  otro  nombre  del  Espiritu- Santo  d  de  Mirueio,  esta  en  29 
grados  y  1/2  de  altura:  la  entrada  tiene  por  travesia  el  oeste; 
tendra  tres  leguas  de  boca,  y  en  ella  tres  isletas  pequenas  en 
que  no  hay  cosa  ninguna  sino  arena  y  pajaros;  por  la  parte 
del  norte  corre  la  costa  dentro  della  como  dos  leguas  del  oeste 
al  leste  y  luego  vuelve  un  brazo  de  mar  de  tres  leguas  de  ancho 
derecho  al  norte,  diez  y  ocho  leguas  la  tierra  adentro,  hasta  el 
mesmo  pueblo  de  Tocobaga,  pueblo  de  indios  donde  se  acaba: 
para  navegarse,  se  ha  de  arrimar  siempre  a  la  costa  del  este, 
por  que  la  otra  es  todo  bajo;  en  pasando  el  dicho  brazo  vuelve 
otro  brazo  mas  ancho  que  el  sobredicho;  al  es  nordeste  no  se 
ha  navegado;  por  esto  no  se  sabe  donde  va  a  parar."  Fon- 
tanedo  ("  Memoria,"  Col.  Doc.  Inedit.  Indias,  tomo  v.,  p.  537), 
writing  in  about  1575  {Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist.  Am.,  vol.  ii.,  p. 
291,  note  i),  places  "  Toco-baja, "  in  which  town  "esta  el  Rey 
casi  mayor  de  aquella  comarca, "  near  a  river  on  the  west 
Florida  coast  called  "  Guavaca-Esgui  "  by  the  Indians.  The 
river  is  between  "  Abalache  "  and  "Ogale,"  locations  which 
he  does  not  describe.  The  chief's  residence  "  llamase  Toco- 
baja  Chile  ...  a  cabo  posterior  del  rio,  hacia  la  tierra 
adentro,  que  hay  de  rio  mas  de  quarenta  leguas."  "  Desde 
Tocovaga  hasta  Santa  Elena,  que  habra  de  costa  seiscientos 
leguas"  (p.  546).  It  can  be  reached  from  "  Saravay,  que  esta 
cinquenta  6  sesenta  leguas  la  tierra  adentro  del  rio  (St.  John's?) 
arriba,  6  a  la  provincia  de  Utina,"  and  then  west,  "  tomando 
por  arriba  de  pueblo  en  pueblo,  y  dar  consigo  a  la  Canoga- 


Appendix  Y  449 

cola,  vasallos  de  Tocovaga,  y  de  allf  al  lugar  mismo  de 
Tocovaga,  en  que  esta  otro  rio  muy  grande,  donde  Soto 
estuvo  y  muri6  "  (p.  545).  Herrera  in  his  "  Descripcion  de 
las  Indias  "  {Decadas  de  Indias,  Madrid,  1730,  tomo  i.,  cap. 
viii.,  p.  15)  places  Tocobaga  thirty-three  leagues  to  the  north 
of  Tampa  Bay.  Barcia  in  his  Ensayo  (Ano  MDLXVII., 
p.  127)  says,  "Avil^s  entro  por  el  Puerto  y  un  Indio  .  .  . 
guio  al  Pueblo  de  Tocobaga,  que  estaba  20  Leguas  la  Tierra 
adentro,  sobre  vn  Brago  de  Agua  salada. "  William  Roberts 
in  his  History  of  Florida  (London,  1763,  p.  16),  says:  "Be- 
tween Rio  Pedro  and  the  Rio  Amasura  are  the  two  small 
rivers  of  St.  Martin  and  Tocobogas.  Between  these  rivers 
reside  the  tribe  of  Tocobogas."  He  places  the  Rio  Ama- 
sura or  Masura  in  latitude  28  deg.  25  min.  {ibid.,  p.  16). 
The  Rio  Pedro  is  "almost  S.E,  from  Apalache  River." 
Williams's  Florida  (New  York,  1837,  pp.  31,  32)  writes: 
"  Helley's  Keys  are  a  range  of  sandy  islands  extending  in 
front  of  Tocobagos,  or  St.  Joseph's  Bay.  From  Tocobagos 
to  Tampa  there  is  a  boat  channel  behind  these  keys,  but  at 
some  places  it  is  very  shoal  at  low  water."  Daniel  G.  Brinton 
in  his  Notes  on  the  Floridian  Peninsula  (Philadelphia,  1859,  p. 
118)  says:  "  In  later  times  the  cacique  dwelt  in  a  village  on 
Old  Tampa  Bay,  twenty  leagues  from  the  main,  called  Toco- 
baga or  Togabaga,  whence  the  province  derived  its  name,  and 
was  reputed  to  be  the  most  potent  in  Florida.  A  large  mound 
still  seen  in  the  vicinity  marks  the  spot."  Fairbanks  in  his 
History  of  Florida  (Philadelphia,  1871,  p.  139)  places  "  Toco- 
bay  o  "  about  Cape  Canaveral.  Cyrus  Thomas  in  his  "The 
Indians  of  North  America  in  Historic  Times  "  (Lee,  Hist,  of 
North  America,  Philadelphia,  vol.  ii.,  p.  57)  places  Tocobaga 
on  Old  Tampa  Bay. 

Velasco's  description  evidently  refers  to  Tampa  Bay.  The 
first  bay  within  three  leagues  of  the  mouth  and  eighteen  leagues 
deep,  extending  directly  north,  is  Old  Tampa,  where  the  village 
of  Tocobaga  is  correctly  placed,  according  to  the  independent 
observations  of  subsequent  authorities  to  whom  his  description 
was  unknown.  The  second  wider  arm,  which  extends  east 
north-east  (incorrectly  punctuated  in  Velasco's  text),  is  Hills- 


450  The  Spanish  Settlements 

borough  Bay.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  Velasco  does  not  locate 
Tampa  Bay,  showing  a  confusion  existing  in  his  mind  between 
it  and  Tocobaga,  and  that  the  only  two  other  localities  which 
he  gives  on  the  west  coast,  "  Bahia  de  Carlos"  and  "  la  punta 
de  Muspa,"  are  correctly  located. 

"  Mapa  de  la  Florida  y  Laguna  de  Maimi  donde  se  ha  de 
hacer  un  fuerte"  (Undated,  1595-1600?  MS.  Arch.  Gen.  de 
Indias,  Seville,  est.  145,  caj.  7,  leg.  7),  shows  the  "  b^  de 
tacabaga  "  in  about  the  correct  position.  Tocobaga  is  also 
shown  on  the  following  maps,  which  have  been  already  re- 
ferred to  in  previous  notes:  De  Laet,  1640;  Sanson  d' Abbe- 
ville, 1656  and  1679;  Visscher,  1680.  It  reappears  with 
Reinier  &  Ottens,  1730,  and  Jno.  Gary,  "  West  Indies,"  1783, 
who  gives  it  in  approximately  the  correct  position.  The 
river  of  Tocobaga  referred  to  by  William  Roberts  appears  on 
the  following  map,  as  well  as  elsewhere:  "  East  Florida,  from 
Surveys  made  since  the  last  Peace,"  adapted  to  Dr.  Stork's 
History  of  that  country,  by  Thomas  Jefferys,  Geographer  to 
the  King,  in  A  Description  of  East-Florida,  by  William  Stork, 
3rd  edit.,  London,  1769.  In  "  The  Bay  of  Espiritu  Santo,  in 
East  Florida,"  by  Tho.  Jefferys,  facing  Bartram's  "  Journal," 
which  is  published  by  Dr.  Stork  in  the  work  just  referred  to, 
the  north-west  arm  of  the  bay  is  named  "  Tampa  Bay  Accord- 
ing to  the  Spaniards," 


APPENDIX   Z 

PARDO'S   SECOND    EXPEDITION 

On  reference  to  Appendix  W  in  this  volume  it  will  be  noted 
that  Vandera  gives  the  villages  between  Joara  (Pardo's  Juada) 
and  Otariatiqui  (Pardo's  Guatariatiqui)  in  the  reverse  order 
from  that  followed  by  Pardo.  On  collating  this  list  of  Van- 
dera with  that  in  Pardo's  second  expedition  the  order  will  be 
found  to  be  substantially  the  same  in  both,  indicating  that 
Vandera  described  the  route  followed  on  the  second  expedi- 
tion.    For  this  reason  it  is  necessary  only  to  give  the  names 


Appendix  Z 


451 


of  the  towns  beyond  Juada  in  the  order  in  which  they  are  given 
by  Pardo  and  by  Vandera. 


Pardo's  Rel. 


Vandera  in  Buck.     Vandera  in  Ruidiaz, 


Ruidiaz,  La  Flor-         Smith,   Col.  Doc.        La    Florida,    tomo 
Flo.,  pp.  15-17.  ii.,  pp.  481-486. 


ida,  tomo  ii.,  p. 
465. 

Juada  

Tocalques,  Tocae.       Tocax 

See  p.  295  in  this  volume. 

Canche,  Cauchi,  


Joara 
Tocar 


Cauchi 


Pardo  (p.  470)  says  it  has  a  large  river.  Mooney,  in  "  Myths 
of  the  Cherokee  "  (/p  Ann.  Rep.  Bu.  Ethn.,  pt.  i.,  p.  29),  sug- 
gests Nacoochee,  apparently  a  Creek  town.  And  see  p.  296, 
note  4  in  this  volume. 


Tanasqui 


Pardo  {ibid.,  p.  470)  says,  "  It  has  a  large 
{ibid.,  p.  29)  says  apparently  a  Creek  town. 


Chihaque,  Lameco 
Chiaha 


Tanasqui 
river."     Mooney 

Solameco,  Chiaha 


See  p.  286  note  i  in  this  volume. 


Satapo 


Chalahume 
Satapo,  Tasqui. 


From  Satapo  Pardo  returned  to  San  Felipe  at  Santa  Elena. 

Fourquevaux,  under  date  of  November  30,  1567  {Dipeches, 
p.  305)  forwarded  to  Charles  IX.  a  curious  account  of  an  ex- 
pedition which  probably  relates  to  this  entrada,  furnished  him 
by  an  usher  of  Philip  II.  It  gives  a  few  interesting  details  of 
the  country,  although  it  contains  some  exaggeration  and  ap- 
pears to  be  somewhat  confused  with  the  events  of  the  first 
entrada  made  during  the  winter.     It  reads  as  follows:   "  The 


452  The  Spanish  Settlements 

captain  Jehean  Pardo,  governor  of  the  point  of  Santa  Elena  in 
Florida  has  written  that  he  has  sent  thirty  soldiers  in  a  brigan- 
tine  one  hundred  leagues  up  the  said  river  of  Santa  Elena,  and 
some  of  them  having  landed  on  the  north  side,  they  went 
thirty  leagues  over  land  away  from  the  said  river,  and  have 
found  at  the  foot  of  the  mountains  an  open  town,  the  houses 
built  of  stone,  and  a  small  castle  also  of  stone  where  there  was 
a  tower.  The  inhabitants  are  peaceable  and  appear  to  be  good 
people.  They  are  dressed  in  cotton  shirts  and  the  furs  of 
various  beasts.  They  sow  corn  and  other  seed.  There  are 
oxen,  but  they  are  small.  The  land  is  fertile  and  they  have 
trees  bearing  various  fruits  which  are  good  to  eat.  There  are 
mines  of  gold  and  silver.  And  they  told  the  said  soldiers  that 
several  days'  distance  farther  on  there  was  a  population  of 
bearded  men;  they  were  unable  to  learn  if  they  were  French- 
men or  Spaniards,  neither  were  they  allowed  to  proceed 
farther;  the  said  Indians,  however,  gave  them  food  and  pro- 
visions for  their  return  to  the  brigantine,  and  thus  they  re- 
turned to  the  said  fort." 

The  ascent  of  the  Savannah  in  boats,  according  to  this  ac- 
count, is  not  inconsistent  with  Pardo' s  Relation,  for  he  may 
have  followed  the  coast  to  the  mouth  of  the  Savannah  River, 
visiting  Ahoya  on  his  way.  The  silver  mines  suggest  the 
second  entrada  in  which  the  fumes  of  silver  were  perceived 
(see  p.  295  in  this  volume).  The  refusal  to  allow  the  Spaniards 
to  advance  may  refer  to  their  return  from  Chiaha  on  account 
of  the  hostile  Indians  farther  on;  and  the  report  of  the  white 
settlement  may  have  arisen  from  the  imperfect  understanding 
by  the  Spaniards  of  a  reference  made  by  the  Indians  to  De 
Luna's  settlement  of  a  few  years  before. 

APPENDIX    AA 

TACATACURU 

"  El  fuerte  de  San  Pedro,  que  es  en  la  isla  de  Tacatacoru." 
Disposicion  de  cuatro  fuertes  que  ha  de  haber  en  la  Florida  y 
guarnicion  que  debe  tener  cada  uno  de  ellos.     (In  Ruidiaz,  La 


Appendix  AA  453 

Florida^  tomo  ii.,  p.  507.  Ruidiaz  dates  this  document  1566, 
see  ibid.,  p.  713.  The  date  of  1569  given  it  in  Col.  Doc.  Inedit. 
Indias,  tomo  xiii.,  p.  307,  is  probably  correct).  Velasco  in 
his  Geogra/ia  de  las  Indias,  Ijyi-ijy4,  pp.  168,  169  does  not 
mention  the  island  by  this  name,  but,  describing  the  coast  to 
the  north-east,  in  the  direction  of  Santa  Elena,  which  is  filled 
with  islands  both  large  and  small,  he  says:  "  La  primera  de 
las  mas  seiialadas  es,  en  pasando  la  boca  del  rio  de  San  Mateo, 
la  que  se  llama  Carabay,  que  es  una  barra  muy  chicjuita,  y  as{ 
no  puede  servir  sino  para  chalupas;  dos  leguas  mas  adelante 
esta  otra  que  llaman  la  Revuelta,  con  dos  bocas  por  una  isleta 
que  tiene  en  la  entrada;  y  mas  adelante  otras  dos  leguas  estd 
la  barra  de  Sena,  adonde  solia  estar  el  fuerte  de  San  Pedro;  es 
barra  que,  si  aguardan  marea,  pueden  entrar  navios  de  docien- 
tos  toneles.  Mas  adelante  cuatro  leguas,  esta  Bahia  de  Bal- 
lenas,  que  es  una  bahia  muy  grande  y  ancha;  pero  no  tiene 
buena  barra,  porque  es  todo  bajio:  arriba  de  la  tierra,  un  rio 
muy  poderoso  de  agua  dulce,  que  se  llama  el  rio  del  Marques, 
esta  muy  poblado  de  indios  al  luengo  d^l  de  una  y  de  otra 
parte.  Mas  adelante  de  esta  bahia  dos  leguas,  esta  otra  barra 
pequena  que  se  dice  Gualequefii,  adonde  no  pueden  entrar  sino 
con  chalupas."  And  see  also  p.  161,  where  he  says:  "El 
fuerte  de  San  Pedro  estuvo  en  la  barra  de  Seiia." 

According  to  the  "  Piano  de  la  Entrada  de  Gualiquini  Rio 
de  San  Simon  situado  a  31°  17'  de  latitud  Septentrional  "  (MS. 
Dep.  de  la  Guerra,  Madrid,  Arch,  de  Mapas,  L.  M.  8a-ia-a, 
No.  43,  and  of  which  there  appears  to  be  another  MS.  copy 
dated  May  15,  1757,  in  the  Archives  of  the  Indies,  Seville, 
Eelacion  Descriptiva  de  los  Mapas,  Pianos,  <5r»  \sic\  de  Mexico  y 
Florida  existentes  en  el  Archive  General  de  Indias  por  Pedro 
Torres  Lanzas,  Sevilla,  1900,  tomo  i..  No.  131),  there  can  be 
little  doubt  that  Gualiciuini  is  Jykill  Island,  which  is  substan- 
tially in  agreement  with  the  conclusion  reached  by  Dr.  Shea 
in  The  Catholic  Church  in  Colonial  Days  (New  York,  1886,  pp. 
142,  143,  note  I,  p.  178,  note  i)  from  independent  observation. 
Accordingly  the  island  of  San  Pedro  is  Cumberland  Island  ;  la 
barra  de  Sena  is  Cumberland  Sound;  La  Revuelta  is  Nassau 
Sound,  and  Carabay  is  Fort  George  Inlet. 


454  The  Spanish  Settlements 

William  B.  Stevens  in  his  History  of  Georgia  (New  York, 
1847,  vol.  i.,  p.  135),  says:  "  Missoe  is  the  Indian  name, 
meaning  sassafras,  of  the  island  called  San  Pedro  by  the 
Spaniards  and  by  the  English  Cumberland."  Fairbanks  in 
his  History  of  Florida  (Philadelphia,  187 1,  p.  143)  identifies 
the  harbour  of  Fernandina  with  Tacatacuru.  This  is  sub- 
stantially in  agreement  with  the  above,  for  the  entrance  to  the 
harbour  of  Fernandina  is  through  Cumberland  Sound,  al- 
though it  appears  that  he  is  disposed  to  consider  Amelia 
Island  as  Tacatacuru.  William  W.  Dewhurst,  in  his  History 
of  St.  Augustine  (New  York,  1881,  p.  60),  and  Shea  in  his 
"Ancient  Florida"  {Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist.  Am.,  vol.  ii.,  p. 
280),  identify  Tacatacuru  with  St.  Mary's  River.  It  is  to  be 
noted  that  the  name  "  Sena"  used  by  Velasco  for  this  harbour 
bears  a  curious  resemblance  to  the  French  name  "  Seine,"  by 
which  the  French  are  said  to  have  called  the  Tacatacuru  River 
{La  Reprise  de  la  Floride,  p.  47).  The  Spanish  form  of 
"  Seine  "  is  "  Sequena."  Gatschet  says  the  name  Tacatacuru 
contains  the  Timucuanan  word  taca,  fire,  probably  in  a  re- 
doubled form.  "  The  Timucua  Language  "  in  Proceedings  of 
the  American  Philosophical  Society,  vol.  xviii.,  p.  502. 

APPENDIX    BB 

THE  SPANISH  ACCOUNT  OF  GOURGUES's  ATTACK  ON  SAN  MATEO 

A  careful  collation  of  the  incomplete  manuscript  letter  of 
Las  Alas  entitled:  "estevan  de  la  sala  en  san  agustin  cinco  de 
mayo  mil  quinientos  sesenta  y  nueve  cuenta  como  se  perdio 
el  fuerte  de  sant  mateo  "  (Arch.  Gen.  de  Indias,  Seville,  est. 
2,  caj.  5,  leg.  1/9)  with  Gourgues's  Relation  in  La  Reprise  de 
la  Floride  (Larroque,  Paris,  Bordeaux,  1867)  raises  so  strong  a 
presumption  that  we  have  here  part  of  the  original  Spanish 
version  of  the  French  attack  upon  San  Mateo,  that  the  events 
which  it  relates  have  been  incorporated  into  the  narrative  in 
the  text  in  the  belief  that  the  date  of  1569  appended  to  the 
document  is  a  clerical  error.  The  letter  appears  from  its 
context  as  well  as  from  its  title  to  have  been  written  from  St. 


Appendix  BB  455 

Augustine.  So  much  of  it  as  is  essential  to  a  comparison  of 
the  two  accounts  is  as  follows:  "Good  Friday  at  three  o'clock 
in  the  afternoon  five  ships  appeared  upon  the  bar  three  of 
which  were  of  reasonable  size  and  the  other  two  smaller  and 
they  were  about  a  league  from  the  fort  a  gun  was  fired  to 
inform  them  that  there  were  people  and  a  harbour  here  think- 
ing they  were  Spanish  ships  and  if  they  were  enemies  that  they 
might  also  know  we  were  here,  hearing  the  gun  .  .  .  they 
took  the  direction  of  San  Mateo  .  .  .  the  first  Sunday  after 
Easter  [el  domingo  de  pasquilla]  in  the  morning  the  sergeant 
of  San  Mateo  arrived  at  this  fort  with  thirty  persons  who  had 
been  with  thirty  men  in  one  of  two  houses  which  had  been 
built  at  the  bar  of  San  Mateo  and  said  that  the  Saturday  be- 
fore at  midday  he  had  seen  from  this  house  where  he  was 
which  is  on  this  side  of  the  river  of  San  Mateo  towards  this 
fort  many  Indians  approach  and  another  band  of  persons 
armed  with  guns  and  corselets  and  arquebuses  and  four  field 
banners  and  their  trumpets  and  drums  and  at  once  they  closed 
in  on  the  house  which  is  on  the  other  side  of  the  Island  of 
Alimacani  in  which  there  were  thirty  other  soldiers  who  became 
so  confused  that  they  abandoned  the  house  and  he  who  could 
fly  fled  but  only  a  few  for  of  all  of  them  only  five  escaped  the 
sergeant  continued  firing  from  this  house  to  where  they  were 
with  two  guns  which  he  had  in  it  until  the  ammunition  gave 
out  and  perceiving  that  succour  could  not  reach  him  speedily 
from  San  Mateo  because  the  tide  would  not  permit  of  it  and 
the  weather  which  was  very  fierce  from  the  north  east  he  spiked 
the  guns  and  came  as  I  have  said  to  this  fort." 

The  fragment  of  the  letter  contains  no  hint  as  to  the  nation- 
ality of  the  ships,  and  only  from  its  title  do  we  know  that  the 
missing  portion,  which  probably  bore  the  date  and  the  signa- 
ture of  the  writer,  relates  the  fall  of  Fort  San  Mateo.  The 
result  of  a  comparison  of  the  two  accounts  is  as  follows: 
Gourgues  states  that  he  had  three  vessels  {La  Reprise  de  la 
Floride,  p.  29).  Las  Alas  mentions  five.  This  difference  in 
numbers  is  not  material,  since  Gourgues  had  captured  Spanish 
vessels  during  his  voyage  (Alava  to  Alba,  June  25,  1568,  MS. 
Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  15 11  [56J,  fol.  2;  Alava  to  Philip  II., 


45^  The  Spanish  Settlements 

June  28,  1568,  ibid.,  [59]).  Eight  days  prior  to  his  capture 
of  the  blockhouses  (Za  Reprise,  pp.  38,  40,  44,  46,  47,  49, 
50)  Gourgues,  who  was  sailing  in  a  northerly  direction,  passed 
a  Spanish  fort  which  saluted  him  with  two  guns,  to  which  he 
replied  {ibid.,  p,  38).  Las  Alas  relates  that  on  Good  Friday, 
nine  days  before  the  capture  of  the  blockhouses  according  to 
his  own  dates,  he  fired  a  gun  to  signal  five  ships,  which  were 
discovered  off  St.  Augustine.  Thereupon  Gourgues  sails  away 
until  out  of  sight  of  land,  but  returns  at  night  and  lands 
within  fifteen  leagues  of  the  fort.  Las  Alas  says  the  ships 
took  the  direction  of  Fort  San  Mateo. 

Gourgues  says  it  rained  hard  the  morning  of  the  attack  and 
that  it  blew  a  north-east  wind  the  previous  day  {ibid.,  pp.  49, 
50).  Las  Alas  says  that  on  the  day  of  the  attack  there  was  a 
strong  north-east  wind.  Gourgues  attacked  first  the  block- 
house on  the  left  (north)  bank  of  the  St.  John's  with  a  force 
of  Indians  and  of  armed  men.  Las  Alas  says  the  same. 
Gourgues  attacked  the  first  blockhouse  after  ten  o'clock  in  the 
morning  {ibid..,  p.  52).  Las  Alas  says  at  midday.  Gourgues 
says  the  south  fort  incommoded  the  French  attack  on  the 
north  fort  by  firing  cannon  at  them  {ibid.,  p.  54).  Las  Alas 
says  the  south  fort  fired  at  the  party  attacking  the  north  fort 
until  its  ammunition  was  expended.  According  to  Gourgues 
the  two  forts  were  captured  on  "  the  eve  of  Quasimodo,"  /.  ^., 
the  Saturday  preceding  the  first  Sunday  after  Easter.  Las 
Alas  says  the  same.  Gourgues  says  there  were  sixty  Spaniards 
in  the  south  fort  (p.  54),  and  does  not  mention  the  number  in 
the  first  fort.     Las  Alas  says  there  were  sixty  men  in  both  forts. 

The  coincidences  are  remarkable.  The  salute  on  first  seeing 
the  ships,  the  direction  taken  by  the  ships  after  being  sighted, 
the  direction  from  which  comes  the  attack  on  the  first  block- 
house, the  character  of  the  attacking  force,  the  weather,  the 
fort  first  captured,  the  defence  made  by  the  second  fort,  the 
locality,  and  finally  the  ecclesiastical  date.  Against  the  proba- 
bility, raised  by  this  similarity  in  the  two  accounts,  that  they  are 
both  describing  the  same  event,  is  to  be  set  the  remote  possi- 
bility of  an  event's  repeating  itself  for  two  years  in  succession 
with  all  of  these  characteristics  in  common  and  occurring  in 


Appendix  CC  457 

the  same  order.  The  mistake  of  one  figure  in  the  date  of  the 
title  is  not  an  unusual  circumstance,  instances  of  such  errors 
having  been  noticed  in  the  course  of  this  volume,  particularly 
as  the  title  in  which  it  occurs  is  in  the  nature  of  a  caption 
written  in  by  a  clerk. 

While  this  volume  was  going  through  the  press,  Professor 
William  R.  Shepherd  has,  in  a  recent  review,  assumed  the 
same  position  as  the  author  in  respect  to  the  authenticity  of 
the  Gourgues  incident,  in  view  "  of  the  evidence  presented  by 
the  correspondence  of  Menendez  de  Aviles  published  in  the 
second  volume  of  Ruidiaz  y  Caravia's  La  Florida^  by  the  state- 
ments of  Barrientos  in  his  Vida  y  Hechos  de  Pero  Menendez  de 
Auiies,  and  by  other  original  authorities  recently  discovered." 
{Political  Science  Quarterly,  vol.  xx.,  p.  331,  June,  1905.) 

APPENDIX    CC 

THE    SECOND    VOYAGE   OF    AVIL^S   TO    FLORIDA 

A  period  of  sixteen  months  intervenes  between  Aviles's  let- 
ter of  May  12,  1568,  from  Santander  and  his  next  letter  from 
Spain,  dated  at  Seville,  September  22,  1569  (Ruidiaz,  La 
Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  180).  During  this  interval  he  appears  to 
have  been  at  Havana  in  April  (?)  of  1569  according  to  his 
letter  of  September  22,  1569,  above  cited,  in  which  he  says: 
"y  aviendome  V.  M.  mandado  por  una  su  Real  Cedula,  hecha 
por  Febrero  de  este  presente  ano,  recibida  en  la  Habana  por 
este  mes  de  Abril  pasado,  en  que  me  manda  con  la  armada  de 
mi  cargo  aconpaiie  la  flota  de  Nueva  Espana  hasta  la  meter  en 
Sanlucar  de  Barrameda  en  salvamiento,  .  .  .  y  que  vini- 
endo  la  dicha  flota  sola,  quedando  yo  en  las  Indias  "  {ibid., 
tomo  ii.,  pp.  182,  183).  Fourquevaux  observes  that  Aviles 
was  expected  at  the  Azores  about  June,  1568  (Letter  of  May 
21,  1568,  De'peches,  p.  360).  Gabriel  de  Cayas  wrote  Alava 
that  Aviles  had  sailed  from  Laredo  August  12  to  punish  pi- 
rates (Sept.  4,  1568,  Arch.  Nat.,  Paris,  K,  1511  [81]).  Gar- 
cilaso  {La  Florida  del  Lnca,  Madrid,  1723,  lib.  vi.,  cap.  xxii., 
p.  268),  Pulgar  {Historia  general  de  la  Florida,  Biblioteca  Na- 


458  The  Spanish  Settlements 

cional,  Madrid,  MSS.  2999,  fol.  173),  and  Barcia  {Ensayo,  Ano 
MDLXX.,  p.  141)  insist  upon  three  voyages  of  Aviles  to  Flor- 
ida, although  Barcia  attributes  a  wrong  date  to  this  voyage,  as 
stated  in  note  i,  p.  342,  in  this  volume.  The  date  of  Aviles's 
return  to  Spain  was  prior  to  that  of  his  letter  of  September  22, 

1569,  above  referred  to.  He  remained  in  Spain  until  after  Janu- 
ary 4,  1570.  (See  letters  dated  Escalona,  November  12,  1569, 
Ruidlaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  184;  Seville,  November  20th, 
ibid.,  p.  185;  Seville,  November  24th,  ibid.,  p.  189;  Seville, 
November  27th,  ibid.,  p.  191;  Seville,  Dec.  ^ih,ibid.,  p.  193; 
Cadiz,   December  31st,  ibid.,  p.    196,  and  Cadiz,  January  4, 

1570,  ibid.,  p.  201).  It  follows  that  Shea's  statement  that 
Aviles  returned  to  Spain  after  hearing  of  Segura's  landing, 
September  11,  1570,  at  Axacan,  is  incorrect. 

It  is  true  that  a  period  of  eleven  months  intervenes  between 
Aviles's  letter  of  January  4,  1570,  and  his  next  letter  dated 
at  Seville,  December  3,  1570  {ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  p.  203).  But 
during  this  interval  Aviles  appears  to  have  been  at  sea  protect- 
ing the  treasure  fleets  on  their  voyage  between  the  Canaries 
and  Spain  from  Pie  de  Palo  and  other  pirates  {ibid.,  tomo  ii., 
p.  205,  of  this  same  letter).  Subsequent  to  December  3,  1570, 
he  remained  in  Spain  until  he  sailed  for  Florida,  May  17,  1571. 
(See  his  letters  dated  San  Lucar  de  Barrameda  [Dec.?],  1570, 
ibid.,  p,  213;  Seville,  January  23,  1571,  ibid.,  p.  220;  Seville, 
March  12th,  ibid.,  p.  221;  San  Lucar  de  Barrameda,  May 
15th,  ibid.,  p.  222;  Sanflanejos,  May  15th,  ibid.,  p.  224;  and 
San  Lucar,  May  16,  1571,  ibid.,  p.  226). 

APPENDIX   DD 


The  first  visit  of  the  Spaniards  to  Axacan  was  that  of  the 
Dominican  missionaries  in  1 559-1 560,  who  are  said  by  Sac- 
chini  {Hist.  Soc.  Jesu.  Pars  tertia,  Romae,  1650,  p.  323)  to  have 
taken  the  Indian  Don  Luis  from  there  eleven  years  prior  to 
1570.  Aviles  refers  to  Don  Luis  as  being  already  in  Mexico 
in  his  letter  to  the  King  of  October  15,   1565  (Ruidiaz,  La 


Appendix  DD  459 

Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  94),  and  it  seems  probable  that  from  him 
the  existence  of  the  Bay  of  Santa  Maria  of  Axacan  (Xacan, 
Jacan,  lacan,  Axaca,  Axacam)  was  learned.  Aviles  in  the 
letter  above  referred  to  says  of  the  Bay  of  "Santa  Maria" 
"que  esta  an  treynta  y  siete  grados,  ciento  y  treynta  leguas 
mas  adelante  de  Santa  Elena  "  (p.  94) ;  but  in  his  letter  of 
December  25,  1565  {ibid.,  p.  131),  he  places  it  one  hundred 
leagues  to  the  north  of  Santa  Elena,  and  elsewhere  in  the  same 
letter  (p.  134)  fifty  leagues  by  land  from  St.  Augustine  and  San 
Mateo,  which  shows  how  indefinite  his  information  was. 

There  can  be  little  doubt  as  to  its  identity  with  Chesapeake 
Bay.  Velasco  in  his  Geografia  de  las  Indias,  1^71-1^^4  (p. 
172)  says:  "  Cabo  de  Santiago:  [esta]  al  norte  del  cabo  de 
Arenas  [the  Cabo  de  Arenas  was  in  37°  30'],  cerca  d^l.  Bahia 
de  San  Cristobal;  mas  al  norte.  Bahia  de  Santa  Maria:  mas 
al  norte.  Rio  de  San  Anton:  en  42  grados  y  1/2  como 
ochenta  leguas  al  norte  del  cabo  de  las  Arenas."  The  Chesa- 
peake was  visited  in  1588  by  Vincente  Gonzales,  for  he  entered 
a  bay  where  the  Indians  told  him  there  was  an  English  settle- 
ment towards  the  north  on  a  river  flowing  into  it,  but  Gonzales 
does  not  give  the  name  of  the  bay.  ("  Relacion  que  dio  el 
Capitan  Vizente  Gonzales,"  1588,  MS.  Direc.  de  Hidrog., 
Madrid,  Col.  Navarrete,  tomo  xiv.,  Doc.  No.  54,  fol.  8.)  Juan 
Menendez  Marques  in  his  "  Relacion  escrita  en  el  fuerte  de 
San  Agustin  .  .  .  al  P.  Comisario  General  de  Indias  Fr. 
Miguel  Avengo^ar,"  June  7,  1606  (Ruidiaz,  tomo  ii.,  p.  498) 
refers  to  this  expedition  of  1588  as  being  to  the  Bay  of  Jacan. 
"Y  aviendo  por  el  ano  de  88  ydo  al  descubrimiento  de  la 
baya  de  la  Madre  de  Dios  del  Jacan,  y  tomar  lengua  de  la 
poblacion  del  yngles,  juntamente  con  el  Capitan  Vincente 
Gonzales,"  etc.  In  1609  Ecija,  Piloto  Mayor,  was  ordered  to 
reconnoitre  the  coast  "  hasta  allegar  a  la  Altura  de  37  grados 
y  medio  donde  se  sospecha  estan  poblados  los  primeros  yngleses 
en  el  sitio  que  ellos  llaman  (la  Virginia) '  o  cortuan  y  en  nuestra 
lengua  se  llama  la  vaya  del  lacan."  (Orden  del  Gobernador 
D.  Pedro  de  Ibarra  a  el  Capitan  Francisco  Fernandez  de  Ecija 
para  reconocer  las  costas  del  norte  de  aquella  Provincia,  1609, 
1  Bracketed  in  the  original  MS. 


46o  The  Spanish  Settlements 

MS.  Arch.  Gen.  de  Indias,  Seville,  Patronato,  est.  2,  caj.  5, 
leg.  3/16,  p.  2.) 

In  the  "  Report  of  the  voyage  to  Virginia  made  in  behalf  of 
Don  Diego  de  Molino,  Marco  Antonio  Perez  and  Francisco 
Lembri,"  enclosed  in  a  letter  of  the  Duke  of  Lerma  of  No- 
vember 13,  1611,  there  is  mention  of  "the  point  of  Virginia 
.  .  .  at  37°  and  10  minuits  N.  latitude  .  .  .  this  afore- 
said Bay  of  Virginia  (which  is  called  bay  of  the  Xacan),'" 
(Translation  in  Alexander  Brown,  Genesis  of  the  United  States, 
Boston  and  New  York,  1890,  vol.  i.,  pp.  514,  515),  and  (on  p. 
518)  "  Xacan,  since  that  is  the  name  of  Virginia."  In  the  letter 
of  Diego  de  Molino  (to  Alonso  de  Velasco?)  of  May  28,  1613, 
he  says  of  the  region  visited:  "  This  country  lies  in  the  midst 
of  thirty-seven  degrees  and  a  third,  in  which  lies  also  the  bay 
which  they  call  Santa  Maria "  (Translation  in  Alexander 
Brown,  Genesis  of  the  United  States,  vol.  ii.,  p.  650).  Fran- 
cisco Sacchini,  in  his  Historice  Societatis  J^esu,  Pars  tertia 
(Romae,  1650,  p.  323),  says:  "  Est  Axaca  Floridae  Prouincia 
perampla,  ab  aequatore  in  Boream  erecta  triginta  septem  gradi- 
bus,  ab  Sancta  Elena  leucis  centum  septuaginta  disiuncta." 
Barcia  in  his  Ensayo  (Madrid,  1723,  Ano  MDLXVI.,  p.  119) 
says:  "  Baia  de  Santa  Maria,  que  esta  en  37  Grados,"  and 
(Ano  MDLXIII.,  p.  148)  "en  37  Grados  y  medio."  Alegre 
in  his  Historia  de  la  Compahia  de  Jesus  en  Nueva  Espana 
(Mexico,  1842,  tomo  i.,  p.  26),  says  Father  Segura  and  his 
companions  "  Uegaron  a  la  provincia  de  Axacan,  que  hoy 
.  .  .  hace  parte  de  la  nueva  Georgia  y  la  Virginia,  a  los  11 
de  setiembre,  y  dieron  fondo  en  el  mismo  puerto  de  Santa 
Maria  (hoy  S.  George),  patria  del  cacique  D.  Luis." 

Fairbanks  in  his  History  of  St.  Augustine  (New  York,  1858, 
pp.  100-102)  and  in  his  History  of  Florida  (Philadelphia,  1871, 
p.  157)  and  Shea  in  his  The  Catholic  Church  in  Colonial  Days 
(New  York,  1886,  p.  147),  in  his  "  Ancient  Florida"  {Narr. 
and  Crit.  Hist.  Am.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  282)  and  elsewhere  in  various 
essays  on  the  Segura  mission,  both  identify  the  Bay  of  Santa 
Maria  and  Axacan  with  the  Chesapeake.  J.  G.  Kohl  in  his 
"A  History  of  the  Discovery  of  the  East  Coast  of  North 
'  Bracketed  in  Alexander  Brown's  translation. 


Appendix  EE  461 

America,"  Portland,  1869,  vol.  i.,  pp.  309,  399-401  {Collections 
of  the  Maine  Historical  Society,  2nd  series)  identifies  the  Baya 
de  Santa  Maria  with  Chesapeake  Bay.  Justin  Winsor,  in 
Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist.  Am.,  vol.  iii.,  p.  167,  appears  to  have 
some  doubts  as  to  the  identity,  while  he  admits  "  that  there 
seem  to  have  been  visits  of  the  Spaniards  to  the  Chesapeake 
at  an  early  day  (1566-1573)."  .Dr.  Shea  in  "  The  Log  Chapel 
on  the  Rappahannock,"  in  The  Catholic  World,  March,  1875, 
p.  847,  suggests  the  derivation  of  Axacan  from  Occoquan,  and 
Alexander  Brown  in  his  reference  to  the  Ecija  Relation  of  1609 
{The  First  Republic  in  America,  Boston,  1898,  p.  88)  repeats 
this  derivation.  In  his  Genesis  of  the  [/nited  States  {iSgo,  vol. 
ii.,  p.  947)  he  admits  the  identity  of  Axacan  with  the  Chesa- 
peake, and  his  conclusion  is  deserving  of  great  weight.  In 
vol.  i.,  p.  488,  of  the  same  work  there  is  a  note  to  the  name 
"  Xatamahane,"  which  he  has  bracketed  in  the  Spelman  Rela- 
tion, and  which  he  thinks  may  possibly  be  the  Spanish  name 
"  Xacan." 

APPENDIX    EE 

THE   SITE    OF    THE   SEGURA    MISSION 

The  only  knowledge  which  we  have  of  the  locality  where  the 
Jesuits  established  their  mission  is  contained  in  the  very  vague 
description  of  it  given  by  Father  Quiros  in  the  joint  letter 
which  he  wrote  with  Father  Segura  on  the  12th  of  December, 
1570,  a  day  or  two  after  the  landing,  and  is  as  follows:  After 
referring  to  "la  esperanza  grande  q  se  tiene  de  la  conversion 
desta  gente  .  .  .  y  entrada  para  la  sierra  y  la  China" 
(p.  2),  the  letter  continues  on  page  3:  "  de  la  informacion 
desta  tierra  lo  que  toca  a  la  derota  q  se  ha  de  traer  el  piloto  la 
dara  porque  no  conviene  q  se  entre  por  el  rio  que  nosotros  en- 
tramos  a  causa  de  no  tener  tambuena  informacion  quanto  con- 
venia  de  los  indios  por  donde  aviamos  de  entrar  y  por  esso  es 
ydo  oy  el  piloto  por  la  tierra  dos  buenas  leguas  de  aqui  a  ver 
un  rio  por  donde  se  ha  de  hazer  la  entrada  quanto  con  la 
buena  ventura  nos  vengan  a  proveer  y  visitar,  pues  por  aquella 


4^2  The  Spanish  Settlements 

parte  se  puede  yr  por  mar  hasta  el  lugar  donde  hemos  de  hazer 
la  habitacion  y  por  aqui  ay  dos  buenas  leguas  por  tierra  y 
otros  dos  o  mas  por  la  mar     .     .     . 

"  La  informacion  que  hasta  ahora  se  ha  podido  aver  de  la 
tierra  adentro  es  que  unos  indios  que  encontramos  alia  abaxo 
en  este  rio  nos  informaron  que  tres  o  quatros  jornadas  de  alii 
estava  la  sierra  y  las  dos  dellas  se  yva  por  un  rio  y  despues  de 
la  sierra  otra  Jornada  o  dos  se  via  otro  mar.  ...  (p.  6) 
.  .  .  desque  se  entienda  ser  tiempo  en  que  venga  la  fragata 
.  .  .  se  embiara  un  indio  o  dos  con  una  carta  a  la  boca  del 
bra90  de  mar  por  donde  se  ha  de  passar     . 

This  is  the  sum  total  of  the  information  conveyed  by  the 
letter.  It  does  not  mention  when  land  was  sighted,  nor  when 
the  bay  was  entered.  It  does  not  state  the  distance  sailed  nor 
the  direction  taken  by  the  vessel  after  entering  the  bay,  nor 
how  many  rivers  or  harbours,  if  any,  were  passed  before  the 
vessel  reached  the  river  up  which  it  sailed.  It  does  not  give 
the  direction  of  the  course  of  the  river  nor  how  far  up  it  was 
ascended.  The  landing-place  is  not  described,  nor  are  its 
latitude  and  longitude  mentioned.  It  does  not  tell  the  direc- 
tion followed  by  the  pilot  to  reach  the  other  river,  nor  the 
direction  in  which  the  other  river  flowed.  The  way  to  the 
mountains  was  partly  by  a  river,  but  whether  by  a  river  flowing 
into  the  bay  above  or  below  the  river  the  ship  had  ascended 
there  is  nothing  to  indicate.  This  is  absolutely  all  that  is 
known  of  the  region  visited  by  the  Jesuits,  for  the  only  sur- 
vivor of  the  party  was  the  boy  Alonso,  whose  account  is  ob- 
scure, and  none  of  the  authorities  relied  on  for  the  subsequent 
visit  of  Aviles  to  avenge  the  murder  of  the  Fathers  gives  any 
details. 

It  is  upon  this  meagre  evidence  that  Dr.  Shea  has  based  his 
conclusion  that  the  Jesuits  ascended  the  Potomac  and  ulti- 
mately settled  on  the  Rappahannock.  ("  The  Log  Chapel  on 
the  Rappahannock,"  in  The  Catholic  World,  March,  1875,  p. 
847.  The  Catholic  Church  in  Colonial  Days,  New  York,  1886, 
pp.  147,  149.  "Ancient  Florida"  in  Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist. 
Am.,  New  York,  1886,  vol.  ii.,  p.  282.)  In  "  The  Log  Chapel  " 
{ibid.,  p.  848),  Dr.  Shea  observes:   "  Believing  that  the  Chesa- 


Appendix  EE  463 

peake,  by  the  rivers  running  into  it,  would  easily  lead  to  the 
Western  Ocean  Men^ndez  spent  the  winter  of  1565  studying 
out  the  subject  with  the  aid  of  Don  Luis  de  Velasco  [/.  ^.,  the 
Axacan  Indian]  and  Father  Urdaneta,  a  missionary  just  ar- 
rived from  China  by  the  overland  route  across  Mexico."  Both 
Merds  (Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  258)  and  Barrientos 
(Garcia,  Dos  Aniiguas  Relaciones  de  la  Florida,  p.  126)  say  Don 
Luis  had  been  six  years  with  Aviles,  and  all  the  information 
about  Axacan  which  Aviles  had  obtained  from  him  is  probably 
set  out  in  his  letter  to  Philip  IL,  of  October  15,  1565  (Ruidiaz, 
ibid.,  tomo  ii.,  pp.  93,  94,  100;  see  p.  212,  in  this  volume).  In 
the  absence  of  any  mention  of  the  presence  of  Don  Luis  on  the 
Ays  expedition  either  by  Aviles  or  by  his  two  biographers,  it 
is  problematical  whether  he  accompanied  the  Adelantado  on 
his  exploration  and  was  with  him  in  Havana  during  the  winter 
of  1 5 65- 1 5 66.  What  little  we  know  of  the  information  which 
Aviles  obtained  from  Father  Andres  de  Urdaneta,  concerning 
the  straits  leading  to  China  is  found  in  the  letter  of  the  former 
to  the  King  of  January  30,  1566  (Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  tomo 
ii.,  p.  151).  The  active  occupation  of  Aviles  during  this 
winter  could  have  left  him  but  little  time  for  the  study  of  geo- 
graphical problems. 

While  it  is  probable  that  the  Jesuits  were  commissioned  to 
inform  themselves  of  the  "  entrada  .  .  .  para  la  China," 
the  context  of  the  quotation  above  given  indicates  that  this 
was  not  their  immediate  objective,  otherwise  they  would  have 
followed  the  directions  given  by  the  natives.  Their  desire  was 
to  reach  the  country  of  Don  Luis,  where  he  could  serve  them 
as  an  interpreter,  an  object  which  they  appear  to  have  accom- 
plished, for  they  certainly  reached  a  region  the  language  of 
which  he  spoke.  As  their  communication  with  the  natives 
was  entirely  through  him,  his  representations  as  to  his  relation- 
ship with  the  chiefs  is  not  altogether  free  from  suspicion  in 
view  of  his  subsequent  treachery.  The  only  point  in  favour  of 
the  site  selected  by  Dr.  Shea  lies  in  his  suggestion  that  Axacan 
is  derived  from  Occoquan  ("  The  Log  Chapel,"  in  ibid.,  p. 
851)  in  which  he  is  followed  by  Alexander  Brown,  who  is  dis- 
posed to  accept  Dr.  Shea's  identification  of  the  location  {The 


4^4  The  Spanish  Settlements 

First  Republic  in  America,  p.  88,  Genesis  of  the  United  States y 
vol.  ii.,  p.  947). 

It  is  only  necessary  to  consult  a  map  of  the  Chesapeake  with 
its  many  rivers  and  creeks,  both  large  and  small,  flowing  into 
it  from  the  west  to  see  how  improbable  it  is  that  a  vessel  de- 
layed in  its  voyage  by  stress  of  weather  and  short  of  provisions 
would  ascend  it  to  the  Potomac  before  making  harbour,  and 
how  readily  the  vague  data  of  the  letter  can  be  applied  to  any 
of  its  numerous  affluents,  both  as  to  the  landing-place,  the  site 
of  the  mission,  and  the  distance  to  the  Alleghanies.  In  the 
absence  of  further  particulars  the  term  "  brago  de  mar  por 
donde  se  ha  de  passar"  can  refer  to  the  estuaries  of  the  James, 
the  York,  Mobjack  Bay,  Piankatank  River,  and  the  Rappahan- 
nock as  well  as  to  the  Potomac,  into  some  small  river  either 
above  or  below  the  mouth  of  any  of  which  the  Jesuits  may 
have  entered,  since  no  direction  is  given.  While  it  is  equally 
impossible  to  assert  that  the  rivers  visited  by  the  Jesuits  were 
not  the  Potomac  and  the  Rappahannock,  yet  in  view  of  the 
absence  of  any  substantial  evidence  to  establish  their  identity 
the  question  must  remain  an  open  one  until  more  definite  in- 
formation is  produced,  notwithstanding  the  high  authority  of 
Dr.  Shea. 

APPENDIX   FF 

MAPA    DE    LA    FLORIDA  V  LAGUNA  DE  MAIMI    DONDE  SE  HA  DE 

HACER  UN  FUERTE  (aRCH.  GEN.  DE  INDIAS,  SEVILLE, 

EST.    145,  CAJ.   7,  LEG.  7) 

This  map  is  anonymous,  undated,  and  unaccompanied  by 
data  of  any  description. 

The  coast  names  on  the  map,  reading  from  east  to  west,  are: 
s  helena  (Santa  Elena),  ahoya.  b  de  los  baxos  (Bahia  de 
los  Bajos).  cofonufo.  hospogahe  (Espogache  of  the  Rela- 
tions), asao.  Guadalquini.  Ballenas.  S  pedro  (San  Pedro). 
Sena.  S  mateo.  S  agustin.  matancas  (Matanzas).  moy- 
squitos  (Mosquitos).  cabo  de  canaberal.  ays.  S  iozia 
(probably  san  Iozia — Santa  Lucia).     Xega.     vocas  de  migel 


Appendix  FF  465 

mora  (Bocas  de  Miguel  de  Mora),  hensenada  de  niupa.  b* 
de  Carlos  (Bahia  de  Carlos),  b*  de  tacabaga  (Bahia  de  Taca- 
baga,  also  written  Tocobaga).  hensenada  de  carlos.  punta 
de  apalahe  (Punta  de  Apalache). 

In  the  centre:  laguna  de  meiymi.  The  islands  are:  ba- 
hama.  mimeres.  isla  de  cuba.  havana.  martires.  tor- 
tugas.  The  inscription  endorsed  on  the  map,  and  reproduced 
at  the  bottom  of  the  copy  in  this  volume,  is:  "  Planta  de  la 
costa  de  la  florida  y  en  que  Paraje  esta  La  LaGuna  Maymi  y 
adonde  se  ha  de  hacer  el  fuerte." 

The  map  is  No.  94  of  D.  Pedro  Torre  Lanzas,  Mapas  de 
Mexico  y  Florida,  tomo  i.,  p.  71,  where  he  dates  it  "  siglo 
i7(?)" 

All  of  the  names  on  this  map  are  found  either  on  earlier  maps 
or  in  Relations  accessible  to  the  writer  prior  to  1596  with  the 
exception  of  "  hospogahe,"  which  first  appears  under  the  form 
"  Espogache  "  in  1606  (in  Marques's  "  Relacion,"  Ruidiaz,  La 
Florida,  tomo  ii.,  p.  506)  and  "hensenada  de  niupa,"  which 
does  not  appear  elsewhere. 

In  1595  Juan  Maldonado  Barnuevo,  Governor  of  Havana, 
sent  his  nephew  Juan  Maldonado  to  examine  the  coast  from 
St.  Augustine  as  far  as  the  southern  extremity  of  the  Florida 
Keys.  In  the  "  Derrotero  "  of  the  expedition  appears  for  the 
first  time  the  Florida  coast  names  "  jega  "  (Xega  of  the  map) 
and  "bocas  de  miguel  de  mora"  (see  Barnuevo's  letter  of 
July  6,  1595,  with  the  annexed  "  Derrotero."  Arch.  Gen.  de 
Indias,  Seville,  MS.,  est.  54,  caj.  i,  leg.  15).  At  about  this 
date  Juan  de  Posada,  who  had  come  to  Florida  in  1586,  where 
he  had  spent  seven  years  (Letter  of  Albaro  Flores,  Novem- 
ber 9,  1586,  Direc.  de  Hidrog.,  Madrid,  Col.  Navarrete,  tomo 
xxii..  Doc.  No.  98)  wrote  to  the  home  government  advising 
the  dismantling  of  all  of  the  forts  in  Florida,  "y  que  haga 
hacer  uno  en  la  cabeza  de  los  Martires"  (see  his  undated 
"  Relacion,"  Direc.  de  Hidrog.,  Madrid,  Col.  Navarrete,  Doc. 
No.  31). 

In  view  of  the  fact  that  Posada  was  probably  in  Florida  at 
the  time  of  Maldonado's  return  from  his  expedition ;  that  the 
location   given   the   fort    on    the    map    corresponds  with    the 


466  The  Spanish  Settlements 

description  in  the  "Derrotero  ";  that  these  particular  legends 
are  identical  in  both  map  and  "Derrotero,"  and  that  the  script 
used  on  the  map  and  in  the  endorsed  title  is  of  the  period  in 
which  his  letter  was  written,  it  is  not  at  all  improbable  that 
the  map  formed  part  of  Posada's  letter. 


INDEX 


Abalache,  448 

Acuna,  Juan  de,  sent  to  France, 

107,  109 

Aguaquiri,  448 

Aguatira,  448 

Aguirre,  Captain,  sent  to  San 
Mateo,  256;  left  in  charge,  257 

Ahoya,  444,  452 

Ahoyabe,  445 

Aij,  395 

Aisa  Hatcha,  432,  433 

Ais,  Province  of,  433 

Ais,  Rio  de,  432,  433 

Aiz  el  biejo,  433 

Aiz,  Rio  de,  432 

Alabama,  409 

Alamo,  Father  Gonzalo  del, 
accompanies  Father  Segura  to 
Florida,  341;  returns  to  Eu- 
rope, 342,  349;  sent  to  San 
Antonio,  345 

Alava,  Frances  de,  107,  n8,  299, 
457;  succeeds  Chantone  at 
French  Court,  loi;  treat- 
ment accorded  his  protests, 
102;  warns  Philip  against 
French  designs  on  Florida, 
104;  of  Ribaut's  prepara- 
tions, 106;  that  French  know 
of  Aviles's  armada,  ioq;  his 
credulity,  109.  no;  leaves  for 
Bayonne,  instructions,  109, 
no,  113;  audience  with  Cath- 
erine de'  Medici,  1 14-1 16; 
conversation  with  Burdin, 
116,  117;  instructed  to  in- 
form Catherine  of  French  de- 
feat, 301;  his  explanation  of 
Jacques  Ribaut's  bearing,  301 ; 
his  interview  with  Catherine, 


302;  Fourquevaux's  com- 
plaint of  his  language,  306; 
instructions  from  Philip,  306; 
interview  with  Catherine,  307- 
310;  informs  Philip  of  meet- 
ings at  Coligny's  house,  316; 
and  Laudonnicrc,  317;  noti- 
fies Philip  of  loss  of  San  Mateo 
and  protests,  335;  reports  on 
treasure  imported  into  Spain, 
388;  instructions  relative  to 
the  Matanzas  massacre,  429 

Alba,  Fernando  Alvarez  de 
Toledo,  Duke  of,  treaty  of 
Cateau-Cambrdsis  and  the 
West  Indies,  24;  informs 
Philip  of  French  prohibition 
respecting  West  India  naviga- 
tion, 25;  advises  Philip  con- 
cerning the  French  in  Florida, 
106;  at  Bayonne  conference, 
no;  his  instructions,  in; 
advises  Philip,  n2;  intervievr 
with  Fourquevaux,  300,  301; 
informs  Fourquevaux  of 
French  defeat  in  Florida,  304- 
306;  his  opinion  of  the  Matan- 
zas massacre,  306;  interviews 
with  Fourquevaux,  319,  320 

Albaycin,  364 

Albemarle  River,  402,  404 

Alcala,  Spain,  269 

Alcaudete,  Count  of,  269 

Alexander  VI.,  Bull  of  May  4, 
1493,  16 

Alfonse,  Jean,  encounter  with 
Avilcs,  122 

Algarve,  12,  279 

Alimacany,  where  situated,  var- 
ious forms  of,  59;  blockhouse 
built  at,  289,  297;  Le  Moyne's 
knowledge  of,  412 


467 


468 


Index 


Alimacany  (river),  397;  Gour- 
gues  at  the,  327 

Alleghanies,  275,  463 

Alligator  hide  sent  to  France, 
Le  Challeux's  idea  of  an,  76 

Almohades,  136 

Alonso  accompanies  Father  Se- 
gura  to  Chesapeake  Bay,  360; 
his  escape,  365;  rescued  by 
Aviles,  373 

Altamaha,  390,  391,  397 

Amasura,  Rio,  449 

Amaya,  Diego  de,  accompanies 
Aviles's  first  Florida  expedi- 
tion, 148;  crosses  with  Aviles 
to  Havana,  218;  sent  to  St. 
Augustine,  222;  returns,  225; 
accompanies  Aviles  to  Carlos, 
228;  rescued  at  St.  Augustine, 
253;   at  Matanzas,  428 

Amboise,  peace  of,  36,  51 

Amboyna,  massacre  of,  206 

Amelia  Island,  59,  347,  348,  454 

Anastasia  Island,  159 

Andalusia,  12,  295 

Andrada,  Pedro  de,  at  St.  Augus- 
tine, 263;  sent  to  assist 
Outina,  is  slain,  294 

Antilles,  11 

Antonia,  Dona,  260;  appear- 
ance, 236;  marries  Aviles, 
238;  and  goes  to  Havana, 
238,  242;  her  stay  there,  254; 
returns  to  San  Antonia,  255; 
returns  to  Havana,  276;  ac- 
companies Aviles  to  San  An- 
tonio, 277;  her  sister  prisoner 
at  Tocolaaga,  278 

Antwerp,  Aviles's  tripto,  130, 131 

Anunciacion,  Fray  Domingo  de 
la,  jealousy  aroused  by  his 
mission,  266 

Apalache,  291 

River,  449 

Apalatci,  Montes,  411,  413 

Appalachee  Bay,  212 

Appalachian  Mountains,  287, 
415 ;  gold  region  of,  78;  silver 
from,  179 

Appalachians,  59 

Aquatio,  412 

Aracuchi,  445 

Arauchi,  445 

Archer's  Creek,  405 

Arciniega,   Sancho  de,   to  rein- 


force Florida,  222;  prepara- 
tions to  receive,  223;  reaches 
St.  Augustine,  255;  reheves 
San  Felipe  and  San  Mateo, 
256;  meeting  with  Aviles, 
256;  part  of  his  fleet  returns 
to  Spain,  262;  his  sailing  dis- 
courages France,  317 

Arcos,  Cuba,  80 

Arenas,  Cabo  de,  459 

Arlac  sent  to  Outina,  78 

Armada  de  las  Carreras  de  las 
Indias,  its  origin,  course,  and 
duty,  12;  customs  of,  126; 
Aviles  appointed  captain-gen- 
eral of,  134 

Arguelles,  Martin,  his  quarrel 
with  Bartolom^  Menendez  de 
Aviles,  294;  father  of  first 
white  child  born  at  St.  Augus- 
tine, 294 

Artamua,  129 

Artedo,  290,  291 

Asis,  Rio,  431,  432 

Asturian  colonists  sent  to  Flor- 
ida, 3S2 

Asturians  in  attack  on  Fort 
Caroline,  170 

Asturias,  120,  149,  218,  291 

Atinas,  Martin,  89 

Atlantic,  413 

Aubespine,  Claude  de,  115 

Sebastien  de.  Bishop  of 

Limoges,  28 

Audiencia,  of  Hispaniola,  82 

of  Mexico,  254,  368 

of  Santo  Domingo,  224, 

263 

Audusta,  246,  412;  Landon- 
niere  sends  expedition  to,  40, 
84 

Augustin,  Brother  Domingo,  ac- 
companies Father  Segura  to 
Florida,  341;  sent  to  Guale, 
344;  prepares  grammar  of 
Guale  language,  349;  dies 
from  epidemic,  350 

Austria,  notified  by  Philip  of 
French  defeat,  310,  311 

Avila  (Portugal),  279 

Aviles,  Alvar  Sanchez  de,  129 

Aviles,  Bartolome  Menendez  de, 
admiral  on  Aviles's  second 
West  India  voyage,  134;  im- 
prisoned by  Casa  de  Contra- 


Index 


469 


Avil6s — Continued 

taci6n,  135,  138;  accom- 
panies Aviles's  first  Florida 
expedition,  148;  in  charge  at 
St.  Augustine,  169,214,  26.^; 
recovers  a  French  ship,  188; 
seeks  to  reheve  colony,  240; 
falls  ill,  241;  his  quarrel 
with  Henriquez,  284;  with 
Arguelles,  203,  204;  informs 
Aviles  of  Gourgues's  attack, 
334;    returns  to  Spain,  356 

■ Catalina    Menendez    de, 

her  two  marriages,  148,  384; 
Aviles's  bequest  to,  384 

Juan  Menendez  de.  ac- 
companies his  father  to  Spain, 
132;  wrecked  ofT  Bermuda, 
139;  hope  of  finding  him  at 
Carlos,  227 

Maria  Menendez  de,  mar- 
ried to  Diego  de  Velasco,  384; 
Aviles's  bequest  to  her,  384 
Pedro  Menendez  de,  ne- 


phew of  the  Adelantado,  in 
charge  at  St.  Augustine,  357; 
falling  ill,  goes  to  Havana,  372 

Pedro  Menendez  de,  393, 

401,  408,  438;  principal 
sources  for  the  history  of,  v; 
his  correspondence,  vi,  x,  xi; 
his  original  Relacion,  ix;  its 
reliability,  x;  advises  ports  of 
refuge  in  neighbourhood  of 
the  Bahama  Channel,  13; 
points  out  danger  from  in- 
crease of  negroes  in  West  In- 
dies, 14,  15  ;  his  tribute  to  the 
French  Protestant  Indian  Mis- 
sion, 78;  Coligny  advises 
Ribaut  of  his  departure  for 
Florida,  95 ;  arrival  there, 
100;  warns  against  French 
occupation  of  Florida,  104; 
French  informed  of  his  arm- 
ada, 109;  sails  for  Florida, 
113;  birth  and  parentage, 
120,  121;  boyhood,  121;  en- 
counter with  Jean  Alfonse, 
122;  ability  recognised,  122; 
appointed  captain-general  of 
West  India  fleet,  123,  127;  his 
duties,  123-126;  his  integrity, 
125,126;  incurs  animosity  of 
Casa    de    Contratacion,    226; 


accompanies  Philip  to  Eng- 
land, 126;  dies  poor,  126; 
first  voyage  to  West  Indies, 
127;  appointed  to  guard 
Spanish  coast,  128;  expedi- 
tions to  Flanders,  128,  130, 
131;  saves  Mendoza's  fleet, 
129;  conducts  Philip  to  Spain 
131-132;  illness,  133;  second 
voyage  to  West  Indies,  133- 
134;  captain-general  of  the 
Carrera  de  las  Indias,  134; 
conflict  with  the  Casa,  134; 
third  voyage  to  West  Indies, 
134,  135;  his  law  suit  with 
the  Casa,  135-138;  his  house 
at  Aviles,  138;  loss  of  his 
only  son,  138,  139;  appointed 
to  conquer  Florida,  139;  his 
character,  139-141;  his  por- 
trait, 141  ;  asiento  with 
Philip  II.  to  conquer  Florida, 
142-145;  salary,  144;  titles, 
144;  goes  to  Madrid,  146;  his 
fleet,  147;  colonists,  147-149; 
sails,  149;  at  the  Canaries, 
149;  at  Puerto  Rico,  150;  his 
plan  of  defence,  151;  leaves 
Puerto  Rico,  152;  reaches 
Florida,  153;  anchors  at  St. 
Augustine,  154;  leaves  St. 
Augustine  and  discovers 
French  fleet,  155,  156;  at- 
tacks and  pursues  it,  157,  158; 
returns  to  and  founds  St. 
Augustine,  158,  159;  appoints 
officers,  160;  reports  to  Philip, 
161;  Protestants  among  his 
colonists,  163;  attacked  at 
St.  Augustine  by  Ribaut,  167  ; 
prepares  to  attack  Fort  Caro- 
line, 168,  169;  the  march, 
170,  171;  the  attack,  172- 
175;  and  capture,  175-179; 
names  it  San  Mateo,  180;  re- 
turns to  St.  Augustine,  181, 
186;  his  reception,  188,  189; 
at  Matanzas  Inlet,  190,  195; 
kills  the  French  wrecked  from 
Ribaut 's  fleet,  191-203;  re- 
fuses to  be  bribed,  192,  198; 
relieves  San  Mateo,  194;  his 
estimate  of  Jean  Ribaut,  200; 
Spanish  opinion  of  his  action, 
203-205;     probable    motives, 


470 


Index 


Aviles — Continued 

203;  Philip  approves  his  act, 
206;  his  report  to  Philip,  207  ; 
his  plans  for  Florida,  21 1-2 13; 
his  geographical  ideas,  212; 
leaves  for  French  fort  near 
Cape  Canaveral,  214;  cap- 
tures it,  215;  at  Ays,  216; 
voyage  to  Havana,  217;  re- 
leases the  French  prisoners, 
218;  meets  Marques  at  Ha- 
vana, 218;  refused  assistance 
by  Osorio,  220,  221;  informs 
Philip,  221;  relieves  St.  Au- 
gustine, 222;  learns  of  Arci- 
niega's  departure,  222;  re- 
newed trouble  with  Osorio, 
223;  treatment  of  deserters, 
225  ;  hears  of  French  at  Guale, 
226;  of  Carlos,  226;  plans, 
227;  his  first  Carlos  expedi- 
tion, 228-239;  marries  Car- 
los's  sister,  238;  returns  to  St. 
Augustine,  240;  quells  mu- 
tinies at  San  Mateo  and  St. 
Augustine,  242-245;  first 
Guale  expedition,  245-247; 
at  Orista,  247 ;  at  Santa 
Elena,  247  ;  founds  San  Felipe 
248;  returns  to  Guale,  249- 
250;  to  San  Mateo,  251;  to 
St.  Augustine,  252;  to  Hav- 
ana, 253,  254;  to  San  Antonio, 
255;  back  to  Havana,  255; 
to  San  Mateo,  255 ;  to  St.  Au- 
gustine, 256;  meeting  with 
Arciniega,  256;  to  San  Mateo, 
257;  ascends  the  St.  John's, 
257;  returns  to  San  Mateo, 
258;  and  the  Northwest  pas- 
sage, 259 ;  sends  expedition  to 
the  Bay  of  Santa  Maria,  259; 
goes  to  San  Felipe,  261;  to 
Guale  and  back  to  San  Mateo, 
262;  to  St.  Augustine,  262; 
sends  Reynoso  to  Carlos,  263; 
sails  for  Puerto  Rico,  263, 
273;  his  account  of  Indian 
religion,  264;  attempts  to 
obtain  missionaries,  265,  274; 
letter  on  death  of  Father 
Martinez,  273;  his  search  for 
Father  Rogel,  273;  at  San 
Antonio,  277;  expedition  to 
Tocobaga ,    278-280;    returns 


to  San  Antonio,  280;  quells 
Havana  mutiny  281 ;  goes  to 
Tegesta,  282;  at  San  Mateo, 
282  ;  interview  with  Saturiba, 
283;  at  St.  Augustine,  284; 
at  San  Felipe,  284;  results 
attained,  286-289;  orders 
forts  to  be  built,  289 ;  sails  for 
Spain,  290;  at  Madrid,  291; 
presents  himself  at  Court, 
291;  appointed  captain-gen- 
eral of  the  West  and  to  com- 
mandry  of  Santiago,  292; 
Alba's  explanation  of  his 
cruelty,  305,  306;  Fourque- 
vaux  demands  his  punish- 
ment, 319;  Philip's  final  ex- 
planation of  Aviles 's  action, 
321;  reported  to  be  at  the 
Canaries,  323;  asks  for  more 
missionaries,  341;  attempts 
to  relieve  St.  Augustine,  343; 
his  second  visit  to  Florida, 
345;  sends  succour  to  Florida, 
356;  fears  attack  by  Haw- 
kins, 356 ;  succour  delayed  by 
Casa  de  Contrataci6n,  356; 
exerts  his  influence  for  Las 
Alas,  358 ;  his  theory  of  North- 
west passage,  Portuguese  set- 
tlements in  Florida,  367  ;  asks 
licence  to  settle  Panuco,  368; 
and  obtains  it,  369;  fifth 
voyage  to  Indies,  370;  Pius 
V.'s  letter  to  him,  370;  escorts 
India  fleets,  370;  sails  on  his 
last  voyage  to  Florida,  371; 
at  Havana  and  San  Felipe, 
372;  at  Axacan,  372;  hangs 
the  murderers  of  the  Jesuits, 
373  ;  wrecked  near  Cape  Can- 
averal, 374;  escapes  to  St. 
Augustine,  and  returns  to 
Havana,  374;  at  Hispaniola 
and  return  to  Spain,  375; 
sends  farmers  to  Florida,  375; 
anxious  on  account  of  his 
colony,  379;  equips  armada 
against  pirates,  382;  sends 
settlers  to  Florida,  382;  ob- 
tains patent  for  invention, 
382;  desires  to  return  to 
Florida,  383;  death,  383;  his 
will,  384;  character,  385,  386; 
description  of  the  ' '  Riviere  de 


Index 


471 


Avil6s — Continued 

Mai,"  3go;  portraits  of,  418; 
coat  of  arms  of,  419;  his  oath 
at  Matanzas,  421-425;  his 
treatment  of  Ribaut's  body, 
425-429;  his  situation  at  the 
time  of  the  Matanzas  mas- 
sacres, 429-431;  his  visits  to 
Santa  Elena,  443;  date  of  his 
second  voyage  to  Florida,  457, 
458 ;  his  knowledge  of  Axacan 

458 

sea-port     of,     120,     138, 

249,  219,  290 

Axaca,  459,  460 

Axacam,  459 

Axacan,  2bo,  342,  361,  365,  463; 
expeditions  to,  259,  372,  373; 
identified  with  Chesapeake 
Bay,  458-461 

Axona  Iracana,  395 

Ay  lion,  Lucas  Vasquez  de,  re- 
quests extension  of  term  to 
settle  Florida,  his  death,  50 

Ay  lion's  expedition  of  1520,  41, 
108 

Ays,  239,  287,  374,  446,  463; 
Avil^s  at,  216;  Medrano 
settled  near,  217;  experience 
of  settlement,  224,  225;  plan 
to  relieve,  227;  Perucho,  a 
chief  of,  258;  settlement 
abandoned,  357  ;  where  found, 
431-434;  various  forms  of 
name,  432 

Indians,  58;  their  coun- 
try, 216 

Rio  de,  435 

Azores,  12,  32,  290 

Azurite  mine,  reported  finding 
of,  378 


B 


Badajos,  Congress  of,  17 
Bahama  Channel,  31.  82,  260; 
path  of  West  Indian  com- 
merce, 12;  discovered  by 
Ponce  de  Leon,  13;  its  dan- 
gers, 13;  proximity  to  Florida, 
13,  14;  French  intention  to 
occupy  neighbourhood  of,  21; 
Ribaut's  second  expedition  to 
command  the,  96 ;  menace  of 
a  French  settlement  near,  103 


-105,  109;  Avil^s's  fleet  in, 
153;  Avil^s  in,  240 

Balfcnas,  Bahia  de,  453 

Baraeou,  81 

Barbary,  325 

Barchino,  Caspar,  his  opinion  of 
the  French,  103;  warns  Philip 
against  French  designs  on 
F'lorida,  104 

Barcia,  Andreas  Gonzales,  ac- 
count in  his  Ensayo  Crono- 
lo^ico  of  the  conquest  of 
Florida  by  Avil(5s,  v;  copies 
the  Meras  Memorial,  ix;  re- 
liability of  his  account,  x 

Bamuevo,  Juan  Maldonado, 
Governor  of  Havana,  his  re- 
port on  the  Florida  coast,  465 

Barreda,  Captain,  281 

Barre,  Nicolas,  succeeds  Pierria 
in  command  at  Charlcsfort,  42 

Barrientos,  Bartolom^,  137,  138, 
205,  232,  239,  247,  251;  his 
Vida  y  hechos  de  Pero  Menen- 
dez  de  Auiles,  v,  vii ;  reproduces 
the  Relacion  oi _Avi\6s,  viii;  its 
reliability,  x ;  his  opinion  of  the 
Matanzas  massacres,  204;  of 
Aviles's  oath  at  Matanzas,_422 

Basque  pilot  with  Laudonniere, 

S3 

Basques  in  attack  on  Fort  Caro- 
line, 170 

Basse,  395,  399 

Batten  Island,  297 

Bayahonda,  Cuba,  218 

Bayonne,  arming  of  vessels  for 
the  Indies  at,  101 

Conference,  Philip  sends 

his  queen  to,  106 ;  Alava  leaves 
for,  109;  Alba  at,  110-113; 
failure  of,  113;  France  warned 
at,  320 

Bazaine,    Franjois   Achille,   369 

Bazares,  Guido  de  las,  see  La- 
bazares 

Beaguez,  Pedro,  visits  Santa 
Martha,  22 

Beaufort,  S.  C,  402,  405 

Island,  404 

Beauhaire,  M.  de,  166 

Belle,  34,  395.  398 


a  veoir,  395,  399,  413 
Isle-en-Mer,  315,  322 
voir,  395,  396 


472 


Index 


Bellum,  395 

Bermuda,  12,  13,33.  i39 

Biscay,  149,  218,  370 

Biscayne  Bay,  260,  287,  441 

Blanco,  Cape,  325 

Bojador,  Cape,  16 

Bordeaux,  expedition  for  the 
Indies  equipped  at,  loi  ; 
Gourgues  sails  from,  325  ;  and 
returns  to,  334 

Borgia,  Francisco,  Duke  of 
Gandia,  appoints  Jesuit  mis- 
sionaries for  Florida,  266; 
sends  Jesuits  to  Oran,  269; 
names  Father  Segura  and 
other  priests  for  Florida,  341 ; 
names  Father  Segura  rector  of 
College  of  Villimar,  342 

Bourbon,  Cardinal  de,  315 

Bourdet,  Captain,  returns  to 
France,  79 

Bourne,  E.  G.,  his  account  of  the 
conquest  of  Florida  by  Avil^s, 
xii ;  opinion  of  Matanzas  mas- 
sacre, 206 

Boyano,  294,  295,  296;  in  com- 
mand at  Fort  San  Juan,  276; 
his  war  against  the  Chisca 
chief,  284;  expedition  to 
Chiaha,  285,  286 

Brazil,  10 

Bretoncs,  Ticrra  de  los,  116 

Breton  fishermen  in  Newfound- 
land, 19 

Bretons ,  Coste  des,  301 

Isles  des,  302,  308,  309 

Land  of  the,  117 

Bretons,  Terr e  des,  118,  119,  300, 
305,  319:  maps  showing,  417 

Breu,  Pedro,  327 

Bribery  of  Captain-General,  125, 
126 

of  French  officials,  pirates 

practise,  loi 

Brinton,  Daniel  G.,  his  opinion 
of  Pulgar's  Historic  general 
de  la  Florida,  xv 

Brittany:  Spanish  secret  agent 
in,  20;  vessels  equipped  for 
Indies  in,  25,  26,  loi 

Broad  River,  35,  398,  403,  446 

Burdin,  secretary  of  Charles  IX., 
his  interview  with  Alava,  116, 
117 


Cabray,  81 

Cadiz,   113,  123,   146,   147,   149, 

^  163,  255,  357 

Cajucos,  447 

Calais,  39,  128,  130 

California,  270 

Caloosa  Indian  guides  Avil^s  to 
Tocobaga,  278 

Coloosa  Indians,  58,  255,  261^ 
277,348,414;  human  sacrifice, 
226,  264;  their  country,  229, 
436;  customs,  230;  mark  of 
respect,  232;  Father  Rogel's 
mission  among,  277,  278,  339, 
340;  marriage  custom,  341; 
revolt  against  Spaniards,  346; 
maps  and  recent  history,  437, 
438 

Calos,  412,  414,  437 

Calvinists  in  Ribaut's  first  Flor- 
ida expedition,  31;  with 
Laudonniere,  53 

Cambahee,  275,  276;  (see  Com- 
bahee) 

Campeche,  223,  282,  372 

Canada,  32,  270,  335 

Canaries,  12,  32,  122,  149,  150, 
218,  219,  323,  342,  370,  458 

Canaveral,  Cape,  45,  59,  154, 
214,  250,  374,  413,  431,  432, 

433'  435'  449 

Cancer,  Fray  Luis,  265 ;  jealousy 
aroused  by  his  mission,  266 

Canche,  451 

Cannouchee  River,  445 

Caongacola,  448 

Canos,  445,  446 

Canosi,  445 

Canotes,  F.,  412 

Cape  de  Verd  Islands,  17,  143 

Captain-General  of  the  West  In- 
dia fleet,  his  duties,  123-126; 
Avil^s  appointed,  123 

Carabay,  258,  453 

Caraffa,  Cardinal,  128 

Carlos,  260,  261;  Spaniards 
from,  escape  to  Laudonnidre, 
83;  his  Christian  slaves,  226; 
his  village,  230;  relations 
with  Avilds,  231-239;  his 
wife,  237;  his  sister,  238;  her 
return  to  him,  255;  Lake 
Maymi  and  the  country  of, 
258;    Father  Rogel  destined 


Index 


473 


Carlos — Continued 

for,  273;  attempts  to  kill 
Reynoso,  277;  accompanies 
Avil^s  to  Tocobaga,  277;  his 
interview  with  Tocobaga,  279 ; 
plots  against  the  Spaniards, 
340;   is  killed  by  them,  341 

Carlos,  Bahia  de,  '450 

Bay  of,  Spanish  settle- 
ment in,  281,  287 

village     of,      230,      231; 

named  San  Antonio,  239; 
settlement  at, abandoned, 346, 

^  357 

Caro,  395 

Carolina  coast,  412 

Caroline,  Fort,  80,  81,  83,  191, 
195,  197,  201,  245,  255,  300, 
314-316,  323,  334,  390.  405- 
409,  412,  420;  Laudonniere 
founds,  57;  Hawkins  at, 
88;  Jean  Ribaut  at,  97,  164, 
165;  Jacques  Ribaut  at,  99; 
the  garrison  at,  165;  Spanish 
preparations  to  attack,  168; 
its  situation,  170;  march 
upon,  170-172;  capture  of, 
172-179,  214;  named  San 
Mateo  by  Avil^s,  180;  women 
and  children  captured  at,  set 
free,  322;  Debray  captured  at, 
327;  description  and  identi- 
fication of  its  site,  405-407; 
number  of  French  vessels 
captured  at,  420;   burning  of, 

430 

Carrera  de  las  Indias,  see 
Armada  de 

Carthagena,  1 1 ;  negro  popula- 
tion of  14;  burned  by  Jacques 
de  Soria,  22 

Cartier,  Jacques,  his  first  and 
second  expeditions,  19;  his 
third  expedition  and  measures 
taken  by  Spain  to  defeat  it, 
20-22 

Casa  de  Contratacion,  founded, 
4;  governing  board  of,  4; 
records  of  discoveries  kept  in 
the,  7 ;  visitador  of,  11;  ap- 
points Captain-General,  123; 
persecutes  Aviles,  126,  127; 
and  refuses  to  pay  his  salary, 
134;  its  charges  against  him, 
i35~i38;      French     prisoners 


forwarded  to,  322;  delays  re- 
lief sent  by  Aviles,  343,  ^57; 
delays  Avil«Js's  return  to  Flor- 
ida, 371 

Casina,  Timuquanan  drink,  66 

Castellon,  commander  at  San 
Mateo,  wounded  in  Indian  at- 
tack, 297;  recovering  from 
his  wounds  at  lime  of  French 
attack,  298;  warned  of 
Gourgues's  approach,  332  ;  es- 
capes the  massacre,  ^^3 

Casti,  41  2 

Castillo,  Pedro  del,  assists  Aviles, 
146 

Castro,  Avilds  at,  130 

Castro  the  Licenciate,  Governor 
of  Peru,  137 

Catawba,  447 

Cateau-Cambr(^sis,  treaty  of,  23 ; 
and  the  West  Indies,  24 

Catherine  de'  Medici,  Chantone 
notifies  her  of  Ribaut 's  de- 
signs on  Florida,  28;  her  an- 
swer, 29;  assists  Ribaut 's  first 
Florida  expedition,  31;  de- 
lavs  explanation,  44;  charges 
Laudonnidre  to  respect  Span- 
ish rights,  53  ;  her  interest  in 
Ribaut 's  second  expedition, 
95  ;  her  treatment  of  Alava's 
protests,  102;  and  the  Ba- 
yonne  Conference,  106,  no; 
Alava  instructed  to  inform 
her  of  Philip's  claims  to  Flor- 
ida, 109,  no;  her  curiosity, 
no;  foils  Philip  at  Bayonne, 
113;  at  Tours,  114;  Alava's 
audience  with,  114;  Four- 
quevaux's  advice  to,  114,  115; 
her  dependence  on  Philip, 
299;  her  duplicity,  300; 
interviews  with  Alava,  302, 
307-310;  renews  promises  to 
respect  Spanish  rights,  303; 
her  answer  to  Enveja's  com- 
plaint, 316;  Philip's  treat- 
ment of  her  protests,  318,  319; 
tries  to  work  upon  her  daugh- 
ter, 319;  memorial  to  Philip, 
321;  her  attitude  towards 
Coligny,  322;  her  answer  to 
Alava's  protest  about 
Gourgucs,  335 ;  and  the  North- 
west passage,  367 


474 


Index 


Catos,  414,  437 

Cauchi,  451;  Pardo  erects  block- 
house at,  296;  its  fate,  296, 
297 

Cavuitas,  Riviere  des,  390 

Cayas,  Gabriel  de,  457 

Cecil,  William,  opinion  on  Co- 
ligny's  Florida  enterprise,  312 

Celda,  Spain,  267 

Cevallos,  Brother  Sancho,  ac- 
companies Father  Segura  to 
Florida,  341;  and  to  Chesa- 
peake Bay,  360;  his  death, 
364 

Francisco  de,  his  treat- 
ment of  Florida  deserters, 
244,  245 

Chalahume,  451 

Chantone,  Perrenot  de,  26,  27, 
31,  44,  45,  50,  389;  Spanish 
ambassador  to  France,  25; 
protests  against  French  ag- 
gressions in  West  Indies,  25  ; 
notifies  Philip  II.  of  Ribaut's 
designs  on  Florida,  28,  104; 
protests  to  Catherine  de' 
Medici,  29;  his  successor,  loi; 
instructed  to  notify  Austria 
of  the  French  defeat,  310,  311 

Charenta,  395 

Charente,  Florida,  34,  395,  397 

• France,  325 

Charles  IX.,  42,  loi,  292,  304, 
305;  Charlesfort  named  in 
honour  of,  35;  Fort  Caroline 
also,  58;  at  Tours,  114; 
widows  of  Florida  settlers 
petition,  318 

Charles  V..  warns  Emanuel  I.  of 
Portugal  not  to  steal  Spanish 
pilots,  17;  warns  Philip  II. 
against  French  aggression  in 
the  West  Indies,  18;  recog- 
nises ability  of  Avil^s,  122; 
appoints  him  Captain-General, 
123;  Carlos  a  corruption  of 
his  name,  231 

Charlesfort,  245,  394,  402,  403, 
414;  Ribaut's  settlement  at, 
35,  40-44;  abandoned  by 
Coligny,  36;  identified  with 
Ayllon's  first  landfall,  41; 
dissentions  at,  41;  story  of 
concealed  treasure,  42;  aban- 
doned   by    settlers,    42,    43; 


their  fate,  44;  Philip  II.  ad- 
vised of  colony  left  at,  44; 
orders  its  expulsion,  45  ;  Man- 
rique  de  Rojas  at,  47,  48;  its 
site  identified,  403-405;  San 
Felipe  near  site  of,  440 

Charlotte  Harbour,  287 

Chamet,  395 

Charts,  see  Maps 

Chatham  Bay,  231 

Chatillon,  Cardinal,  at  Tours, 
114;  see  Xatillon 

Chenonceau,  35,  404,  405 

Cherokees,  295 

Cherokee  settlements,  447 

Chesapeake  Bay,  212,  259,  260, 
291,  367,  381,  462;  Jesuit 
mission  to,  360-366;  expedir 
tions  to,  259,  372,  373;  iden- 
tified with  Axacan  and  Bahia 
de  Santa  Maria,  458-461 

Chiaha,  294,  295,  443,  451,  452; 
Boyano's  expedition  to,  285; 
where  he  builds  Fort  Santa 
Elena,  286 

Chica^a,  291 

Chicora,  40 

Chihaque,  286,  451 

China,  passage  to,  212,  259,  362, 
367,  461,  463 

Chiquola,  giant  race  and  city  of, 
40 

Chisca  of  De  Soto,  Boyano  at 
the,  284 

Choctaw  country,  where  found, 
296;    Pardo  in,  296 

Chouanes,  Riviere  des,  398 

Cibola,  Ribaut  on  first  expedi- 
tion thinks  he  hears  of,  34 

Cicuye,  340 

Cimarron  negroes,  382 

Cobos,  Francisco  de  los,  instruc- 
tions to  prevent  French  under- 
takings in  the  Indies,  19;  his 
letter  to  the  Spanish  ambas- 
sador to  Portugal,  20 

Coga,  212,  296 

Cofao,  445 

Cofetasque,  445 

Cofetazque,  445 

Coligny,  Gaspard  de,  promises  to 
respect  Spanish  rights  in  the 
Indies,  25;  his  hatred  of 
Spain  and  desire  to  weaken 
her,  29;  sends  Villegaignon  to 


Index 


475 


Coligny — Continued 

Brazil,  2q;  determines  to 
colonise  Florida,  29;  selects 
Jean  Ribaut  to  command  the 
expedition,  30  ;  abandons 
Charlesfort,  36;  Stuckeley's 
enterprise  attrilauted  to,  39; 
renews  his  designs  on  Florida, 
51;  assists  Laudonnidre's  ex- 
pedition, 52;  assists  Ribaut 's 
second  expedition,  94;  recalls 
Laudonniere,  94,  98;  his 
letter  to  Ribaut,  95;  treat- 
ment of  Alava's  protests,  102  ; 
hears  Jacques  Ribaut 's  report, 
300 ;  accused  of  the  Florida  en- 
terprise by  Philip,  304;  Alba 
asks  his  punishment,  305;  his 
designs  upon  the  West  Indies, 
306;  Alava's  accusations 
against,  307;  Catherine's  de- 
fence of,  308,  309;  Philip's 
accusations  against,  311,  312; 
Cecil's  opinion  of,  312;  secret 
meetings  at  his  house,  315; 
Catherine's  favourable  atti- 
tude towards,  322 

Columbus,  Georgia,  285 

Combahee  River,  402,  405  {see 
Cambahee) 

Commerce,  Avil^s's  privilege, 
144,  145 

Commerce,  between  Spain  and 
the  West  Indies,  4;  merchan- 
dise, 5  ;  gold,  silver,  and  gems, 
5;  between  Puerto  Rico,  His- 
paniola,  Tierra  Firme,  and 
Honduras,  10 

Cond^,  Louis  I.,  Prince  of,  assists 
Ribaut 's  first  Florida  expedi- 
tion, 31;  servants  of  his  in 
Ribaut 's  second  Florida  ex- 
pedition, 215 

Conspectu  Bellum,  395 

Coosa  River,  295 

Coosawhatchee,  S.  C,  403,  445 

Cordova,  291 

Cordova,  Martin  de,  expedition 
to  Oran,  269 

Corrientes,  Ribera  de  las,  389 

Rio  de  las,  46 

Cortds,  Hernando,  369;  Verra- 
zano  captures  his  treasure 
fleet,  9 

Cortuan,  459 


Corunna,  44,  290 

Cossette,  Captain,  164 

Council  of  Indies  on  Philip's 
title  to  Florida,  107 

Courset  sails  under  orders  from 
Coligny,  304 

Coz,  Martinez  de,  remains  at 
Tocobaga,  280 

Cozao,  445 

Creek  Indians,  Pardo's  first  ex- 
pedition through  the  country 
of  the,  276;  his  second  ex- 
pedition 295;  Boyano's  ex- 
pedition, 285 

Crews  of  Spanish  vessels,  French 
treatment  of,  83 

Cromwell,  Oliver,  and  the  mas- 
sacre of  Drogheda,  206 

Cruz,  Rio  de  la,  46 

Cuba,  217,  253,  262,  288,  301; 
negro  population  of,  14;  Fort 
Caroline  pirates  in,  79,  81; 
French  settlement  in  Florida 
a  menace  to,  103;  French 
prisoners  sent  to,  201;  Avil^s 
Governor  of,  292,  345;  Pedro 
Men^ndez  Marques,  Lieuten- 
ant-Governor of,  357 

Cuenca,  Spain,  269 

Cufitatchiqui,  275,  287,  294,  438, 

445 
Cumberland    Island,    272,    378, 

453.  454 

Sound,  453,  454 

Cursol,  Madame  de,  see  Cursot 
Cursot,  Madame  de,  assists  Ri- 
baut 's  first  Florida  expedition, 

D 

Dartmouth,  129 

Dauphins,  R.  des,  416 

Days,  Rio,  432 

Debray,    Pierre,    assists    Gour- 

gues,  327 
Delpeuch,  Maurice,  his  account 

of  the  conquest  of  Florida  by 

Avilds,  xii 
Denmark,  163 
Descalona,  Fray  Luis,  340 
Deserters  from  Florida,  Avil^s's 

proposed  treatment  of,  225 
Dieppe   sailor,  his   story  of  the 

massacre  of  Jean  Ribaut  and 

his  own  escape,  200-203 


476 


Index 


Dolphins,  River  of,  32,  33,  413; 
Laudonniere  at  54;  called 
Seloy  by  natives,  54;  Avil^s 
at,  154 

Dominica,  149,  150,  326 

Dominican  friars  for  Florida, 
223;  with  Merds,  254,  265; 
sent  to  the  Bay  of  Santa 
Maria,  259;  take  the  Indian 
Don  Luis  to  Havana,  360 

Order,  missions  under- 
taken without  advice  of  its 
Provincial  Chapter,  266 

Dover,  128 

Drake,  Sir  Francis,  his  attack 
on  St.  Augustine,  379 

Drayton  Island,  84,  411 

Drogheda,  massacre  of,  206 

Dulce,  Rio,  440 

Du  Lys,  165,  166 

Dutch  massacre  of  English,  206 


Eboli,  Prince  of,  129,  321;  see 
Gomez,  Ruy 

Ecija,  Francisco  Fernandez  de, 
expedition  to  lacan,  459,  461 

Edelano,  84,  411,  412 

Edisto,  398,  399,  402,  404 

Indians,  40 

Elizabeth,  Queen,  interview 
with  Ribaut,  36;  designs  on 
Florida,  37;  assists  Stukeley 
with  ship,  37;  interest  in 
Hawkins's  slave  trade,  89; 
informed  of  French  defeat  in 
Florida,  311,  312 

Emanuel  I.  of  Portugal  steals 
Spanish  pilots,  17 

Emeralds  imported  into  Spain, 
388 

Enfrenado,  445 

English,  jealousy  of  Spanish  suc- 
cess in  West  Indies,  4;  rumour 
of  attack  on  Madeira,  9;  en- 
terprise in  North  America,  15, 
16 

piracies,  Spain  de- 
mands a  statute  restricting 
them,  10 

Roman  Catholic  colony 

designed  for  Florida,  206 

vessels  attack  St.   Au- 


gustme,  374 


Englishman  in  Ribaut 's  first 
Florida  expedition,  31 

Enveja,  Doctor  Gabriel  de,  sent 
to  Madrid,  109;  Philip  II. 's 
agent  at  Moulins,  302;  threat- 
ened by  Jacques  Ribaut,  302; 
informed  of  Gourgues's  expe- 
dition, 324 

Erlach,  accompanies  Laudon- 
niere, 52;    assists  Outina,  78 

Escamacu,  352 

Escudero,  Alberto,  stationed  at 
Juada,  296 

Espiritu  Santo,  the,  357 

Espiritu  Santo,  bahia  de,  448 
Rio  del,  369 


Espogache,  465 
Estrada,  Sebastian  de,  132 
Eugenius  IV. 's  grant  to  Portu- 
gal, 16 
Everglades,  229 


Farmers  colonised  at  Santa 
Elena,  352;  sent  to  colonise 
Florida,  375 

Fatilcon.  the,  53 

Felipe,  Don,  successor  of  Carlos, 
341;  killed  by  order  of  Mar- 
ques, 346 

Ferdinand  of  Spain,  300 

Fernandez,  Antonio,  in  charge 
at  Tacatacuru,  357 

Fernandina,  454 

Figueroa,  the  Regent,  131 

Finisterre,  122 

Flanders,  128,  163,  290,  292, 
370,  382,  383 

Fleets  of  New  Spam  and  of 
Tierra  Firme,  their  origin,  1 1 

Flemings  accompany  Father 
Martinez  to  Florida,  271 

Flores,  companion  of  Father 
Martinez,  271 

Florida,  13,  28,  29,  30,  32,  36, 
45.  49-51.  54.  91.  94.  100. 
102,  106,  110-118,  120,  139, 
140,  142-146,  152,  161,  163, 
217,  221-223,  228,  243,  254, 
259,  262,  263,  266,  291,  299, 
302,  305-307,  310,  312,  314- 
316,  318,  319,  335,  360,  365, 
368,  369,  371,  412,  414; 
Ribaut 's  first   expedition  re- 


Index 


477 


Florida — Continued 

ported  bound  for,  3 1 ;  Thomas 
Sluckclcy's  proposed  expedi- 
tion to,  37-40;  not  fit  to 
colonise,  49;  minor  expedi- 
tions for,  arining  in  France, 
loi;  its  occupation  by  the 
French  a  menace  to  Spain, 
103-105,  108;  opinion  of 
Council  of  Indies  on  Philip's 
title  to,  107;  discovered  from 
Hispaniola,  108;  reported  sale 
of,  to  the  Turk,  109 ;  purged  of 
heretics  and  French,  207 ; 
Avilt^s  describes  its  wealth, 
213;  why  not  mentioned  in 
French  treaty  with  Spain, 
301;  to  be  erected  into  a 
marquisate,  303;  rumours  of 
further  French  designs  on, 
316;  its  importance  to  Spain, 
320;  Fourquevaux's  report 
on  condition  of,  323;  Aviles's 
second  visit  to,  345;  Jesuit 
missionaries  remove  from 
Havana  to,  346;  the  country 
virtually  abandoned,  357  ; 
Portuguese  settlements  in, 
367 ;  Mexican  knowledge  of 
its  geography,  368;  condi- 
tion of,  at  death  of  Aviles, 
375-379;  reported  finding  of 
mines  in,  378;  Aviles's  fond- 
ness for,  383;  maps  of  the 
French  colonies  in,  410 

■ Cape  of,  413 

east  coast,  proximity  to 

path  of  West  India  fleets,  13; 
danger  of  foreign  occupancy, 
13,  14;  Marques 's  explora- 
tion of,  381;  Maldonado's 
exploration  of,  465 

Indians  accompany  sec- 
ond Jesuit  mission  to  Florida, 
342 

Keys,  143,  211,  228,  229, 

258,  260,  277,  381,  441 

Straits,  326,  379 

Florin,  Jean,  see  Verrazano 

Foix,  M.  de,  Laudonniere  visits, 
185 

Fontanedo,  Hernando  de  Esca- 
lante,  230,  376 

Foreigners,  refused  maps  of  West 
Indies,     7 ;      excluded     from 


visiting  West  Indies,  except 
under  licence,  8 ;  informed  of 
sailing  of  treasure  fleet,  8 

Fort  George  Inlet,  453 

Island  ,151;  block- 
house built  at,  297 

Fourquevaux,  Raymond  de 
Rouer  de,  x.,  24,  42,  300, 
367,  420;  his  DcpC'ches,  xii. ; 
reports  sailing  of  treasure 
fleets,  8;  advises  Catherine  of 
Philip's  sentiments,  114;  his 
account  of  Aviles's  reception 
at  Madrid,  292;  ignorant  of 
French  defeat,  300;  interview 
with  Alba,  300,  301;  believes 
Avilds  to  be  at  Santo  Domingo, 
301;  learns  of  French  defeat, 
303;  describes  reception  of 
news  at  Court,  303;  mformed 
by  Alba  of  French  defeat,  304; 
his  TQ-pXy,  305;  complains  of 
Alava's  language,  306;  audi- 
ences with  Philip,  319,  321; 
interview  with  Alba,  320;  re- 
ports on  condition  of  Florida, 
323;  reports  finding  of  gold 
mines  and  azurite  in  Florida, 
378;  reports  on  treasure  im- 
ported into  Spain,  388;  his 
report  on  Aviles's  oath  at 
Matanzas,  424;  excuse  given 
him  for  the  Matanzas  mas- 
sacre, 429;  his  account  of 
Pardo's  expeditions,  451 

France,  9,  14.  15.  32,  42,  43-  48, 
76,  85,  92,  93,  105,  112,  121, 
127,  128,  163,  166,  169,  176, 
184,  185,  189,  192,  299,  300, 
305,  320,  325,  333,  334,  335; 
her  decadence,  29;  condition 
at  time  of  Ribaut's  Charlesfort 
settlement,  36 

and  the  West  Indies,  she 

envies  Spain's  success  in,  4; 
Aviles's  warns  Philip  II. 
against  her  presence  there,  15; 
her  aggressions  there  and 
measures  taken  by  Charles 
V.  to  prevent  them,  18-23; 
Charles  warns  Philip  against 
her  presence  there,  iS ;  her  de- 
signs on  the  Bahama  Channel, 
21;  Renard  warns  Charles  V. 
of  her  designs  on  West  Indies, 


478 


Index 


France — Continued 

22;  her  reply  to  Chantone's 
protest  against  equipping  ves- 
sels for,  25;  her  prohibition 
respecting  navigation  in,  25; 
Spain  protests  against  her 
grant  of  licences  to  visit,  25 

Francis  I.  and  Verrazano,  19 

Franciscans,  sail  with  Las  Alas, 
219;  at  Santa  Elena,  382 

Frangois,  Cape,  32,  33 

Jean,  170,  172,  175,  176 

French   ambassador,   see   Four- 
quevaux 

■ Cape,  32^ 

indignation    at    Florida 

defeat  and  massacre,  317; 
petitions  to  the  King,  318 

occupation  of  Florida  a 


menace  to  the  treasure  fleets, 
103;  and  to  the  Indies,  104, 
105;  informed  of  Spanish 
preparations,  109;  attitude 
at  Bayonne,  112 

pilots  secretly  visit  West 

Indies,  8;  accompany  Stucke- 
ley's  expedition,  37  ;  their  at- 
tempted escape,  39 

pirates,  depredations  of, 

9,  22,  26 

vessels  captured  at  Fort 


Caroline,  420 
Frenchmen   left   in   Florida  by 

Gourgues,  334 
Fripp's  Inlet,  401 


G 


GaflFarel,  Paul,  his  Histoire  de  la 
Floride  Frangaise,  xi 

Galicia,  149 

Gallego,  Gonzalo  de,  returns 
from  Santa  Lucia,  224 

Gandia,  Duke  of,  266;  see  Bor- 
gia, Francisco 

College  of,  269,  270 

Garcilaso  de  la  Vega,  his 
anecdote  of  the  Florida  In- 
dians in  Spain,  291 

Garonne,  34,  395-  39^ 

Garumna,  395 

Geographical  knowledge  of  Flor- 
ida, 368 

George,  Lake,  84,  391,  411,  412 

Georgia,  397,  409;    gold  mines 


of,  85;    Boyano  in  the  moun- 
tains of,   284;    Pardo  in  up- 
country  of,  447 
Georgia,  neuva,  460 
Georgia,  west,  403 
Germans  with  Ribaut's  second 

expedition,  198 
Gijon,  132,  149,  219 
Gilbert's  Bar,  217,  224,  435 
Gironda,  395 

Gironde,  34,  395.  396,  398,  413 
Gold  and  silver,  importation  of, 

5,  6,  388;   smuggling  of,  126 
Gold  mine,  reported  finding  of, 

378 
Gomez,  Brother  Gabriel,  accom- 
panies Father  Segura  to  Flor- 
ida, 341;  and  to  Chesapeake 
Bay,  360;  killed  by  the 
natives,  364 

Ruy,  Prince  of  Eboli,  on 

Spanish  diplomatic  methods, 
321 
Gomez's  expedition  postponed 
owing  to  Spanish  and  Portu- 
guese rivalries,  17 
Gonzales,  Vincente,  in  Chesa- 
peake Bay,  459 
Gonzalo,  Vincente,  accompanies 
Father  Rogel  to  the  Bay  of 
Santa  Maria,  366;  possibly 
accompanied  the  Marques  ex- 
pedition, 381 
Gourgues,  Dominique  de,  342; 
his  Florida  expedition,  324- 
335;  his  birthplace  and  re- 
ligion, 324;  preparations  to 
attack  Florida,  324;  Spanish 
knowledge  of,  324;  sets  sail, 
325;  lands  at  Tacatacuru, 
326;  makes  friends  with 
natives,  327;  captures  block- 
houses on  St.  John's  River, 
328-331;  his  capture  of  San 
Mateo,  331-333;  hangs  the 
captured  Spaniards,  333;  re- 
turns to  France,  334;  Philip 
notified  of  Spanish  defeat, 
335;  Spanish  protests  and 
Catherine's  reply,  335;  recog- 
nition by  France,  336;  Las 
I  Alas's  account  cf  his  capture 
of  San  Mateo,  454-457 

Ogier,  assists  his  brother 

Dominique,  325 


Index 


479 


Grajalas,    Francisco    Lopdz    do 

Mendoza,  265,  421;  cnaplain 
in  Avil6s's  first  Fl(  irida  expedi- 
tion, i4g;  reaches  Dominica, 
150;  at  Puerto  Rico,  151,  152; 
at  the  founding  of  St.  Augus- 
tine, 160;  receives  Aviles  on 
his  return  from  Fort  Caroline, 
188,  189;  rescues  condemned 
French  prisoners,  193;  at- 
tempts to  leave  Santa  Lucia, 
240;  named  vicar,  256;  inter- 
cedes for  mutineers,  293; 
mentions  scarcity  of  writing 
paper  in  colony,  294;  his 
account  of  Avilds's  oath  at 
Matanzas,  422 

Granada,  121,  364 

Grande,  34,  395-  398 

Grandis,  395 

Granvclie,  Antoine  Perrenot, 
Cardinal  de,  his  instructions 
to  prevent  French  undertak- 
ings in  the  Indies,  19;  warns 
Philip  against  French  in  Flor- 
ida, 104 

Great  Tennessee  River,  447 

Guale,  242,  244,  360;  Manrique 
de  Rojas  at,  46;  reported 
French  fort  at,  226;  French- 
men escape  to,  245,  246; 
Avil^s's  first  expedition  to, 
245-247;  returns  to, 249,  250; 
he  plans  visit  to,  256;  Las 
Alas  in  charge  of,  261 ;  Avil^s 
visits,  262;  fort  at,  289; 
Jesuit  missionaries  sent  to, 
344,  345,  347;  where  found, 
347;  Father  Alamo  replaced 
by  Father  Quiros,  349;  epi- 
demic at,  349;  Jesuit  mission 
withdrawn,  353 

• Indians,  human  sacri- 
fice, 246,  264 

— Island,  348 

Gualequeni,  barra  de,  453 

Gualiquini,  453 

Guatari,  276,  447;  Pardo  erects 
blockhouse  at,  296;  its  fate, 
296,  297 

Guatariatiqui,  447,  450 

Guatary,  447 

Guavaca-Esqui,  448 

Gueza,  445 

Guinea.  143 


Guiomae,  275,  445,  447 

(Tui<jmaer,  445 

Ciuioniacz,  445 

Guises  said  to  have  betraved  the 

French   Protestant   colony  in 

Florida,  299 
Gulf   of    Mexico,    59,    143,    229; 

infested     with     pirates,      10; 

fleet  of  New  Spain  for  the,  1 1 
Gulf  Stream,  217,  366 
Gutierrez,     Juan,     accompanies 

Las  Alas  to  Spain,  357 
Guzman,    Juan    Tello    de,    ap- 
pointee  of    Casa   de    Contra- 

taci6n,  123 


H 


Hais,  Jean  de,  177 

Hartamua,  129 

Havana,  80,  161,  163,  212,  222- 
224,  228,  238—240,  242,  244, 
252-255,  259,  260,  273,  276, 
277.  289,  323.  341,  360, 
366,  372-375.  377.  463;  at- 
tacked by  French  pirates,  9; 
sacked  by  Jacques  de  Soria, 
22;  Ribaut's  instructions  to 
seize,  96;  Captain  Barreda 
in  charge  of  harbour,  281; 
Ribaut's  intention  to  seize, 
304;  plan  to  found  Jesuit 
college  at,  344;  its  failure, 
346;  Governor  of,  captured 
by  Fort  Caroline  mutineers, 
409 

Havre  de  Grace,  25,  39,  96 

Hawkins,  John,  409,  410,  421; 
visits  Fort  Caroline,  88,  89; 
his  fleet,  89;  offers  to  take 
colonists  to  France,  91;  re- 
lieves the  colony,  91,  92; 
commissioned  by  Laudon- 
niere  to  sell  cargoes  captured 
by  the  French,  92,  179; 
leaves  hostages,  92;  their 
fate,  177;  ship  bought  from 
him  abandoned, 184;  fear  of  a 
descent  on  Florida  by,  356; 
description  of  "Riviere  de 
Mai,"  389 

Helley's  Keys,  449 

Hcnriquez,  Miguel,  at  St.  Au- 
gustine, 263;  his  quarrel  with 
the    Governor,    284;       Aviles 


48o 


Index 


Henriquez — Continued 

takes    him    prisoner    to    San 
Felipe,  284 

Henry  II.,  330 

Hercules,  Mountains  of ,  116,  117 

Hevia,  Diego  de,  his  death,  255 

Hillsborough  Bay,  449 

River,  432 

Hilton  Head,  440 

Hinestrosa,  Juan  de,  receives 
Avil^s  at  Havana,  220;  Avil^s 
at  his  house,  223;  relieves 
Santa  Lucia,  239;  assists 
Avilds  with  money,  254; 
Father  Rogel's  letter  to,  350 

Hispaniola,  219,  244,  301;  com- 
merce of,  exposed  to  piracies, 
10;  negro  population  of,  14; 
Lucas  Vasquez  de  Ayllon  dies 
at,  50;  Ribaut's  instructions 
to  free  negroes  of,  96;  French 
colony  in  Florida  a  menace  to, 
103  ;  Florida  discovered  from, 
108;  the  San  Pelayo  sails  for, 
163;  Father  Rogel  at,  273; 
Avil^s  at,  375 

Holland  cartographers  and  the 
rivers  named  by  Ribaut,  34 

Honduras,  244;  commerce  with 
West  Indies,  10;  negro  popu- 
lation of,  14;  Ribaut's  pur- 
pose to  threaten,  96 

Hospogahe,  464,  465 

Houstaqua,  76 

Hoya,  352,  444 

Humilde,  395 

Hutchinson's  Island,  216,  433 

Hysweestake  River,  432 


lacan,  459 

laruas  of  the  Timuquanans,  63 

India,  16 

Indian  Inlet,  216 

Lagoon,  changes  in,  433, 


435 


method  of  recovering 
gold,  84 

names,  Spanish  corrup- 
tion of,  231 

-; River,  59,  216,  435,  446; 

identified  with  the  Rio  de 
Ays,  432 

River  Inlet,  435 


use  of  tobacco,  90 


Indians,  rapid  spread  of  news 
among  the,  247 

see     Caloosas,     Guale, 

Santa  Elena,  Timuquanans, 
etc. 

Indios  Costas,  442 

Inquisition  informs  Avil^s  of 
presence  of  "Lutherans"  in 
his  fleet,  163 

in    Flanders,    Avil^s    to 

command  fleet  to  plant  the, 
292 

loannis  Ponce,  Sinus,  412 

Iracana,  397 

Isa,  445 

Isabella,  the,  53,  76 

Isabella  of  Savoy,  married  to 
Philip  II.,  24;  replaces  him 
at  the  Bayonne  conference, 
106;  accompanied  by  the 
Duke  of  Alba,  no;  informs 
Catherine  of  Philip's  senti- 
ments, 114;  Catherine  de- 
clares her  innocence  to,  300; 
fears  breach  between  France 
and  Spain,  301;  informs 
Catherine  of  her  fears  and 
Philip's  sentiments,  319 

Isle  of  Wight,  96 

Is,  Rio  de,  432 

Issa,  445 


Jacan,  459 

Jagaya,  445 

Jamaica,  81,  82,  103;  Governor 
of,  captured  by  Fort  Caro- 
line mutineers,  409 

James  River,  464 

Jesuits  to  accompany  Aviles, 
142;  sail  with  Las  Alas,  219; 
origin  of  the  Order,  265;  first 
mission  to  Florida  and  Amer- 
ica, 266-273;  mission  to  San 
Antonio,  277,  345;  toTegesta, 
282;  second  Florida  mission, 
341;  to  Guale,  344;  mission 
wthdrawn,  353;  to  Virginia, 
360-366;  first  mission  to 
Mexico,  373 

Jesus  of  Lubcck,  the,  89 

Jews  prohibited  in  Avil^s's 
Florida  colony,  143 

Joara,  446,  450,  451 


Index 


481 


John  of  Portugal,  his  distrust  of 
Spanish  discovery,  16,  17 

Jordan,  River,  34,  395,  439 

Juada,  275,  2S4,  294,  296,  443, 
446,  448,  450,  451 

Juana,  Dona,   Regent  of  Spain, 

23 
Jupiter  Inlet,  217,  435 
Jykill  Island.  453 
Sound,  397 


Labazares,  Guido  de,  in  Florida, 
108 

La  Caille  accompanies  Vasseur's 
expedition  up  the  St.  John's, 
76;    sent  to  Avilcs,  202 

La  Carrera,  Brother  Juan  de  la, 
accompanies  Father  Segura 
to  Florida,  341 ;  appointed  to 
Santa  Elena,  347 

Lachgrc,  exiled  from  Charles- 
fort,  41;  his  rescue,  42;  his 
fate.  43 

La  Grange,  Captain,  165 

Lague,  Francjois,  left  in  charge  of 
Gourgues's  ships,  327 

Lameco,  286,  451 

Landes,  324 

La  Parra,  Juan  de,  his  treat- 
ment by  Osorio,  220,  221 ;  his 
ship  taken  by  Aviles,  222 

La  Popeliniere's  account  of  the 
treatment  of  Jean  Ribaut's 
body,  427 

Laredo,  Aviles  at,  128,  130 

La  Rocheferri^re,  accompanies 
Laudonniere,  52 

La  Rochelle,  122,  185,  322,  334, 
420 

La  Roquette,  79 

Larroque,  Ph.  Tamizey  de,  and 
the  authorship  of  La  Reprise 
de  la  Floride,  329 

Las  Alas,  Esteban  de,  155,  371, 
372;  his  fleet,  148,  149;  in- 
structions, 151;  appointed 
royal  accountant  of  Florida, 
160;  expected  at  Havana, 
163;  sails  for  Florida,  218- 
220;  reaches  Havana,  223; 
accompanies  Aviles  to  Carlos, 
228;  returns  to  Havana,  238; 
and  St.  Augustine,  242;     ac- 

••-31 


companies  Avil6s  to  Guale, 
245;  to  Santa  Elena,  247;  at 
San  Fc'lijjo,  24>S;  ordered  to 
kill  French  interpreter,  250; 
relief  sent  him,  254;  in  charge 
at  Orista  and  Guale,  261; 
writes  to  Pardo,  276;  ap- 
pointed Lieutenant  during 
absence  of  Avilos,  2H4;  sends 
Boyano  on  expedition,  285; 
at  San  Felipe,  294;  builds 
blockhouses  and  relieves  San 
Mateo,  297 ;  quiets  Indian 
revolt  at  San  Felipe,  3  5  2 ; 
help  sent  him  from  Spain, 
salary  unpaid,  356;  abandons 
Florida  and  returns  to  Spain, 
357'  35^;  remains  in  Spain, 
371;  sails  for  Florida,  375; 
married  to  Catalina  Men6ndez 
de  Aviles,  384;  his  account  of 
Gourgues's  attack  on  San 
Mateo,  454-457 
La  Salle's  Texas  colony,  335 
Laudonniere,  Rene  de,  390,  393, 
399,  400,  404—406,  408,  409, 
412—415,  420,  421;  accom- 
panies RilDaut's  first  Flor- 
ida expedition,  3  t  ;  his  ex- 
pedition to  Florida,  51-58, 
75-185;  assisted  by  Co- 
ligny,  52;  his  colonists,  52; 
his  fleet,  53;  religion  of  colo- 
nists, 53  ;  ordered  to  respect 
Spanish  rights,  53;  sails,  54; 
makes  land  near  St.  Augus- 
tine, visits  St.  John's  River, 
54:  received  by  Saturiba,  54; 
selects  site  for  settlement; 
57;  erects  Fort  CaroHne,  57, 
58;  sends  Ottigny  to  treat 
with  Thimogoa,  75;  sends 
Vasseur  up  the  St.  John's,  75; 
his  treatment  of  Saturiba,  77, 
78;  sends  Arlac  to  Outina,  78; 
his  treatment  of  the  settlers, 
78;  attempt  to  kill  him,  79; 
the  September  revolt,  79,  80; 
the  November  mutiny,  80- 
83;  expeditions  to  Port 
Royal,  the  St.  John's,  Outina, 
84;  famine,  85-88;  prepares 
to  abandon  the  country,  86- 
88;  holds  Outina  for  food, 
87;     Hawkins's  visit,  88-92; 


482 


Index 


Laudonnidre — Continued 

commissions  Hawkins  to  sell 
captured  cargoes,  92;  arrival 
of  Ribaut  with  charges  against 
him,  97,  98;  his  excuses,  98, 
99;  report  of  piracies  com- 
mitted by  his  colony  reaches 
Spain,  102;  opposes  Ribaut's 
plans,  164;  condition  of  his 
garrison,  165;  prepares  for 
Spanish  attack  on  Fort  Caro- 
line,   166,    167;      the   attack, 

172,  173;  his  escape,  175,  181, 
182,  184;  reaches  Moulins, 
185;  Aviles  unaware  he  has 
left  Florida,  226;  ship  left  by 
him  in  Florida,  241 ;  at  Mou- 
lins, 314;  his  reception,  315; 
offers  his  services  to  Spain, 
317;  at  French  Court,  336; 
his  story  of  the  November 
mutineers,  409 

Laudonniere's  interpreter,  314; 
becomes  Alava's  spy  at  Moul- 
ins, 315,  316 

La  Vandera,  Juan  de,  355;  ac- 
companies Pardo's  second  ex- 
pedition, description  of  South 
Carolina,  295;  commands  at 
San  Felipe,  his  effort  to  relieve 
1^,352,357:  his  treatment  of 
the  colonists,  377 

La  Vigne,  M.  de,  167 

Le  Breton,  Christophe,  424,  426 

Le  Challeux,  his  idea  of  an 
alligator,  76;  describes  colo- 
nists of  third  expedition,  95; 
escapes    from    Fort    Caroline, 

173,  174,  183,  184;  account  of 
Spanish  cruelty,  176;  account 
of  scotiting  party,  195;  his 
Discours,  414;  his  account  of 
Aviles's  oath  at  Matanzas, 
424;    of  Ribaut's  death,  425 

Le  Clerc,  Jacques,  his  depreda- 
tions, 50,  see  Pie  de  Palo 

Le  Moyne  de  Morgues,  Jacques, 
33,409,412,413,421;  accom- 
panies Laudonniere,  52;  de- 
scribes the  Timuquanans,  59; 
escapes    from    Fort  Caroline, 

174,  181,  182;  account  of  the 
second  Matanzas  massacre, 
200-203;  of  Aviles's  oath  at 
Matanzas,  423 


Leon,  Bay  of  Ponce  de,  Ribaut 
to  fortify  the,  96;  Aviles  pro- 
poses to  fortify  the,  212,  226; 
Chatham  Bay,  231 

Juan  Ponce  de,  108,  152 

Lescarbot's  complaint  of  the 
Holland  cartographers,  34; 
account  of  the  treatment  of 
Jean  Ribaut's  body,  427 

Liboume,  399 

Licences,  French,  to  go  to  the 
Indies,  25 

Ligeris,  395 

Limoges,  Sebastien  de  I'Aubes- 
pine.  Bishop  of,  French  am- 
bassador in  Spain,  28 

Linares,  Brother  Pedro,  accom- 
panies Father  Segura  to  Flor- 
ida, 341;  and  to  Chesapeake 
Bay,  360;  killed  by  the 
natives,  364 

Lisbon,  301 

Little  Briton,  the,  53 

Little  Lake  George,  62 

Tennessee  River,  447 

Llanes,  383 

Lobo,  Father,  270 

Loire,  34,  395,  397,  416 

Longitude,  instrument  for  meas- 
uring, invented  by  Aviles,  382 

Lorraine,  Cardinal  of,  reply  to 
Spanish  protests,  25 

Lucayan  Islands,  81 

Luis,  Don,  see  Velasco,  Luis  de 

Luna  y  Arellano,  Tristan  _  de, 
266,  452;  his  companions 
consulted  on  fitness  of  Florida 
for  colonisation,  49 

Lutheran  interpreter  at  Guale, 
245;  his  fate,  250 

Lyons,  388 

■ banks  notified  of  arrival 

of  Spanish  treasure  fleets,  8 


M 


Machiaca,  414 

Macoya,  431 

ally    of    Saturiba,     258, 

277,  280,  282 

Madeira,  rumoured  English  at- 
tack on,  9;  Montluc's  attack 
on,  263,  316 

Madre  de  Dios  del  Jacan,  baya 
de,  459 


Index 


483 


Madrid.  290,  291,  300 

Magnum,  395 

Mai,  Riviere  de,  where  found, 
389;  identified  with  various 
rivers,  390-392;  with  the  St. 
John's,  392,  393;  rivers  be- 
tween it  and  Port  Royal,  394- 

Maij,395,4ii 

Maillard,  Captain,  rescues  fugi- 
tives from  Fort  CaroHne,  184 
Malabar,  Cape,  436 
Maldonado,     Juan,     report     on 

Florida  coast,  465 
Malica,  412 
Malta,  146,  303 
Maps: 

Abbeville,  Sanson  d',  1656, 
"Le  Nouveau  Mexique  et  la 
Florida,"  408,  416,  450 
i679,"Le  Nou- 
veau Mexique  et  laFloride," 
408,  416,  442,  450 
Agnese,     Bap  list  a.     Venetian 

Atlas  of  1554,  418 
Albert  and  Lottier,  1784,  "A 
New   and    Correct    Map   of 
North    America    with    the 
West  India  Islands,"  409 
Allard,  Carel,  1696,  "Virginise 
partis  australis,  et  Floridae 
partis      orientalis 
nova  descriptio,"  416 
Andrews,     John,     1777,     "A 
New    Map    of    the    British 
Colonies  in  North  America," 
393.  434,  442 
Anonymous,  1595  -  1600, 

"Mapa  de  la  Florida  y 
Laguna  de  Maimi     .      .      ." 

433.  435.  444.  450;  de- 
scription and  date,  464-466 

1760,     "A     new    and 

accurate  map  of  the  pro- 
vince of  Georgia  in  North 
America,"  391 

Bellin,  Nicolas,  1744,  "Carte 
des  costes  de  la  Floride 
Fran9aise,"  392,  397,  398, 
402 

• 1764,    "Carte 

reduite  des  Costes  de  la 
Louisiane  et  de  la  Floride," 

434.  436 

Bleau,  Guillaume,  1644,  "Vir- 


giniae    partis    australis,    et 

Floridae     partis     orientalis, 
.     nova     descriptio," 

415 
1644,  "Insulc-e 

Americance  in  Oceano  Sep- 

tcntrionalis     .      .      .,"  435 
Joannes,    1662,   "Vir- 

ginice    partis    australis,    et 

Floridae     partis     orientalis 

.     .     .    novadescriptio,"4i6 
Brahm,  John  Grcar  de,    1772, 

"The       Ancient       Tegesta 

■      •      .,"  442 
Gary,  Jno.,   1783,  "The  West 

Indies,"  393,  438,  442,  450 
Chatelain,  H.  A.,  17  19,  "Carte 

contenant  le  Royaume  du 

Mexique  et  de  la  Floride," 

408 
Covens      et      Mortier,      1757, 

" Archipelague  du  Mexique 

.      .      .      ,"  436.  442 
Darby,  William,  182 1,  "Map 

of  Florida,"  393 
Desceliers,  Pierre,  Henry  II., 

map  of  1546,  418 

Mapof  1550,418 

Des  Liens,  Nicolas,  1566,  Map 

of  North  America,  418 
Dudley,    Robert,    1630,    "La 

Florida,"  416 
Du  Val,  P.,  1665,  "La  Floride 

Franfoise      .      .      .,"    408, 

416 
Fairbanks,   George   R.,    1858, 

"Map    of    Florida,     1565," 

392,  406 
Fer,  Nicolas  de,  17 18,  "  Partie 

M^ridionale   de    la    Riviere 

Mississippi,"  417 
Gaffarcl,    Paul,    1875,    "Carte 

de    la    Floride    Franfaise," 

392,  397,  398 
Gatschet,     Albert     S.,     1884, 

"The  Linguistic  Families  of 

the  Gulf  States,"  409 
Homann,    Johann     Baptista, 

1763,  "Amplissima  regionis 

Mississipi     seu      Provinciae 

Ludovicianae,"     31)0,     396, 

398.  438 
1763, 

' '  Regni  Mexicani  scu  Novae 

Hispaniae,"  409,  438,  442 


484 


Index 


Maps — Continued 

Homann,    Johann     Baptista, 

1765,"  Totius  Americae  Sep- 

tentrionalis     et     Meridion- 

alis,"  442 
Hondius,      Henricus,       1633, 

"Virginiae  item  et  Floridae 

.     .     .     Nova  Descriptio," 

415 
Isle,   Guillaume   de   1',    1703. 

"Carte  du  Mexique  et  de  la 

Floride,"  408,  417 
1718,  "Carte  et 

Cours  du  Mississipi    .     .    .," 

39O'  396,  397.  437      ..^ 
1722,      Carte 


du  Mexique  et  de  la  Flori- 
de," 408 
1730.   "Amer- 


ique  Septentrionale,"  417 
1750.    "Carta 


Geografica  della  Florida  neir 
America  Settentrionale," 
408 
Jansson,  Joannes,  1642,  "Vir- 
giniae  partis  australis,  et 
Floridae     partis     orientalis 

•     •     -"415 

. 1653,    America 

Septentrionalis,"  434,  442 

Jeflferys,  Thomas,  1769,  "The 
Bay  of  Espiritu  Santo, 
East  Florida,"  450 

1769,    "East 

Florida    .    .    ."393-435.45° 

1775.     "The 

Peninsula  and  Gulf  of  Flor- 
ida   .    .    .,"  434.  442 

Keulen,  Johannes,  1735,  "Pas 
Kaart   van   West    Indien," 

417 

La  Cosa,  Juan  de,  1500,  Map 
of  America,  7 

Laet,  Jean  de,  1640,  "Florida 
et  Regiones  Vicinae,"  408, 
416,  433.  442,  450 

Laurie  and  Whittle,  1784, 
"West  Indies,"  436 

Le  Moyne  de  Morgues,  Jac- 
ques, 1 59 1,  "Floridae  Ameri- 
canae  Provinciae  Recens  and 
exactissima  descriptio," 
231.  391.  394.  398.  400, 
414-417,  437.  440;  the 
map  described,  410-413 


Lescarbot,  Marc,  161 1,  "Fig- 
ure et  description  de  la  terre 
reconue  et  habitue  par  les 
Francois  en  la  Floride  et 
audega     .     .     ., "  408,  416 

Lopez,  Tomas,  1783,  "Piano 
de  la  Ciudad  y  Puerto  de 
San  Agustin  de  la  Florida," 

434 
Lotter,  Albert  Matthieu,  1720, 

"Carte  Nouvelle  de  I'Amer- 

ique  Angloise,"  442 
George  Frederic,  1784, 

"A  New  and  Correct  Map  of 

North   America      .      .      .," 

434.  436 
Maiollo,  Vesconte,  1527,  Map 

of  America,  212 
Martin,    Benjamin,    1755-56, 

"A    Map    of    the     British 

and  French  Settlements  in 

North    America,"    (second 

part),  408 
Martinez,      Fernando,      1765, 

"Descripcion     .      .      .       de 

la  parte  que  los  Espanoles 

poseen     .      .      .     en    .     .     . 

la  Florida,"  434,  436,  438, 

442 
Mentelle   et    Chanlaire,    1798, 

' '  Carte  de  la  Floride  et  de  la 

Georgie,"  436 
Mercator,  Gerard,  1606,  "Vir- 

ginise  item  et  Floridae    .    .    . 

nova  descriptio,"  391,  412, 

416,417;  the  map  described 

414.  415  .^ 

Mexia,   Albaro,    1605,      Der- 
rotero    util    y    provechoso 
.     el  qual  reza  desde 
la  ciudad  de  San  Agustin 
hasta  la  varra  de  Aiz,"  195, 

433.  435 
Moll,      Herman,      1710-1715, 
"A  Map  of  the  West  Indies 
or  the  Islands  of  America  in 
the     South     Sea     .      .      .," 

391 

Montanus,  Amoldus,  1671, 
"Virginia  partis  australis, 
et  Floridae  partis  orientalis, 
.    .     .    nova  descriptio,"  416 

Miinster,  Sebastian,  154°. 
"Novae  Insulae,"  212,  411, 


Index 


485 


Maps — Continued 

Olives,  Domingo,  1568,  Map 
of  England,  129 

Parkman,  Francis,  1893, 
"Florida,   1565,"  393,  409 

Portuguese  Portolano,  15 14- 
1520,  417 

Pownall,  1783,  "A  New  Map 
of  North  America  \vith  the 
West  India  Islands,"  409, 
434-  436 

Ptolemy,  1540,  "Nova;  In- 
suhe,"  212,  4n,  418 

Purcell,  Joseph,  1792,  "A 
Map  of  the  States  of  Vir- 
ginia .  .  .  comprehend- 
ing .  .  .  East  and  West 
Florida,"  434,  438 

Renier  and  Ottens,  1730,  "In- 
sulae  Americana;  .  .  ., " 
408,  442,  450 

Reynolds,  Charles  B.,  18^3, 
Map  of  Portion  of  Florida 
Coast,  406 

Ribero,  Diego,  1529,  "Carta 
universal     .      .      ., "  417 

Robinson,  G.  G.,  and  J.,  "The 
West  Indies, "  393 

Romans,  Bernard,  1776,  "A 
General  Map  of  the  South- 
em  British  Colonies  in 
America,"  409,  442 

1776,      "The 

Seat  of  War  in  the  South 
British  Colonies,"  434 

Ruscelli,  Girolamo,  Map  of 
1561,  418 

Senex  and  Maxwell,  17 10, 
"North  America,"  408 

Senex,  John,  17 19,  "A  Map 
of  Louisiana  and  the  River 
Mississipi,"  437 

Seutter,  Matthaeus,  1725- 
1760,  "NovusOrbis  .  .  .," 
442 

1740 -1760, 

"Mapa  Geographica  Regi- 
onem  Mexicanam  et  Flori- 
dam    .    .     .,"  408,  438,  442 

Speed,  John,  1676,  "A  New 
Description    of    Carolina," 

417 
Thevet ,  Andr^ ,  1 5  7  5 , "  Le  Nou- 

veau    Monde     .     .     .,"412 
Ulpius  Globe  of  1542,  418 


Valk,    Gerard,     and    Schenk, 
Peter,  17 10,  "Virgini;e  par- 
tis    australis,     et     Floridaj 
partis    orientalis, 
nova  descriptio,"  416 
Visscher,  Nicolaus,  1680,  "In- 
sul;c  Amcricanx  in  Occano 
Septentrionali,"  442,  450 
Walsh,  John,    1798,   "Tabvla 
maxima:    partis 
Ameriae  Media;     .     .     . ,   " 
434 
Wells,     Edward,     1701,     "A 
New  Map  of  North  Amer- 
ica," 442 
White,  John,  see  With 
With,   John,    1585,    "Map   of 
southern    part    of    the    At- 
lantic     coast      of       North 
America,"    .     .     .  ,";  map 
described,  413 
Maps  and  charts  of  the  West  In- 
dies, supply  to  foreigners  for- 
bidden, 6,  7;    publication  of, 
suppressed,  7 
Dutch,  French  and  Eng- 
lish, Le  Moyne's  influence  on, 
412 
Spanish,  Ribaut's  possi- 
ble use   of,    45  ;  used  by  Le 
Moyne,  412 

of  the   French   Colonies 

in  Florida  and  South  Carolina, 
410 
Margarita  plundered  by  Jacques 

de  Soria,  22 
Marques,  Alonzo  Men^ndes, 
hostage  at  Guale,  247;  where 
he  remains,  250,  262 
Pedro  Men^ndez,  ap- 
pointed factor,  160;  accom- 
panies Las  Alas's  fleet,  218, 
219;  separated  in  storm,  and 
reaches  Havana,  220;  sale  of 
his  prize,  222  ;  sails  for  Spain, 
223;  returns  to  Florida  and 
accompanies  Avil^s  to  San 
Antonio,  277;  at  St.  Augus- 
tine, 294;  leaves  for  vSan 
Felipe,  294;  orders  death  of 
Caloosa  chief,  346;  quiets 
Indian  revolt  at  San  Felipe, 
352;  salary  unpaid,  356; 
leaves  San  Felipe  for  Havana, 
357;    named  Lieutenant -Gov- 


486 


Index 


Marquds — Continued 

emor  of  Cuba,  357  ;  returns  to 
San  Mateo,  359;  in  charge  of 
Florida,  375;  exploration  of 
the  coast,  381,  382;  Avil^s 
bequeaths  Pdnuco  conquest 
to,  384 

■ Rio  del,  453 

Marranos  prohibited  in  Avil^s's 
Florida  colony,  143 

Martinez,  Father  Pedro,  sent  to 
Florida,  266;  early  training, 
267  ;  admitted  to  the  Society 
of  Jesus,  268;  his  austerities, 
268;  sent  to  Oran,  269;  re- 
turns to  Spain,  269;  sails  for 
Florida  with  his  two  com- 
panions, 270;  is  abandoned 
on  Florida  coast,  271 ;  reaches 
the  island  of  Tacatacuru,  272  ; 
his  death,  272,  326;  punish- 
ment of  his  murderer  ordered, 
290;  other  Jesuits  not  dis- 
couraged by  his  fate,  341 

Martires,  Islas  de  los,  441 

Martyr  Islands,  83,  440;  Ribaut 
to  fortify  the,  96 

Mary  of  England,  Queen,  Avil^s 
attends  her  marriage,  126; 
she  sends  Philip  assistance, 
129;  her  liking  for  Avil^s,  140 

Massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew 
postponed,  113 

Masura  River,  449 

Matan9as,  195,  196 

Matanzas,  Cuba,  79,  80,  222 

Matanzas  Inlet,  Florida,  visited 
by  Manrique  de  Rojas,  46; 
part  of  Ribaut 's  fleet  wrecked 
near,  190;.  balance  of  his  fleet 
wrecked  near,  195,  201;  inlet 
south  of,  196;  changes  in 
coast  near,  435 

■ massacres,  the  first  and 

second,  190-203;  opinions  as 
to,  103-107;  Spanish  Govern- 
ment's excuse  for,  205,  305, 
429;  French  indignation  at, 
317;  widows  and  orphans 
petition  the  King,  318; 
Memyn's  account  of,  420;  the 
oath  of  Avil^s,  421-425 

— ■ River,     195,     196,     289, 

^290,  435 

Mathiaca,  414 


Mauvilia,  291 

Maximilian,  Regent  of  Spain,  122 

Mayaca,  431 

Maya,  Diego  de,  see  Amaya 

Mayaimi,  laguna  de,  441 

Lake,  411,  441 

Mayajuaca,  431 
Maymi,  Lake,  258,  263 
Mayport  Peninsula,  blockhouse 

built  at,  297 
May,  River  of,  32,  33,  395,  413- 

415 

May  (River,  S.  C),  398 

Mazariegos,  Diego,  Governor  of 
Cuba,  ordered  to  reconnoitre 
Ribaut 's  settlement  in  Flor- 
ida, 45 ;  dispatches  Manrique 
de  Rojas,  45 

Medrano,  Juan  Velez  de,  settles 
at  Ays,  217;  at  Santa  Lucia, 
239;  wounded  by  mutineers, 
240 

Meleneche,  390,  391 

Melona,  412 

Memyn,  Jean,  captured  by 
Avilds,  177;  his  deposition, 
420;  account  of  Ribaut 's 
death,  426 

Mendez,  Brother  Juan  Bautista, 
accompanies  Father  Segura  to 
Florida,  341,  342;  and  to 
Chesapeake  Bay,  360;  sent  on 
embassy  to  Don  Luis,  363; 
killed  by  the  natives,  364 

Mendoza,  Bernardino  de,  threat 
to  English  Roman  Catholic 
colonists,  206,  207 

Diego  de,  rescue  of  his 

fleet,  129 

Grajales,      Lop^z      de, 

see  Grajales 

Louis      Sarmiento      de. 


Spanish  ambassador  to  Portu- 
gal, 20 
Meras,  Gonzalo  Solis  de,  170, 
237,  242.  259,  265,  290;  his 
Memorial,  v,  vii;  reproduces 
the  Relacidn  of  Avil^s,  viii;  is 
copied  by  Barcia,  ix  ;  its 
reliability,  x ;  accompanies 
Aviles's  first  Florida  expedi- 
tion, 148;  kills  Jean  Ribaut, 
199;  records  opinion  on  the 
Matanzas  massacres,  203  ; 
sent   to  Campeche  and   New 


Index 


487 


Merds — Continued 

Spain,  223,  239;  returns  to 
Havana,  254;  sails  for  Spain, 
255;  his  account  of  Avil^s's 
oath  at  Matanzas,  422 

Merchant  fleets,  exposed  to 
piracies,  9-1 1;  measures 
taken  to  protect,  11,  12; 
course  taken  by,  12 

Mercy,  friar  of  the  Order  ot, 
with  Las  Alas,  219 

Metacumbe,  island  of,  440 

Mexico,  212,  259,  368,  443,  458, 
463;  first  Jesuit  mission  to, 
373  ;  royal  revenues  from,  387 

• City  of,  369 

Miami,  Lake,  58,  229,  441 

River,  260,  441 

Miranda,  Hernando  de,  accom- 
panies x\vil6s's  first  Florida 
expedition,  148;  sent  to  Santo 
Domingo  and  Havana,  151; 
Treasurer  of  Florida,  160; 
married  to  Catalina  Mendndez 
de  Aviles,  148,  384 

Miruelo,  bahia  de,  448 

Mission,  the  French  Protestants 
and  the  Indians,  78;  Avil6s's 
tribute  to,  79;  see  Jesuits 

Missoe,  454 

Mobjack  Bay,  464 

Mollona,  75,  76 

Moluccas,  Portuguese  and  Span- 
ish disputes  concerning  the, 
17;  path  to  the,  212,  367 

Mona,  326 

Monardes,  Dr.  Nicolas,  his  trea- 
tise on  the  medicinal  plants  of 
the  West  Indies,  379,  380 

Moncada,  Sancho  de,  his  esti- 
mate of  treasure  imported  into 
Spain  from  West  Indies,  5 

Montagan,  269 

Montagnei  Pallassi,  413 

Mont  de  Marsan,  324 

Monte  de  Rey,  138 

Monterey,  College  of,  342 

Montluc,  Blaise  de  Lasseran- 
Massencome  de,  and  his  son 
Pierre's  Bayonne  expedition, 

lOI 

Pierre  de,  sacks  Madeira, 

263;  his  preparations,  316; 
his  victory  inspires  French, 
322 


Montmorcnci,  Anne  de,  307 
Moors     prohibited     in     Avil^s's 

Florida  colony,  143 
Mosquito  Inlet,  190,  195 

River,  46 

Moulins,     185,    301,    306,     307, 

Muspa,  punta  de,  450 

Musquito  harbour,  432 

Mutineers  from  Fort  Caroline  in 
Avil6s's  first  Florida  expedi- 
tion, 148 

Mutiny,  the  September,  and  its 
fate,  79,  80;  prisoners  sent  to 
Spain,  105;  the  November, 
its  depredations  and  fate,  80- 

83 
Mymy,   Captain,  his  treatment 
of  Spanish  crews,  322 


N 


Nantes,  expedition  for  the  In- 
dies equipped  at,  loi 

Narvaez,  P^nfilo  de,  in  Florida, 
108 

Nassau  Sound,  453 

Navarette,  Pedro  Fernandez,  his 
estimate  of  treasure  imported 
into  Spain  from  West  Indies, 5 

Navarre,  215 

Negro  population  of  West  In- 
dies, rapid  increase,  and  dan- 
ger attending  it,  14,  15; 
Ribaut's  instructions  to  free, 
96 

slaves,   on  Aviles 's  first 

Florida  expedition,  143,  145; 
at  founding  of  St.  Augustine, 
160 

New  Biscay,  335  ' 

Newfoundland,  143,  211,  212, 
246,  259,  291,  367 

New  Inlet,  435 

Newport  (river),  397 

New  Spain,  37,  133,  223,  228, 
243,  244,  253,  254,  259,  301, 
345.  369.  374;  fleet  of,  Its  or- 
igin, 11;  passes  near  French 
settlement,  114;  report  of 
Council  of,  on  fitness  of  Santa 
Elena  for  colony,  49;  on 
Avilds's  Panuco  grant,  368; 
royal  revenues  from,  387; 
treasure  fleet  from,  388 


488 


Index 


Niebla,  Count  of,  133 

Nieremberg,  Father  Eusebio,  his 
account  of  Father  Martinez, 
268,  270 

Nombre  de  Dios,  negro  popula- 
tion of,  14 

Noriega,  Juan  Rodriguez  de, 
counsels  Philip  to  drive  French 
from  Florida,  105 

Normandy,  Admiral  of,  131 

Spanish    secret     agent 

visits,  20,  23  ;  vessels  equipped 
for  the  Indies  in,  25,  26,  loi 

Normans  in  Florida,  336 

North  America  unsettled  by 
white  men  north  of  Panuco  in 
1562,  3 

North  Carolina,  446 

North  River,  159,  161,  170 

Northwest  passage,  371 ;  Avil^s 
informed  of,  259;  Avil^s's 
theory  of,  212,  367;  through 
Virginia,  362 

Nouvelle  France,  118 

Nova  Gallia,  118 

Nova  Scotia,  118,  417,  418 

Nuestra  Sefiora  de  la  Concepcion, 
the,  45 

Nuiiez,  Francisco,  sent  to  re- 
lieve San  Mateo,  297  ;  sends  a 
spy  to  Gourgues's  camp,  331 ; 
notified  of  Gourgues's  ap- 
proach, 332 

Nut  grass  found  in  Florida,  379; 
Spanish   description    of,    380, 

Oatchaqva,  414 

Oathkaqua,  414 

Occoquan,  461,  463 

Ochoa,  Martin,  172;    his  death, 

255 
Ogale,  448 
Ogeechee,  398 

Okeechobee,  Lake,  84,  411,  412 
Oklawaha,  62 
Old  Bahama  Channel,  224 
St.  Augustine,  founding 

and  site  of,  159;    abandoned, 

252;  blockhouse  at,  289,  297 

TampaBay,  234,  278,  449 

Oliva,  Spain,  269 

Olotoraca,   Indian   chief  guides 

Gourgues,  329 


Onatheaqua,  76 

Oran,  269 

Orista,  347,  352,  360,  448; 
French  escape  from  Matan- 
zas  massacre  to,  201;  chief 
of,  at  war  with  Guale,  246; 
Aviles  at,  247,  248;  Las  Alas 
in  charge  of,  261;  where 
found,  348;  Jesuit  mission  to, 
348-353;  Indian  revolt  at, 
352;      soldiers   quartered   at , 

Indians,   their  customs, 


348,  349 

Orixa,  40 

Osorio,  Garcia,  governor  of 
Cuba,  his  reception  of  Aviles, 
220;  imprisons  La  Parra,  220; 
refuses  Aviles  assistance,  221, 
254;  and  seeks  his  death,  223; 
takes  Penalosa's  gun,  224; 
encourages  Robaddn'smutiny, 
281;  his  treatment  of  Avil6s, 
288 

Ossaba  Sound,  401 

Otari,  447 

Otariatiqui,  447,  450 

Otariyatiqui,  447 

Ottare,  447 

Ottigny  accompanies  Laudon- 
niere,  52;  visits  Thimogoa, 
75  ;  ascends  the  St.  John's,  84; 
fate  of  his  tailor,  182;  his 
death,  203 

Outina,  his  villages,  62;  signifi- 
cance of  name,  62;  Laudon- 
niere  hears  of,  75;  at  war  with 
Potauou,  78;  relief  expedi- 
tion to,  84;  and  famine  at 
Fort  Caroline,  86;  is  held  as 
hostage  for  food,  87,  88;  gold 
and  pearls  obtained  from, 
179;  and  Aviles,  257  ;  his  war 
with  Saturiba,  294;  requested 
to  assist  San  Mateo,  332;  ex- 
pedition against,  412 

Overhill  settlements,  447 


Pablo  Creek,  161,  170 
Pacific,  367,  413 

Straits  through   Florida 


to  the,  259 


Index 


489 


Pads,  F.,  412 

Paez,  Luys  de,  447 

Palican,  289  ;  where  found, 
station  at,  290 

Pallassi,  Montagnci,  413 

Pamplona,  270 

Panuco,  northern  limit  of  Span- 
ish settlement,,  3;  Avil(Ss  asks 
licence  to  settle,  368;  report 
of  Audiencia  of  Mexico,  368; 
licence  granted,  369;  Avil^s 
bequeatns  conquest  of,  to 
Matqu^s,  384 

Paracusi,  62 

Paraguay,  270 

Pardo,  Juan,  284,  286,  378,  438; 
sent  to  San  Felipe,  256; 
reaches  there,  261;  his  first 
expedition,  275,  276  ;  his 
second  expedition,  294—296; 
at  Chiaha,  295;  constructs 
blockhouses  at  various  points, 
296;  fate  of  his  settlements, 
296,  297;  date  of  his  first 
expedition,  443;  route  of  his 
first  expedition,  444-448;  of 
his  second  expedition,  450- 
452;  Fourquevaux's  account 
of,  451 

Paris,  317,  334 

Island,  440 

Parkman,  Francis,  his  account 
of  the  conquest  of  Florida  by 
Avil^s,  ix,  xii;    sources,  xi 

Patino,  Andres  Lopez  de,  and 
the  founding  of  St.  Augustine, 

159 

Paul  IV.,  and  the  truce  of  Vau- 
celles,  23 

Paya,  Dona,  ancestor  of  Avil^s, 
120 

Pearl,  the,  96,  99,  175-177 

Pedro,  heir  of  Carlos,  255;  ac- 
companies Reynoso  to  San 
Antonio,  276 

Rio,  449 

Pelayo,  Don,  120 

Pefialosa,  Diego  de,  brings  as- 
sistance from  Santo  Domingo, 
223,  224 

Diego  Dionisio  de,   and 

the  conquest  of  New  Biscay, 

335 
Pensacola,  406 
Peru,  37,  243,  259,  388;    French 


pirates  capture  fleets  from,  9; 
sink  vessels  from,  22 

Peruclu),  the  Ays  chief,  258 

Peter  Martyr's  First  Decade, 
descriptive  of  West  Indies, 
suppressed,  7 

Petition  to  Charles  IX.,  of 
widows  and  orphans  of  Flor- 
ida culonisis,  318;  its  recep- 
tion, 318;  its  description  of 
Ribaut's  death,  426 

P^tremclaud,  427 

Philip  II.,  warned  by  Charles  V. 
against  France  in  the  West  In- 
dies, 18;  marries  Isabella  of 
Savoy,  24;  notified  of  Ribaut's 
designs  on  Florida,  28;  of  the 
colony  left  there,  44;  orders 
its  expulsion,  45 ;  learns  of 
Ribaut's  preparations  for  sec- 
ond expedition,  102;  warned 
against  French  occupation  of 
Florida,  104,  105;  of  Ribaut's 
second  expedition,  106;  takes 
Alba's  advice,  106;  sends 
Acuna  to  France,  106;  his 
title  to  Florida,  107;  instruc- 
tions to  Alba  at  Bayonne,  1 1 1 ; 
notice  to  Catherine,  113; 
takes  Avilcs  with  him  to 
England,  126;  asiento  with 
Avilcs  to  conquer  Florida, 
142-145;  his  excuse  for  the 
killing  of  the  French  prisoners, 
205;  commends  Aviles,  206; 
motives,  206,  207;  his  letter 
delivered  to  Aviles,  256;  asks 
for  Jesuit  missionaries  for 
Florida,  266;  at  Madrid,  290; 
where  he  receives  and  rewards 
Aviles,  291,  292;  Catherine's 
dependence  upon,  299;  deter- 
mined to  recover  Florida,  301 ; 
instructs  Alava  to  inform 
Catherine,  301 ;  attributes  the 
Florida  colony  to  Coligny, 
303;  his  object,  304;  his  in- 
structions to  Alava,  306; 
notifies  Austria  of  French 
defeat,  310;  and  England 
also,  311;  continues  to  sus- 
pect French,  316;  assured  of 
safety  of  Florida,  317;  his 
treatment  of  Catherine's  com- 
plaints, 319;     audiences  with 


I 


490 


Index 


Philip  II. — Continued 

Fourquevaux,  319-321;  his 
final  reply,  321;  learns  of 
loss  of  San  Mateo,  335; 
orders  an  investigation  in  Las 
Alas's  abandonment  of  Flor- 
ida, 357  ;  his  treatment  of  the 
Indian  Luis  de  Velasco,  360; 
interest  in  Northwest  pas- 
sage, 367;  his  excuses  for  the 
Matanzas  massacre,  429 

Philippines,  373 

Piankatank  River,  464 

Pie  de  Palo,  his  depredations, 
50,  458;  encounters  Aviles, 
128 

Pierria,  Albert  or  Aubert,  in 
command  at  Charlesfort,  35; 
visits  Audusta,  40;  his  harsh 
acts,  41;  killed  by  colonists, 
41;   fate  of  his  murderers,  44 

Pilot  Creek,  405 

Pilots,  Portuguese,  in  Villafane's 
Florida  expedition,  17 

■ Spanish,  stolen  by  Em- 
anuel I.,  of  Portugal,  17 

Piracies,  statutes  restricting, 
demanded  of  England,  10; 
committed  by  Laudonniere's 
colony,  79-80,  80-83,  92;  re- 
port of,  reaches  Spain,  102 

Pirates,  Aviles  goes  against  the 
West  India,  222 

— French,  plunder  treasure 

fleets,  9;  and  merchantmen, 
10;  arming  for  Florida,  loi; 
bribe  French  judges,  10 1 

Spanish   instructions   as 

to  treatment  of,  124 

Pius  v.,  his  letter  to  Aviles,  370 

Plymouth,  Ribaut's  second  ex- 
pedition at,  102 

Point  Sable,  229 

Port  Royal,  347,  395,  398,  400, 
405,412,415;  Ribaut's  settle- 
ment at,  34,  35,  40-44;  its 
danger  to  Spanish  commerce, 
103;  Laudonniere's  expedi- 
tion to,  84;  reported  French 
fort  in  vicinity  of,  226;  rivers 
between  it  and  the  "Riviere 
de  Mai,"  394-399;  descrip- 
tion of,  399;  location,  400; 
coast  to  south  of  it,  400; 
north  of  it,  401;     identifica- 


tion, 401-403;  San   Felipe  in 
neighborhood  of,  440 
Sound,  401-403, 


Portugal,  143,  201;  envious  of 
Spain's  success  in  the  West 
Indies,  4;  bribes  Spanish 
pilots,  8 

Princess    of.    Regent    of 

Spain,  131 

Portuguese  distrust  of  Spanish 
discovery,  16-18 

incite  negro  chiefs  to  at- 
tack Gourgues,  325;  supposed 
to  assist  Aviles  in  Florida, 
316;  in  attack  on  Fort  Caro- 
line,  420 

map-makers    and    Terre 

des  Bretons,  118 

pilots  in  Villafane's  ex- 
pedition to  Florida,  18;  one 
accompanies  Ribaut's  first 
Florida  expedition,  3 1 ;  and 
Laudonniere,  53  ;  and  Ribaut's 
second  expedition,  95 

settlements   in   Florida, 

Aviles's  account  of,  367 

trader  wrecked  near  To- 


440 


cobaga,  279 

Portus  Regalis,  395,  404, 

Posada,  Juan  de,  465 

Potauou,  75;  his  country,  75; 
at  war  with  Outina,  78 

Potomac  River,  212,  462,  464 

Protestant  books  captured  at 
Fort  Caroline,  179 

mission    among   Florida 

Indians,  79 

Protestants  in  Laudonniere's  ex- 
pedition, 53  ;  in  Ribaut's  sec- 
ond expedition,  95 ;  in  Aviles's 
first  Florida  expedition,  their 
fate,  163 

Puerto  de  Cavallos,  negro  popu- 
lation of,  14 

Puerto  de  Plata,  244,  374 

Puerto  Rico,  265,  273,  288,  326, 
342, 420;  its  commerce  exposed 
to  pirac}',  10;  perils  to  fleet 
returning  to,  13  ;  negro  popula- 
tion of,  14;  Ribaut's  designs 
on,  96;  Aviles  at,  150,  263; 
Mendoza  at,  151;  instructions 
left  for  Las  Alas  at,  151; 
governor  of,   152;     desertions 


Index 


491 


Puerto  Rico — Continued 

at,  152;  ships  sent  to,  163; 
horses  shipped  at,  164;  Las 
Alas  reaches,  2  iq;  vessels  for, 
256;    defence  of,  262 

Pulgar,  Pedro  Fernandez  de,  his 
Historia  general  dc  la  Florida, 
xiii-xv;  his  Historia  General 
de  las  Indias  Occidentales,  xiii 

Q 

Quadra,  Alvarez  de.  Bishop  of 
Aquila,  Spanish  ambassador 
to  England,  his  interview  with 
Stuckeley,  3  7  ;  suspects  his 
object,  38 

Quasimodo,  331 

Quatariaatiqui,  447 

Quihanaqui,  446 

Quinahaqui,  446 

Quiros,  Father  Luis  de,  accom- 
panies Father  Segura  to  Flor- 
ida, 341;  replaces  Father 
Alamo  at  Guale,  342,  349; 
accompanies  Father  Segura  to 
Chesapeake  Bay,  360;  his  last 
letter,  361,  362;  goes  on 
embassy  to  Don  Luis,  363; 
his  death,  364 


Rando,  Pedro  de  la,  order  to 
punish  his  murderer,  290; 
killed  at  Tacatacuru,  290,  326 

Rappahannock,  462,  464 

Recalde,  Francisco  de,  heads 
mutiny  at  St.  Augustine,  240 

Redondo,  Brother  Cristobal,  ac- 
companies Father  Segura  to 
Florida,  341;  and  to  Chesa- 
peake Bay,  360;  killed  by  the 
natives,  364 

Red  town  of  Creek  Indians 
visited  by  Boyano,  285 

Renard,  Simon,  Spanish  ambas- 
sador to  France,  warns  against 
French  designs  on  West  In- 
dies, 2  2  ;  reports  Villegaignon's 
seizure  of  Spanish  port  in,  23 

Revenues,  royal,  from  the  In- 
dies, 387 

Revuelta,  453 

Reynoso,  Francisco  de,  sent  to 
Carlos,  263;    Father  Rogel  to 


accompany,  273;  at  San  An- 
tonio, 277;  attempts  to  kill 
him,  277  ;  attacks  the  shamans, 
340;  linal  withdraw^al  from 
San  Antonio,  346 
Rihao,  Barreta  de,  196,  435 
Ribaut,  Jacques,  accompanies 
third  c'xpedition  to  Florida, 
95;  anchors  at  Fort  Caroline, 
99;  rescues  fugitives  from 
Fort  Caroline,  175,  177;  re- 
fuses tosurrender,  1 76;  Avil(;!'s's 
plan  to  capture,  180,  189; 
sails  for  France,  184;  Avil6s 
fears  his  return,  212;  Avil6s 
unaware  of  his  departure,  226; 
arrival  in  France,  300;  re- 
ports to  Coligny.  300;  his 
bearing  at  Moulins,  301; 
threatens  Enveja,  302  ;  Alava's 
complaint,  302  ;  in  secret  con- 
ferences at  Coligny's  house, 
315;  Enveja's  complaint  of 
him,  316 

Jean,  400,  401,  403,  405, 

414,  415,  420;  Philip  II., 
notified  of  his  preparations 
for  Florida,  28;  Chantone's 
protest,  28;  Philip  II.  refers 
the  matter  to  the  Council  of 
the  Indies,  29;  sails,  30;  per- 
sons interested  in  enterprise, 
3  I ;  rumoured  destination,  3 1 ; 
course  taken,  32;  reaches 
Florida,  32;  and  St.  John's 
River,  ^5;  where  he  erects 
a  column,  34;  seeks  River 
Jordan,  34;  enters  Port  Royal, 
34;  founds  Charlesfort,  35; 
returns  to  France,  35 ;  goes  to 
England,  36;  sees  Elizabeth, 
36;  aids  Stuckeley,  37;  to 
deliver  Charlesfort  to  Stuck- 
eley, 39;  treachery  discov- 
ered and  cast  into  prison, 
39;  where  he  remains,  51; 
and  the  mutineers  at  Fort 
Caroline,  83;     his  second  ex- 

f edition  to  Florida,  94-199; 
is  instructions,  95;  depart- 
ure, 96;  reaches  Fort  Caro- 
line, 97;  informs  Laudonnidre 
of  charges  against  him,  98; 
anchors  part  of  his  fleet  in  the 
river,    99;      his   preparations 


492 


Index 


Ribaut — Continued 

known  to  Philip,  102;  part  of 
his  fleet  encounters  Avil^s  and 
escapes,  155-158;  threatens 
St.  Augustine,  160,  161;  in- 
formed of  Aviles's  attack, 
164;  plans  attack,  164;  sets 
sail,  165;  at  St.  Augustine, 
167  ;  wreck  of  one  of  his  ships, 
187;  of  part  of  his  fleet,  190; 
fate  of  the  survivors,  191-194; 
wreck  of  balance  of  his  fleet, 
19s;  fate  of  the  survivors, 
195-203;  his  surrender  and 
death,  198,  199;  Aviles's 
opinion  of,  200;  French 
Catholics  accused  of  betray- 
ing him,  299;  Valdes  informs 
Court  of  destruction  of  his 
fleet,  300;  Spanish  fears  lest 
he  avenge  Fort  Caroline,  303; 
Spain's  joy  at  news  of  his  de- 
feat, 303  ;  accused  of  intention 
to  seize  Havana,  304;  acts 
under  orders  from  the  King, 
305;  Catherine's  anger  at  his 
murder,  309;  Aviles  wrecked 
where  he  was,  374;  the  pillar 
set  up  by,  393,  394;  various 
accounts  of  his  death,  425- 
429 

Ris,  374 

Rivers  between  the  ' '  Riviere  de 
Mai"   and  Port   Royal,   394- 

399 

Robadan,  Pedro  de,  his  mtitmy 
and  capture,  281 ;  Aviles  takes 
him  to  San  Felipe,  284;  and 
to  Spain,  290 

Robert,  "Maistre,"  78 

Roberval's  expedition  and  Spain 
22;  his  pilot,  122 

Rogel,  Father  Juan,  sent  to 
Florida,  266;  becomes  a 
Jesuit,  270;  sails  for  Florida 
with  Father  Martinez,  270; 
separated  by  a  storm,  270; 
reaches  Havana,  273;  Aviles's 
search  for  him,  273;  accom- 
panies Aviles  to  San  Antonio, 
277;  a  chapel  built  for  him, 
278;  his  work  there,  339; 
jealousy  of  the  shamans,  340; 
returns  to  Havana,  341;  joins 
Father  Segura,  344;     sent  to 


Santa  Elena,  347;  his  account 
of  the  Crista  Indians,  348; 
his  work  at  Crista,  350-352; 
withdraws  to  Havana,  353; 
reasons  for  his  failure,  353, 
354;  his  legend  of  the  Vir- 
ginia mission  crucifix,  365; 
expedition  to  relieve  the  Vir- 
ginia Jesuits,  366;  informs 
Aviles  of  death  of  Jesuits,  372; 
accompanies  Aviles  to  Axa- 
can,  ^72;  returns  with  Aviles 
and  IS  wrecked,  373;  reaches 
St.  Augustine,  374 

Rojas,  Alonso  de,  277 

Hernando  Manrique  de, 

245.  389.  399-401,  404; 
his  expedition  in  search  of 
Ribaut's  colony,  45-48; 
reaches  Florida,  46;  at  Santa 
Elena,  46;  finds  Rufin,  whom 
he  takes  to  Cuba,  47,  48; 
finds  and  destroys  Charles- 
fort,  48;  and  Laudonniere's 
expedition,  51 

Rojomonte,  389,  405 

Roman  Catholics  accompany 
Laudonniere,  53;  forbidden 
on  Ribaut's  second  expedi- 
tion, 95 

Rome,  Ga.,  447 

receives  news  of  French 

defeat  in  Florida,  313 

Rouen  citizens  arm  vessels  to 
plunder  the  Indies,  25 

Rueda  heads  mutiny  at  St. 
Augustine,  241 

Ruffm,  Guillaume,  394,  400,  401, 
404;  remains  at  Charlesfort 
and  rescued  by  Manrique  de 
Rojas,  47,  48;  accompanies 
Aviles  to  Guale,  245;  married 
to  chief's  daughter,  248;  be- 
trays French  interpreter,  250 

Ruidiaz  y  Caravia,  E.,  his  La 
Florida,  su  Conquista  y  Coloni- 
zacidn  examined,  v,  vi 


St.  Andrew's  Sound,  397 

St.  Anthony,  227,  239 

St.  Augustine,  156,  212,  254,  281, 
287,  289,  290,  341,  372,  376, 
401,  406,  439,  459;    Ribaut's 


Index 


493 


St.  Au^stine — Continued 

first  landfall  near,  32,  ;^^  ;  Lau- 
donniOre  at,  54;  Avilos  at,  154, 
155,  252,  284.  373;  founding 
of,  158-1O0;  first  site  of,  159; 
Bartolomc  left  in  charge  of, 
169;  French  ship  brought  to, 
188;  arrival  of  Aviles  from 
capture  of  Fort  Caroline,  188, 
189;  French  prisoners  from 
Matanzas  sent  to,  194;  return 
of  Avilcs  to,  194;  discontent 
at,  225;  supposed  western 
waterway  to,  226;  Avilcs 
reaches,  240,  242;  mutinies  at, 
240,  241,  244,  262,  293,  359; 
Las  Alas  returns  to,  242; 
burning  of  magazine,  251; 
the  site  changed,  252,  253; 
Arciniega  at,  255;  second 
change  of  site,  256;  depend- 
ence of  San  Felipe  upon,  261 ; 
settlers  at,  263;  Father  Marti- 
nez's ship  seen  from,  270; 
first  white  child  born  at,  294; 
Marques  at,  294;  famine  at, 
297;  Gourgues's  fleet  sighted 
from,  326;  Father  Segura  at, 
342;  destitution  of  the  set- 
tlement, 343;  San  Antonio 
garrison  transferred  to,  346; 
reason  for  absence  of  Jesuit 
mission  at,  346,  347;  condi- 
tion of  the  settlement,  355, 
377>  378;  garrison  reduced, 
357;  English  vessels  attack, 
374;  Drake's  attack  on,  379 

River  of,  390 

St.  Catherine's  Inlet,  398 

Saint  Cler,  M.  de,  167 

S.  George,  460 

St.  George's  River,  391 

S.  Helenae,  395,  396,  398 

St.  Helena,  Cape,  440 

St.  John's  River,  256,  287,  398, 
402,  406,  408,  412,  414,  431, 
43  2  ;  visited  by  Ribaut  on  first 
expedition,  ;i;i,  34;  Manrique 
de  Rojas  at  the,  46;  Laudon- 
niere  at  the,  54;  Saturiba's 
village  near  the,  55;  Outina's 
country  on  the,  62;  limit  of 
tidal  water,  62;  French  as- 
cend the,  75,  84;  Ribaut's 
fleet   at  mouth   of  the,    155; 


Avil<5s's  attempt  to  capture 
its  entrance,  158;  approach  to 
Fort  Caroline  from  the,  170; 
its  supposed  communication 
with  Gulf  of  Mexico,  226; 
expedition  up  tlie,  257,  258; 
Father  Martmez  reaches  vi- 
cinity of  the,  271 ;  second  ex- 
pedition up  the,  277,  282;  Las 
Alas  builds  two  blockhouses 
at  the  mouth  of  the,  297; 
Gourgues  informed  of  the 
blockhouses,  327  ;  attacks  and 
captures  them,  328-33  i ;  iden- 
tified with  the  "  Rjvidre  de 
Mai,"  390,  392,  393 

Bluff,  55.  407 

St.  Joseph's  Bay,  449 

St.  Lawrence  River,  212 

St.  Lucia  Island,  435 

Province  of,  433 

\ —  River,  435 

St.  Lucie  River,  224,  287 

St.  Martin  River,  449 

St.  Mary's  River,  392,  396,  397, 
454 

St.  Michael,  194 

St.  Nicolas,  Cape,  81 

St.  Phillip's  Island,  440 

St.  Quentin,  Battle  of,  129 

St.  Sebastian  River,  216  ^ 

Saint  Sulpice,  Jean  d'  Ebrard 
de,  115;  report  on  treasure 
fleet,  388 

St.  Vincent,  Cape,  12 

Salamon,  the,  89 

Salcedo,  Brother  Juan,  accom- 
panies Father  Segura  to  Flor- 
ida, 341 ;  and  Father  Rogel  in 
search  of  the  Virginia  Jesuits, 
366 

Salinacana,  397 

Saltilla,  397 

Salvatierra,  Brother  Pedro  Ruiz, 
accompanies  Father  Segura  to 
Florida,  341;  sent  to  Guale, 
344 

San  Antomo,  the,  147 

San  Antonio,  name  given  to 
village  of  Carlos,  239;  Aviles 
at,  255,  277,  278,  280;  Reyno- 
so  at,  276,  277;  garrison  in- 
creased, 280;  Father  Rogel 
stationed  at,  281,  339;  trou- 
ble with  the  natives,  340,  341; 


494 


Index 


San  Antonio — Continued 

one  of  the  three  remaining 
garrisons,  343;  Jesuit  mis- 
sionaries sent  to,  345 ;  aban- 
donment of  the  settlement  at, 
346 

— Cape,  326 

cian  Anton,  Rio  de,  45Q 
San  Cristobal,  Bahia  de,  459 
San  Felipe,  286,  287,  296,  343, 
347,  348,  355,  451;  founded, 
248 ;  Las  Alas  in  command  at, 
248;  relief  sent,  254;  Pardo 
sent  to,  256;  desertions  from, 
260;  arrival  of  Pardo,  con- 
dition of  settlement,  261; 
Aviles  at,  261;  Las  Alas  at, 
261;  Aviles  sails  for  Spain 
from,  290;  Marques  and  Las 
Alas  at,  294;  famine  at,  297, 
352;  Vandera's  effort  to  re- 
lieve it,  Indian  revolt  at,  352  ; 
garrison  at,  reduced,  Marques 
^-t,  357;  Aviles  reinforces, 
372;  condition  of  settlement, 
375-377;  Vandera '  s  govern- 
ment of,  377;  where  found, 
438-440;  Aviles's  two  visits 
to,  443 
San  Juan  de  Luz,  125,  130,  131 

de  Ulua,  125 

Fort,    Pardo  at, 

276,  294;  Boyano  in  com- 
mand, 276;  expedition  from, 
285;  distance  from  Chiaha, 
286;  reinforced,  296;  its  fate, 
296,  297 
San  Jusepe,  Bay  of,  226 
San  Lucar  de  Barrameda,  125, 

255,  270,  342,  371,  388 
San  Martin,  mines  of,  213,  295 
San  Mateo,  254,  255,  259,  261, 
281,  283,  287,  289,  334,  342, 
390,  393,  405,  430.  431.  439. 
444,  459;  Aviles  names  Fort 
Caroline,  180;  supplies  for, 
189,  192  ;  burning  and  relief  of, 
194,  213;  reinforcements  from, 
214;  suffering  and  discon- 
tent at,  225; supposed  western 
waterway  to,  2 26;  uprising  at, 
241-243;  begins  Indian  war, 
242;  Aviles  returns  to,  251, 
262;  Aguirre  at,  256;  Villar- 
roel    in     command    at,     257; 


vessel  sent  to,  277;  sup- 
posed waterway  communica- 
tion with  Tocobaga,  278, 
280;  Indian  attack  on,  297; 
Castellon  in  command,  297; 
Nunez  sent  to  relieve,  297; 
Gourgues  lands  near,  326;  his 
capture  of,  331-333;  notified 
of  Gourgues' s  approach  by 
Las  Alas,  331,  332,  reason  for 
absence  of  Jesuit  mission  at, 
346,  347;  Marques  at,  359;  no 
colonists  at,  378;  Spanish  ac- 
count of  Gourgues's  capture 
of,  454-457 

Rio  de,  59,  453 


San  Pedro,  condition  of  the  gar- 
rison, 356;  no  colonists  at, 
378;  where  situated,  356,  452- 

454 
San  Pelayo,  the,  142,   147,  150, 

156,  161,  163,  167,  431 
San  Salvador,  the,  161,  163,  167, 

431 
San  Vincente,  Captain,  and  the 
founding    of    St.     Augustine, 
159;  prophesies  Aviles's  fail- 
ure   to    take    Fort    Caroline, 
188;  kills  Ribaut,  199;  deserts 
Aviles,  244;    and  spreads  evil 
reports  of  Florida,  245,  259 
Sancta  Elena,  Rio  de,  399 
Sandoval,    Governor    of    Belle- 
Isle-en-Mer,     315;         Enveja 
complains  of,  316;    his  treat- 
ment of  Spanish  crews,  322 
Santa  Cruz  Island,  404 

Rio,  432,  435 

Santa  Elena,  256,  262,  275, 
276,  287,  288,  343,  368,  369, 
375,  380,  381,  401-403,  445, 
447,  451,  453.  459;  Ribaut's 
intention  to  settle  at,  31; 
Manrique  de  Rojas's  expedi- 
tion to,  45-48;  reaches  there, 
and  finds  many  Indian  vil- 
lages, 46;  Viceroy  of  New 
Spain  and  his  coiincU  report 
it  unfit  for  a  colony,  49; 
escape  of  members  of  Jean 
Ribaut's  fleet  to,  201,  245; 
Aviles  and  Las  Alas  at,  247; 
Aviles  at,  262,  372;  Jesuit 
missionaries  appointed  to, 
347;    epidemic   at,   349;  con- 


Index 


495 


Santa  Elena — Continued 

dition  of  settlement  at,  352, 
375-377;  garrison  reduced, 
357 ;  Vandera's  administration 
01,  377;  Franciscans  at,  382; 
where  found,  438-440;  Avilcs's 
two  visits  to,  443 

Fort      (Chiaha, 

Georgia),  286 

Indians,     their 

disposition     towards     French 
and  Spaniards,  372 
Santa  Helena  (river),  398 

Sound,   402,   405 

Santa  Lucia,  experience  of  the 
colony  at,  224,  225,  239; 
mutiny  at,  240;  famine  at, 
343;    its  site,  433,  434 

Rio  de,  432 

Santa  Maria,  Bay  of,  212,  366; 
expedition  to,  its  fate,  259; 
Jesuit  mission  to,  360—366; 
Avilcs  at,  372,  373  ;  visited  by 
Marques,  381 ;  identified  with 
Axacan  and  Chesapeake  Bay, 
459-461 

Fray  Domingo  de, 

on  Dominican  missions,  266 
negro  population 


of,  14 

Santa  Martha  plundered  by 
French  pirates,  22 

Santander,  383 

Santiago,  Cabo  de,  459 

de     Cuba,     sacked     by 

Jacques  de  Soria,  22;  Fort 
Caroline  mutineers  capture 
vessel  bound  for,  82;  French 
prisoners  at,  released,  322 

Knights  of,  Aviles  ap- 
pointed to  the  commandery 
of  the  Holy  Cross  of  Zarza  of, 
292 

Pedro  de,  sent  to  spy  out 

French  designs  on  the  West 
Indies,  20;  visits  French  coast 
20;  interview  with  Jacques 
Cartier,  21 

Santo  Domingo,  12,81,  219,  220, 
254,  288,  236;  Avilcs's  fleet 
at,  115,  153;  Miranda  sent  to, 
151;  Aviles  sends  ships  to, 
163;  women  and  children 
from  Fort  Caroline  sent  to, 
180,     192,    431;        assistance 


from,  223;  governor  of,  244; 
search  at,  for  Father  Rogel, 
273;  Aviles  supposed  to  be  at, 

301 

SajKjllo,  397 

Sarabay,  328 

Saravay,  448 

Sarope,  Lake,  416 

"Sarr()j)e,"  Lake,  411,  412 

Sarvauahi,  395 

Sassafras,  account  of  the,  379, 
380 

Satapo,  295,  296,  451 

Saturiba,  288,  326,  412;  receives 
Laudonniere,  54;  various 
forms  of  his  name,  54;  his  vil- 
lage, 55,  62;  asks  assistance 
against  Thimogoa,  77;  de- 
ceived by  Laudonniere,  77,  78; 
San  Mateo  mutineers  incite 
war  against,  242;  his  ally  Ma- 
coya,  258;  continues  war  with 
Spaniards  258,  282;  his 
interview  with  Aviles,  283; 
successful  campaign  against 
Aviles,  284;  his  war  with  Ou- 
tina,  294;  attacks  San  Ma- 
teo, 297  ;  assists  Gourgues,  327 

village  of,  353 

Saturn va,  414 

Satvriona,  414 

Sauana,  224 

Sauapa,  447 

Savannah  River,  275,  276,  286, 
294.  397-399.  438,  444.  446, 
452 

Sedeno,  Father  Antonio,  ac- 
companies Father  Segura  to 
Florida,  341;  sent  to  Guale, 
345;  returns  to  Havana,  353; 
sent  to  Mexico  and  the  Philip- 
pines, 373 

Segura,  Father  Juan  Bautista 
de,  Rogel  awaits  him  at 
Havana,  341;  selected  with 
other  Jesuits  for  Florida,  341; 
reaches  St.  Augustine,  342; 
assists  the  garrison,  343; 
joined  by  Father  Rogel,  344; 
goes  to  Havana,  344;  and  to 
Tegesta,  345  ;  plans  his  Florida 
mission,  346;  sends  mission- 
aries to  Santa  Elena  and 
Guale,  347;  goes  to  Guale, 
348;       his    Virginia    mission, 


496 


Index 


Segura — Continued 

360-366;  sails  for  Chesapeake 
Bay,  360;  reaches  Axacan, 
361;  establishes  the  mission, 
363;  his  death,  364;  arrival 
of  relief  ship  and  its  return  to 
Havana,  366;  Aviles  learns  of 
fate  of  his  mission,  372;  its 
site,  461-464 

Seine,  34,  395,  396,  454 

Seloy,  54,  158 

Sena,  453,  454 

Sequena,  395,  396,  454 

Sessa,  Carlos  de,  Philip's  reply 
to,  133 

Seville,  180,  259,  270,  301,  323 

Archbishop  of,  148 

Cardinal    of,    advice    in 

respect  to  Cartier's  third  ex- 
pedition, 21 

' '  Golden  Tower  "  of,  136 

Sharks  Head    and   Tail    River, 

435 

Shoulder  of  Mutton,  the,  96 

Silva,  Diego  Guzman  de,  Span- 
ish ambassador  to  England, 
instructed  to  notify  Eliza- 
beth of  expulsion  of  French 
from  Florida,  310;  his  inter- 
view with  her,  311,  312;  his 
reference  to  the  death  of  Jean 
Ribaut,  429 

Silver  mines,  295 

of  the  Cherokees, 

Sissipahaw,  447 

Skull  Creek,  399,  405 

Slave  Trade,  John  Hawkins  and 
the,  89;  Gourgues's  apparent 
purpose  the,  325 

Smoky  Mountains,  447 

Smuggled  treasure  imported  into 
Spain,  3 88 

Snake  River,  441 

Solameco,  286,  451 

Solis,  Brother  Gabriel  de,  ac- 
companies Father  Segura  to 
Florida,  341;  and  to  Chesa- 
peake Bay,  360;  sent  on  em- 
bassy to  Don  _  Luis,  363; 
killed  by  the  natives,  364 

Solis,  Dona  Maria  de,  affianced 
to  Avills,  121 

Soloy,  fort  at,  289 

Somme,  34,  395,  397 


Soria,  Jacques  de,  his  piracies  in 
the  West  Indies,  22 

Soto,  Hernando  de,  108,  275, 
284,  286,  291 

South  Carolina,  287;  maps  of 
the  French  colonies  in,  410; 
Pardo  in,  Vandera's  descrip- 
tion of,  295 

Indians,  403 


South  Edisto,  398 

South  Hillsborough  River,  432 

South  Sea,  212,  368 

Spain,  vii,  i...  xi;  6,  8-10,  12,  15- 
20,  24,  36,  38,  51,  95,  100, 
102,  103,  121,  132-134,  138, 
139,  143,  148,  163,  213,  25s, 
256,  259,  262,  282,  284,  287, 
289,  292,  299-301,  316,  318, 
334.  335.  341.  345.  356,  357. 
360,  371,  376,  382,  444;  her 
settlements  in  North  America 
in  I  s  6  2 ,  3  ;  her  commerce  with 
the 'West  Indies,  4,  5;  gold 
and  silver  imported  into,  5, 
388 

Spes,  Guerau  de,  Spanish  ambas- 
sador to  England,  his  account 
of  Gourgues's  return,  334 ;  pro- 
tests to  Catherine,  335 

Story  River,  401 

Stuckeley,  Thomas,  his  expedi- 
tion, 37—40;  assisted  by 
Ribaut,  37;  interview  with 
Quadra,  37,  38;  designs  on 
Florida,  39;  discovers  Ri- 
baut's  treachery,  39 

Sugar  cane,  143 ;  planted  at  San 
Felipe,  376 

Suwali  Indians,  446 

Swallow,  the,  89 

Swansea  Bay,  185 


Tacatacuru,  396,  452;  block- 
house at,  289,  356;  Father 
Martinez  killed  at,  272;  chief 
of,  punished,  290;  Gourgues 
lands  at,  326;  village  of,  353; 
garrison  reduced,  357  ;  its  site, 

452-454 
Tagaya,  445,  447 

Chiquito,  447 

el  Chico,  445,  447 

Talbot  Island,  59,  328 


Index 


497 


Talimcco,  286 

Talladega  County,  Alabama,  296 
Tallapoosa  River,  295 
Tampa  Bay,  229,  278,  287,  450; 
and  Tocobaga,  449 

Tanasqui,  295,  451 

Tasqui,  451 

Tasquiqui,  where  found,  295 

Tegesta,  287;  waterway  to  Lake 
Maymi,  258;  deserters  from 
San  Felipe  at,  260;  where  sit- 
uated, 260;  Avilds  at,  282, 
345 ;  Brother  Francisco  re- 
mains with  settlement  at,  282  ; 
his  work  at,  340;  Spaniards 
driven  from,  342,  343;  Father 
Segura  at,  345;  Spanish  gar- 
rison fmally  withdrawn  from, 
346;  and  Ays,  432;  its  site, 
440-442 

— Indians,   their   customs, 

260;  prisoners  of  Carlos,  rc- 
tumea  to  their  village,  281; 
accompany  Avil6s  to  Spain, 
284 

Tegestas,  58 

Teguesta,  441 

Teneriffe,  122 

Tequesta,  440 

Province  of,  433 

Tercera,  290 

Teruel,  Spain,  267 

Texas,  335 

Thou,  Jacques  Augusta  de,  ac- 
cuses French  Catholics  of 
betraying  Jean  Ribaut,  299 

Thimogoa,  Laudonniere  hears 
of,  56;  signifies  "enemy,"  56; 
name  "Timuqua"  derived 
from,  59;  visited  by  Ottigny, 
75;    Saturiba  goes  against,  77 

Tiburon,  Cape,  81,  409 

Tierra  Firme,  commerce  with 
West  Indies,  10;  origin  of  its 
fleet ,  11;  French  colony  in 
Florida  a  menace  to,  103; 
armada  of,  133 

Tiger,  the,  89 

Timoga,  408,  412 

Timookas,  ancient,  409 

Timooquas,  409 

Timuqua,  derivation  of,  59; 
where  found,  407 

Timuquanan  Indians,  French 
reports  of  the  great  age  they 
**— 32 


attain.  56;  thievishness,  56; 
their  country  and  settlements, 
58,  59;  their  customs,  60-74; 
appearance,  60;  tattooing,  60; 
dress,  60;  abstemiousness,  61 ; 
honesty,  61;  women,  6i; 
hermaphrodites,  61;  chiefs, 
62;  confederacies,  62;  gentes, 
63  ;  shamans,  63  ;  their  cures, 
64 ;  villages,  64 ;  plantings,  65  ; 
storehouses,  65;  drink,  66; 
winter  occupation,  66;  fish- 
ing and  hunting,  66,  67  ;  coun- 
cils, 67;  religion,  67;  human 
sacrifice,  68;  witchcraft,  68; 
superstitions,  69;  marriage 
customs,  69,  70;  burial  cus- 
toms, 69,  71;  mode  of  fight- 
ing, 71-73,  251,  252 ;  shamans 
consulted  on  war-path,  72; 
treatment  of  enemy,  73  ;  scalp 
ceremony,  73;  training  of 
boys,  74;  industries,  74;  ac- 
company Avil^s  to  Spain, 
284;  region  inhabited  by,  lan- 
guage, 407 ;  villages,  408 

Toana,  446 

Tobacco  pipe  used  by  Indians, 
90,  91 

Tocae,  451 

Tocalques,  295,  451 

Tocar,  451 

Tocax,  451 

Toccoa,  295 

Tocobaga,  62,  234,  287,  296;  its 
waterway  to  San  Mateo,  278, 
280;  Avil6s's  expedition  to, 
277-280;  garrison  left  at,  280; 
its  fate,  342;  where  situated, 
448-450 

Indians,  burial  custom, 

280 

Toco-baja,  448 

Chile,  448 

Tocobogas,  River  449 

Tocovaga,  448,  449 

Togabaga,  449 

Toledo,  133,  269,  342 

Archbishop  of,  131 

Toral,  Francisco  de.  Bishop  of 
Yucatan,  Avil^s  asks  him 
for  missionaries,  274;  assists 
Father  Rogel  at  San  Antonio, 
339 

Tordesillas,  treaty  of,  17 


498 


Index 


Tortugas,  228 
Tours,  114,  299 
Toxaway,  295 

Trades  represented  in  Avil^s's 
first  Florida  expedition,  142, 

147 

Treasure  fleet,  foreign  know- 
ledge of  its  sailing,  8;  ex- 
posed to  piracy,  9 ;  measures 
taken  to  protect,  ii,  12; 
course  taken  by,  12;  French 
expeditions  to  plunder  the, 
1 01;  French  occupation  of 
Florida  a  menace  to  the,  103- 
105;  sailing  delayed  through 
fear  of  French,  322;  value  of 
treasure  carried  by,  388 

Trinity,  the,  96,  100,  155,  156, 
164,  195,  214,  215 

Troyes,  peace  of,  44 

Trout,  the,  96 

Trout  Creek,  408 

Tucururu,  59 

Turk,  Florida  sold  to  the,  109; 
moving  on  Malta,  146 

Turks,  303 

Tuscaloosa,  Alabama,  296 

Tybee  Roads,  401 


U 


Union,  the,  96 

Urdaneta,   Andres   de,   informs 
Avil^s  of  Northwest  passage, 

259.  463 
Urnparacusi,  62 
Uscamacu,  444 
Ushery,  447 
XJsi,  447 
Usta,  47 
Utina,  provincia  de,  448 


Vaez,  Brother  Domingo,  see 
Brother  Domingo  Augustin, 
341 

Valdes,  Diego  Flores  de,  accom- 
panies Avil^s's  first  Florida 
expedition,  146;  at  first 
Matanzas  massacre,  190;  fer- 
ries over  the  French  prisoners, 
198;  leaves  for  Spain,  213; 
informs  Court  of  destruction 
of  French  in  Florida,  300;  his 


story  about  Jean  Ribaut,  3,05; 
to  follow  Avil^s  to   Florida, 

371 

Valdez,  Pedro  Men^ndez  de,  ac- 
companies Avilds's  first  Flor- 
ida expedition,  148;  prior 
service,  149;  attack  on  Fort 
Caroline,  172 

Valencia,  269 

Bishop  of,  307 

University  of,  267,  270 

Valladolid,  130,  133,  342 

Vallemande,  424,  425 

Vasalenque,  Antonio  Garcia,  his 
account  of  Jean  Ribaut' s  sur- 
render and  death,  428,  429 

Vasseur  ascends  St.  John's  River 
75;  visits  Audusta,  84;  at 
Fort  Caroline,  201 

Vaucelles,  truce  of,  23,  128 

Velasco,  Diego  de,  married  to 
Maria  Men^ndez  de  Avil^s, 
384 

Doctor  B.,  131 

Juan  L6pez  de,  his  ac- 
count of  the  Caloosas,  230;  of 
the    Tegestas,   260;    his  Geo- 


grafia  y  Descripcion  Universal 
de  las  Indias,  381 

Luis  de.  Viceroy  of  New 


Spain,  directed  to  report  on 
fitness  of  Santa  Elena  for  set- 
tlement, 49;  and  the  Indian, 
Don  Luis,  259 

Luis  de,  the  Virginia  In- 


dian, his  history,  259,  458; 
in  Spain,  360;  accompanies 
the  Jesuit  mission  to  Axacan, 
and  betrays  it,  360,  361,  363, 
364;  with  Avil^s  at  Havana, 
463 

Venddme  (Antoine  de  Bourbon), 
assists  Ribaut 's  first  Florida 
expedition,  31 

Venezuela,  negro  population  of, 

14 

Vera  Cruz  negro  population  of, 
14 

Verrazano,  Giovanni  da,  cap- 
tures treasures  of  Cortes,  9; 
his  expedition,  19;  French 
claim  founded  on  his  discover- 
ies, 118 

Verrazano 's  sea,  410 

Vetachuco,  291 


Index 


499 


Victoria,  the,  147 

Villafane,  Angel  de,  403 ;  con- 
sulted on  fitness  of  Florida 
for  colony,  49;  at  region 
settled  by  the  French,  107; 
near  the  Chesapeake,  260 

Villareal,  Brother  Francisco  de, 
sent  to  Florida,  266 ;  sails  with 
Father  Martinez,  270;  sepa- 
rated by  a  storm,  270;  reacnes 
Havana,  273;  Avilds's  search 
for  him,  273;  accompanies 
Avil^s  to  San  Antonio,  277; 
studies  the  Tcgesta  language, 
281;  remains  there,  282;  suc- 
cess of  his  labours,  340;  In- 
dians destroy  his  crosses,  343 ; 
sent  to  San  Antonio,  345; 
sent  to  Guale,  347 

Villarroel,  Gonzalo  de,  at  San 
Mateo,  180;  and  the  mutin- 
eers, 241,  242;  leaves  with 
Avil^s,  252;  in  charge  at  San 
Mateo,  257;  accompanies 
Avil^s  to  St.  Augustine,  262; 
imprisons  captured  Indians  at 
San  Mateo,  282 

Villegaignon,  Nicolas  Durand, 
Chevalier  de,  reported  to  have 
seized  a  Spanish  port  in  the 
West  Indies,  on  his  Brazil 
expedition,  23;  sent  by  Col- 
igny,  29 

Villimar,  College  of,  342 

Virginia,  361,  459,  460;  Jesuit 
mission  to,  360-366 

Bay  of,  460 

Visitador  of  the  Casa  de  Con- 
tratacion,  his  duty,  ii 

Vivero,  290 

Vlina,  414 

Vtina,  414 

w 

Wales,  South,  185 

Ware,  Lake,  411 

Wassaw  Sound,  401 

Wateree,  276,  447 

Waxhaw,  447 

West  India  treasure  fleet,  see 
Treasure  fleet 

West  Indies,  commercial  rela- 
tions with  Spain,  4;  with 
Honduras  and  Tierra  Firme 


10 ;  gold  and  silver  export  ,15; 
supply  of  maps  of,  to  f<jreij^- 
ers  prohibited,  7;  maps  of, 
and  descriptive  books  sup- 
pressed, 7;  records  of  dis- 
coveries in,  7 ;  first  olTicial 
map  published,  7;  exclusion 
of  foreigners  from,  8;  Portu- 
guese bribe  Spanish  pilots  to 
show  the  way  to,  8;  secretly 
visited  by  trench  pilots,  8; 
Bahama  Channel,  the  path- 
way of  its  commerce,  12; 
negro  population  of,  and  its 
danger,  14-15;  French  aggres- 
sion in,  measures  taken  to 
prevent  18-23;  Spanish  se- 
cret agents  spy  out  French 
designs  on,  20,  23;  Spain's 
ambassador  reports  French 
designs  on,  22,  23;  French 
pirates  in,  22;  omission  of 
reference  to,  in  treaty  of 
Cateau-Cambr^sis,  24;  French 
prohibition  respecting  naviga- 
tion of,  25  ;  French  licences  to 
visit,  25;  Chant  one's  protest 
against  French  aggression  in, 
and  reply  thereto,  25;  vessels 
equipped  in  Normandy  and 
Brittany  to  plunder,  25,  26; 
French  occupation  of  Florida 
a  menace  to  the,  103-105, 
108;  Avil^s's  first  voyage  to, 
127;  second  voyage  to,  133; 
third  voyage  to,  134;  his  com- 
merce with,  144,  145;  his 
reinforcements  from,  146; 
fourth  voyage  to,  149;  first 
Jesuit  mission  to,  266;  Avilds 
to  command  fleet  to  protect 
navigation  of,  292;  Coligny's 
designs  upon  the,  306;  im- 
portance of  Florida  for  the 
navigation  of  the,  320; 
Gourgucs  in  the,  326;  Avilds's 
fifth  voyage  to,  370;  Monar- 
des's  treatise  on  the  medicinal 
plants  of  the,  379 

fleet  of  the,  122, 


123;  its  captain-general,  123- 

126 
Worth,  Lake,  435 
Writing  paper,  scarcity  of,  at  St. 

Augustine,  294 


500 


Index 


Xacan,  459-461 

Xatamahane,  461 

Xatillon,  Cardinal,  reported  to 

be  interested  in  Laudonniere 's 

expedition,  52 
Xerez  de  la  Frontera,  364 
Xuala,  446 

Y 

Yaguana,  92,  179,  224 
Yanahume,  46 
Ylacco,  393 
York  River,  464 


Ysa,  275,  445-447 
Ys,  Rio  de,  432 
Yucatan,  239,  244 
Yuchees,  445 


Zacatecas,  295 

mines  of,  213 

Zarza,  Holy  Cross  of,  292 
Zaval,  Vasco,  hostage  at  Gnale, 
247  ;   in  charge  at  San  Mateo, 
252;      trouble  with   Aguirre, 
256 
Zuara,  448 


A  Selection  from  the 
Catalogue  of 

C.  P.  PUTNAMS  SONS 

Complete  Catalo|(ue  eeiit 
on  application 


Christopher  Columbus 

His  Life,  His  Work,  His  Remains 

As  Revealed  by  Original  Printed  and  MSS.  Records,  together 

with  an  Essay  on  Peter  Martyr  of  Anghera  and  Bartolom^ 

de  las  Casas,  the  first  Historians  of  America. 


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Letters  of  Cortes 

The  Five  Letters  of  Relation  from  Fernando  Cortes 
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information  on  Mexican  conquest.  The  present  version  has  been  translated 
throughout  by  Mr.  MacNutt,  who  has  rendered  the  cumbersome  sixteenth- 
century  Spanish  of  Cortes  in  readable  English.  Mr.  MacNutt  is  well  fitted 
for  his  task,  having  been  a  devoted  student  of  Spanish  literature  since  his 
boyhood,  when  he  was  initiated  into  Spanish-American  history  under  the 
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WORKS   ON  AMERICAN    HISTORY 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON.  PATRIOT,  SOLDIER,  STATES- 
MAN, FIRST  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES 

By  JAMES  A.   HARRISON 
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ABRAHAM  LINCOLN,  AND  THE  DOWNFALL  OF 
AMERICAN  SLAVERY 

By   NOAH    BROOKS 
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ULYSSES  S.  GRANT  AND  THE  PERIOD  OF  NATIONAL 
PRESERVATION  AND  RECONSTRUCTION 

By  WILLIAM   CONANT   CHURCH 
Late  Lieut.-Colonel  U.  S.  A. 

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ROBERT  E.  LEE  AND  THE  SOUTHERN  CONFEDERACY 

By   PROF.    HENRY   ALEXANDER  WHITE 
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